Anthropology and cosmology of St. Gregory Palamas (using the example of homilies)

The monograph is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the collection of sermons, or homilies, of St. Gregory Palamas, Archbishop of Thessaloniki (c. 1294–1357), teacher of silence, the largest ascetic ascetic, church thinker and preacher of Palaiologan Byzantium. For the first time in world Byzantine studies, on the basis of this source, the cosmological, anthropological and “sociological” views of the author are considered as a systematic whole, which achieves a double goal - the homilies are analyzed simultaneously synchronically (as a source on the social history of the city of Thessalonica and, more broadly, the Byzantine Empire in the 14th century) and diachronically (as one of the most important evidence of the self-awareness of the Eastern Christian patristic tradition at the late Byzantine stage) aspects. A concise outline of the history of Eastern Christian cosmology of the 1st–14th centuries is proposed. For the first time, the issue of the language of Palamas' sermons and its means of expression is considered. A detailed bibliography is provided. As an appendix, the author's translation of one of the earliest works of St. Gregory Palamas - “Three chapters on prayer and purity of heart.” For medievalists - theologians, philologists, philosophers, historians, as well as for everyone interested in medieval Orthodox thought and culture. The increasingly intensive development of modern historiography has led to the fact that many areas of the spiritual and intellectual history of Byzantium, which for many years remained “blank spots” (this is true primarily for domestic historiography), are now at the center of research. The history of religious thought rightfully belongs to these areas, the lack of knowledge of which Archpriest complained about. John Meyendorff in his famous book 1. I. V. Krivushin notes in this regard: “Until recently, the attention of domestic scientists focused primarily on the problems of “real” history, especially on the problems of the history of economic and political institutions of society, while the problems of the spiritual history of mankind were pushed to the periphery of research 2 . Today, hardly anyone doubts that it is precisely this sphere of religious thought and religious art (along with the preservation and transmission of ancient cultural values) that Byzantium owes its exceptional significance, depth and strength of semantic content and value “charge” to its impact on human civilization. After historical science realizes its state as a crisis, a natural understanding comes that in order to overcome the consequences of such a “shift in orientation”, which gives rise to a distorted vision of historical processes, it is necessary to change both the picture of the world that underlies the models of the past developed by this science, and research methods. The prerequisites for such a paradigm shift - both methodological and spiritual and worldview - are deeply rooted both in Russian science and culture in general, and in the experience of world historiography. Celebrated since the 1960s. the desire for the interpenetration of problem fields, principles and methods of history and related sciences 3 owes its genesis not least to the expansion and deepening - totalization - of the very concept of “historical” in the works of L.P. Karsavin, P. M. Bicilli, E. H. Trubetskoy, M. Blok, J. Huizinga, C. Beard, A. J. Toynbee, representatives of cultural anthropology, C. Lévi-Strauss and others. 4 On this path, Russian thought did not lag behind the world, no less sensitively than the latter, capturing the universal trends in the evolution of the spiritual sciences. In particular, E. N. Trubetskoy (1918), almost a quarter of a century before M. Blok (1941), wrote: “There is no history outside consciousness (author’s italics - D.M.)” 5. These considerations and intuitions of insightful scientists and thinkers are being revived and filled with new meaning in the modern general scientific context. To confirm this, we cite two striking statements from representatives of adjacent areas of humanities. The first of them belongs to the greatest modern philologist, semiotician and culturologist V. N. Toporov. “The science of history has reached a point in its development when it must inevitably meet with that complex of modern ideas that in recent decades have significantly transformed many areas within the broad sphere of the humanities. History cannot ignore this range of ideas.” 6 The conclusion of V.N. Toporov sounds encouraging: “The new range of ideas that the science of history is now encountering is intended to help it determine the ways and forms of meeting with other leading areas of knowledge and thereby restore the once lost unity of the picture of the world” 7 . These lines were written in 1971 (see ibid.), when there was every reason to doubt the feasibility of what was said. And already in 1988 another outstanding scientist, musicologist and psychologist V.V. Medushevsky insightfully and prophetically wrote: “The logic of integrative knowledge requires a one-time embrace of the totality... culture, nature, man as an integral subject of study, a vision of world lines passing simultaneously through the heart of a person and through all sides of this single subject (how can one not remember Heine! - D. M.), the harmony of the antinomic (many-one, unique on the basis of the universal, continuous-discrete, etc.), shining in all facets of the subject and the very method of cognition (our italics - D. M.)” 8. In the same article, the concept of “essential human powers” ​​is introduced and justified in detail, which is necessary for analyzing the deep structures of a person’s spiritual potential in all their diverse and indivisible integrity. Of course, this vision of man as the main component of history rests on the recognition of the primacy of the generative and creative power of spiritual and cultural-psychological factors of the historical process, on the recognition that “history is created in the depths of the human spirit...” 9 as if echoing these “voices from afar” and explaining what they said in a simpler and more familiar language of strict science to Western readers, the great English classical philologist Erich R. Dodds wrote: “The evolution of culture is too complex a phenomenon to be fully explained in terms of any simple formula, economic (Marx) or psychological (Freud). It is necessary to resist the temptation to simplify what is not simple” 10. In 1997 (to complete our selective review), L. A. Serebryakova’s article “Culture as Spiritual Integrity” 11, written taking into account the experience of the above currents of thought, was published, where the unity of human history and culture (considered within the framework of national cultures) is justified by the unity of the spiritual-semantic core and center of culture, the nature of the revelation it received. The great creations of great cultures differ from extras in that they express their era with a depth and stereoscopic coverage of world processes accessible only to them - in all its integrity and inconsistency. And perhaps A. V. Mikhailov spoke about the same connection between a separate cultural phenomenon and the core of the people’s spirit, with people’s history and fate in a more familiar and Hegelianly objectified language: “A work is meaningless if it... does not begin to sound the fate of the people in its history” 12 . This kind of work can be approached under the condition of combining two approaches in one, two-pronged attitude of a cultural researcher, one of which - analytical - would be aimed at maximum historical and philological accuracy when analyzing the source material available to this researcher (analysis, which is based primarily on the operation of translating an original text into the language of the researcher 13 , and the other - synthetic - at the depth of penetration into the meaning of the text 14 ; only with such penetration can we talk about interpretation source. And yet, there is a class of texts, any appeal to which cannot but be an approximation - to the extent of our own understanding - to their semantic essence. That is why we consider it necessary and promising, along with the use of the ensemble of methods of traditional Kultur-und Geistesgeschichte, to appeal to the experience of modern “understanding historiography”, which - like the term itself - is increasingly used in modern humanities 15. Ivanov, one of the founders (in modern times) of this trend, “it is possible to anticipate the desired accuracy of aesthetic (as well as historical, religious and other - D.M.) analyzes not so much by the conventional scientific language of description, but by the depth of insight into the essence of the subject” 16. Such depth can, in our opinion, be anticipated by the realization that in highly organized rhetorical religious, philosophical, artistic, mythological texts of great cultures, not a single word, statement or seemingly casually dropped thought can be accidental: everything is subordinated to the general tasks and semantic guidelines of the text, which, in turn, correlate with the deep dominants of the author’s worldview. (A special point of study here is the question of the relationship of this worldview with the picture – or model – of the world, characteristic of the culture as a whole; see the final section of the Introduction). Therefore, the primary step on the path taken by the historian to the layers of meaning embedded in the depths of the text will be the awareness of the systematicity and interconnectedness of all the author’s statements in the text or a set of closely interconnected texts - interconnectedness that reflects precisely this correlation with the fundamental ideological attitudes of the author and flows from this correlation. Therefore, when studying this kind of texts, “it is necessary,” as Yu. M. Lotman points out, “to restore the connection between concepts and statements, build them into a system, and generalize this system itself to the understanding of the main ideological oppositions that determine the structure of the worldview of a given figure” 17 . In other words, the meaning, sometimes implicitly present in a variety of structures (elements) of the text, can become explicit in the process of studying the text as an integral structure. At the same time, in order to detect and reveal these structures themselves (for example, assessments, characteristics, authorial doubts, thoughts, hesitations, confidence or uncertainty when defining something, etc.), a kind of “preliminary clearing” of the text is required (which is served, for example, by the narratological method increasingly used by modern historians; see: Chapter 4.1); This is the way to understand the meaning of the work. Thus, through: (a) analysis of each individual text (from the existing and predetermined set of the latter - for example, church historians, preachers, epistolographers, chroniclers, panegyrists, etc.) it becomes clear: (b) a set of common ideological, emotional, worldview, spiritual-psychological, etc. features inherent in the era as a whole; its general ideological vectors. The question is to determine what kinds of texts are key to solving certain problems. In this work, we limit ourselves to the class of tasks of the first kind, namely, speaking in the most general terms, an attempt at a holistic systemic analysis and interpretation (the concept of interpretation, as already mentioned, we associate with penetration into the meaning of the text) of one interconnected group of texts - the homilies of St. Gregory Palamas. Above we talked about the great creations of great eras; such for their era were the works of St. Irenaeus of Lyon; Cappadocians; Rev. Maximus the Confessor; Rev. Simeon the New Theologian... Just such a work, in many ways still unknown and not fully comprehended (despite their popularity among late Byzantine scribes - and, therefore, readers), are the homilies (see the following definition; the Russian translation - "Conversations" - is somewhat less accurate) of the largest Byzantine theologian and church thinker of his time - the Paleologian era - and one of the largest Fathers of the Orthodox Church – St. Gregory Palamas, Archbishop of Thessaloniki (Thessaloniki). According to recent convincing dating by A. Rigo, the years of the saint’s life fall on 1294 – 11/14/1357, and the years of archpastorship – on 1350–1357. (with a break in 1354–1355, when Palamas was captured by the Turks and took part in the Church Council in Constantinople), although the saint was appointed to the See of Thessalonica back in May-June 1347. 18 By homily we mean a sermon delivered to listeners in a church (or in a monastery, during a procession - for example, during the so-called stationary liturgy - etc.) with the purpose of instructing in the truths of faith and spiritual and moral influence on them, as well as on special occasions (the cycle “On Statues” of St. John Chrysostom); it is necessary to make a reservation that science has not yet developed any satisfactory classification of homiletical material (see Chapter 4). This is all the more unfortunate since the sermon is the oldest and perhaps the most developed genre of church eloquence, dating back to the times of the apostles 19 . Unfortunately, a general history of Byzantine homiletics has also not yet been written 20 . We will try to show, using the example of an analysis of the sermons of St. Gregory Palamas, that they are included - both ideologically and stylistically - in a single biblical-patristic tradition of philosophy and speculation, forming one of the final (on Byzantine soil) links in the continuous chain of proclamation and interpretation of the Gospel Gospel. Despite some controversial issues, modern scientists confidently document the connection between the homiletical heritage of St. Gregory Palamas with works created by him in other genres of church writing (“Triads in defense of the sacredly silent”, “Life of St. Peter of Athos”, “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters”, letters, etc.). A thorough source study, chronological, stylistic and spiritual-historical analysis allows Rev. John Meyendorff and R.E. Sinkevich (these scientists worked most hard to clarify the issue of dating the homilies of Palamas) to conclude that the homilies were created and pronounced in 1335–1357. ; Moreover, the Discourse on the Entry of the Mother of God into the Holy of Holies (No. 53) is the earliest in the collection of homilies and one of the earliest treatises of the teacher of silence. Perhaps at the same time (around 1337, as Meyendorff believes), homily No. 40 was created - “For the Beheading of St. John the Baptist”, which we, due to its importance, analyze separately (see Chapter 2.8) 21. One of the last (possibly spoken by the saint on his deathbed; cf. its dominant themes of mortality and illness) is the Thirty-first Homily, also important from a historical and theological point of view; as for the Sixteenth Homily, the time of its composition remains unclear; it was probably written in 1347–1348. 22 Considering the length of this homily - a treatise on the Incarnation - and its richness in theological ideas, it must be recognized that it was unlikely to be delivered to a general public; Most of the sermons - from among those that are directly related to the divine service of the annual circle - were read by the teacher of silence, presumably, several times - during the years 1350-1354, and then - after a year-long captivity from the Turks and a dispute with Nicephorus Gregoras in Constantinople - in 1355-1357. 23. Palamas' homilies thus cover the most important decades of the era of hesychast disputes, which in the light of today's knowledge can be fairly confidently dated to 1334–1368. 24, being a valuable source on the history - spiritual, social, socio-political - of this era. They are inseparable from the rest of the works of the teacher of silence and must be considered in the general context of his thought 25 . This idea is inextricably linked with the main trends of the hesychast ascetic and mystical theology of the Palaeologian era, as well as with the leading lines of Orthodox cosmology, anthropology, Christology and soteriology in the indissoluble unity of these aspects of the doctrine. Consider the teaching of St. Gregory Palamas about the world, man and society (in the form in which it was embodied in homilies) in the substantive unity of these aspects, as well as from the point of view of the relationship between the plane of expression and the plane of content (from this point of view, Palamas’s creations have not yet been analyzed in science) - the purpose of the book offered to the attention of the respected reader. Its achievement presupposes the formulation and resolution of a number of local tasks: to show the central place of anthropology 26 and Christology in the speculations and spiritual experience of the teacher of silence; reveal how Christology defines anthropology (in particular, the doctrine of imitation of Christ), and anthropology determines the doctrine of society and cosmology (as two additional subsystems of the doctrine of the world and creation); try to clarify the patristic and philosophical (Aristotle) ​​origins of a number of provisions of the cosmology and anthropology set forth by the teacher of silence; try to comprehend and present as a system the new things that Palamas’s teaching on society brings with it (outlined by the teacher of silence only in general terms); analyze the nature and reliability of specific information provided by the preacher about city life, everyday and ritual behavior, ideological and everyday attitudes and aspirations of the people of his era (1350s), relating to various strata of Thessalonian society 27 ; show with several examples (since the methodology of this kind of analysis in relation to preaching has not yet been developed in detail) how this interconnection and interweaving of ideas, formulations and speculations is reflected and expressed in the very language of the homilies; finally, another task, most closely related to the previous one, is to try to prove that this language itself represents a single interconnected whole, adapted initially (by the very flexibility of its vocabulary and syntax) and adapted (consciously or semi-consciously) by the preacher to resolve the problems facing him of contact with the audience and conveying the evangelical and patristic gospel to it. Fidelity to the spirit of this gospel ultimately determines the main thing in homilies - that inexhaustible spiritual depth, coupled with precision and subtlety (we would even dare to say - boldness) of individual formulations, which to this day continues to influence the consciousness of the reader. To summarize, we can say that the task we set – to consider homilies as a source of social and spiritual history at once – has been long overdue, but continues to remain relevant for modern science. This is the very task that, in fact, Meyendorff set before historians and theologians - researchers of the teachings and works of Palamas - when he wrote: “Even more than in his spiritual writings, the teacher of silence appears here (in homilies - D.M.) as a preacher of religious revival, based not only on mystical-monastic spirituality [centered around] the 28 Jesus Prayer, but on the fullness of church tradition, with its liturgical richness and the social obligations that it imposes on the Christian. When reading the homilies of Palamas, it becomes clear to what extent it would be wrong to consider this herald of the Byzantine hesychasts as a defender of some kind of spiritualistic esotericism 29 accessible to a select few. Ecclesiological reality 30, and this alone, is what the Byzantine monks strived for in their mystical tradition, wanting to make this reality more effective within the framework of the Church as a whole... ...The whole richness and diversity of [St.] Gregory’s preaching in Thessalonica becomes obvious... The collection of his homilies (actually a homilary, homéliaire. - D.M.) is an exceptionally rich source (une source abondante) of information about Thessalonica of a historical and social nature, and from a purely literary point of view (du simple point de vue littéraire) has an undoubted appeal (emphasis added). - D.M.)" 31 . Meyendorff here offers that understanding of homilies - systematically balanced and not scattered into particulars (preferable attention to individual places, plots, reminiscences, etc.), but filled with an understanding of the intentions of the whole, which seems to us convincing and undoubted - and all that remains is to follow it. Unfortunately, since then relatively little has been done in science to develop and specify these general provisions; Some neglect of homilies in general (and Palamas's homilies in particular) as a promising source for social, socio-political, socio-psychological, and finally, spiritual history remained until recently in historical science (cf. the historiographical section of the Introduction). Therefore, the program of a holistic historical, theological and philological analysis of the homilies of the teacher of silence outlined by Meyendorff has not been implemented to this day. Understanding the diversity and complexity of the tasks facing us and starting from the above-mentioned understanding of history as a holistic and organic unity of human individuals, spiritually supported at the macro- (society, social structures) and micro-level (individuals and groups of individuals) and revealed in all spheres of social and personal existence (economics, politics, culture, ideology), we consider it necessary to apply in our research the methods of the commonwealth of humanitarian disciplines: history, patrolology, philology, modern text linguistics and semiotics. Such a multifaceted toolkit is urgently required by the specifics of the subject of research itself. The main “problematic burden” lies in the area of ​​intersection of history and patrolology. We will try to highlight the most important problem blocks associated with each of the areas we listed above (when setting tasks) in order to, breaking them down into thematic groups, analyze in more detail the vast flow of historiography associated with the study of the corresponding range of topics; this will help to clarify and, where necessary, clarify the objectives of the upcoming research. The first of these problematic blocks that the researcher comes to grips with when starting to examine the homilies of St. Gregory Palamas, - handwritten tradition of homilies. This topic has not been studied more thoroughly by anyone than Meyendorff, 32 who came to the conclusion that the homilary of 63 sermons was formed very early: it came to us already in the most ancient manuscripts of the 14th century. 33, created shortly after the death of the saint. We note an inaccuracy in the corresponding PLP article, which, apparently, should be considered a typo 34 . In another dictionary entry, Meyendorff adds 35 that this collection of homilies was compiled by the disciples of St. Gregory, which raises no objections. We would like to additionally highlight just one point, namely, based on the research of R. E. Sinkevich 36 and on our experience of reading homilies, we make the seemingly obvious (and even naive) assumption that the collection in question was formed on the basis of St. Gregory Palamas: apparently, he specially prepared the text of his sermons, giving them a literary form. This idea is suggested by the repeated repetition of the same motifs in the text of homilies, and sometimes by direct self-citation (see examples in Chapters 1 and 2; we examine the style of homilies using individual examples in Chapter 4). An additional criterion for the reliability of such a conclusion can be the fact that some doctrinally important expressions coincide in the homilies and in the “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters” (this also applies to cases not noted by R. E. Sinkevich in his edition of the “Chapters”). For example, this refers to the designation of Paradise as “a place of pleasure (τοῦ χωρίου τῆς τρυφῆς)” 37 . To the collection of 63 homilies 38 in Russian translation by Archimandrite. Ambrose (Pogodin), the 64th was added (and it was placed at the end of the 2nd, not the 3rd volume of the publication, after two homilies printed by K. Ikonom and Bishop Arseny (Ivashchenko) 39 - Homilia on the Orthodox Faith 40. At the direction of the publisher of the translation 41, its text was translated from the English version printed in published by the Brotherhood of St. Mark of Ephesus in the Vineyard magazine in 1968. The Greek manuscripts of this homily are unknown (?): in any case, we do not find any information about them in Meyendorff’s book. But it should be recognized that the main provisions of the newfound homily are consistent with what St. Gregory Palamas said in other homilies, for example, in the Eighth 42. As for the complex history of the text of the homilies, it has been traced in general terms by Meyendorff, and from his analysis the conclusion seems to suggest itself that the printed text published by Min and Ikonom fairly reliably reflects the manuscript tradition; however, a critical edition of the homilies has not yet appeared that would take into account all the discrepancies in the manuscripts 43 . But, it seems, the text of the homilies would not have undergone any special amendments in this case, which justifies our attempt to publish the results of an analysis based on printed publications. Time will tell to what extent we are mistaken in our confidence. The next question that needs to be clarified when talking about homilies in connection with the spiritual-historical and socio-cultural environment that gave birth to them (which correspond, respectively, to the plane of diachrony and the plane of synchrony) is the question of the cultural situation of the era, which can be formulated differently (taking into account the Byzantine realities of that time - the mid-14th century, which is discussed in this book) as a question of humanism. Its importance for anthropology is obvious and undeniable; There are also long-standing debates regarding such concepts as “Byzantine humanism” and “Christian humanism” 44. What is the attitude towards the humanism of St. Gregory Palamas? This question is sufficiently fundamental that ways of its possible resolution have already been outlined here. It is necessary to agree with I.P. Medvedev 45 that humanism is inseparable from the general rise of culture of a particular country in a particular historical period. But is the cultural level of the famous figures of the hesychast movement really so low (and among them were such educated cultural figures, even by later European standards, as Patriarch Philotheus Kokkin and Emperor John VI Cantacuzene!)? And did St. really deserve it? Gregory Palamas, those accusations of obscurantism that are sometimes heard against him? 46 Without even touching on the well-known testimony of Patriarch Philotheus 47, let us turn to the texts. In the 25th chapter of the One Hundred and Fifty Chapters, Palamas, criticizing his opponents, lists the names of Euclid 48, Marinus, Ptolemy, Empedocles, Socrates, Aristotle and Plato 49. This list is far from being as comprehensive as compared to similar listings that we find in Byzantine astronomical works of that time (for example, in Theodore Meliteniot) (see Chapter 1.1.5); but what is striking is that Palama operates with the “average intellectual set” of basic (or even quite rare, like Marin) names easily and naturally. One may also recall that the text of the homilies mentions such figures of late antique culture as Philo and Josephus 50 and contains references to the treatise “The Method of Sacred Prayer and Attention”, the Homily on the Transfiguration of the Lord by St. John of Damascus (see Chapter 2.8), allusions to Aristotelian meteorology (Chapter 1.14), etc. This once again demonstrates that the Archbishop of Thessalonica possessed at the proper (although not maximum) level the astronomical, natural science, natural philosophy, historical and theological knowledge of his time; and if the latter have long been no longer questioned, the presence of the former was recently confirmed by the brilliant research of Fr. Robert E. Sinkevich 51 . What is the attitude of St. Gregory to humanism? To answer this question, as well as to summarize what was said above, it is necessary to clarify the very concept of “humanism” (in this case, we mean Christian humanism). In our opinion, three types of the latter are possible (and were formed in Byzantium during the 14th century). The first is what is most often called Christian humanism or simply “Byzantine humanism” (since vagueness in terminology cannot be avoided) 52 . We are talking not just about acquaintance with the wealth of ancient science and education, not only about systematic studies of studia humanitatis 53, but about their transformation into a factor in worldview and - as a consequence - about the blurring of religious consciousness and tolerance; speaking briefly - about such a combination of pagan and Christian elements in the worldview of one cultural figure, when the ancient absorbs and eliminates the Christian. Theodore Metochites, Nikephoros Humnus, Nikephoros Gregoras, Barlaam of Calabria, George Gemistus Plithon, Vissarion of Nicaea, Thomas Magister and others belong to this camp. Representatives of this direction achieved certain successes in rhetoric, philology and other sciences, but “...in the field of philosophical problems, the Byzantine humanists, perhaps, did not introduce anything particularly new in comparison with previous centuries of the history of Byzantium, and in comparison with antiquity" 54. Therefore, it would perhaps be more correct – following G. Hunger 55 – to call this current of “ancient Christian” humanism classicistic (or classicizing). Circles of humanists of this type, with their certain esotericism and elitism, 56 lacked the ferments of spiritual ferment that could become a truly popular ideology. Traditional Orthodoxy remained such in Byzantium 57 . The activity of the humanists - starting at least with Michael Psellus and John Italus 58 - was the apogee of the development of the second of the dialectically related movements in Byzantine culture, oriented towards secular philosophy and science. It was a kind of “antithesis” in relation to the “thesis” of traditional Orthodox culture. Many people were looking for synthesis - this was a problem posed by the era itself... In the memory of cultural figures of that time there were already excellent examples: on the one hand, the activities of the Great Cappadocians and Nemesius in the 4th century; on the other hand, a more ascetic and ordered in a strictly Christian spirit, the body of the theology of St. John of Damascus. These examples were precedents and provided food for the largely similar aspirations of the Byzantine Church of the Palaiologan period, the true exponent of which was St. Gregory Palamas. The tragedy of the first direction in humanism was that it never created, and was not able to create, any viable synthesis of ancient and Christian principles, being aimed not so much at the churching of science and at stimulating theological thought by imparting to it new impulses, scientific in nature and origin, but rather at pursuing its own elite goals (among which is the mastery of “secret wisdom”, etc.). Therefore, the conclusion of G. Schiro, which seems paradoxical at first glance, in essence, adequately reflects the situation that arose in the 14th century: “Palama turns out to be the same Byzantine as Gregoras - with the only difference that the second defended his right to be the exclusive heir of Greek profane culture, and the first - sacred” 59. This binary model dividing the Byzantine culture of the 14th century. on humanists and hesychasts - among those popular in science 60 And yet it does not reflect historical reality with due accuracy, losing sight, in particular 61, of the second - middle - trend in humanism, whose representatives sought a more balanced synthesis of both components of humanism. This is not about the absorption of the Christian element into the ancient one (in the worldview of representatives of this group), but about the involvement of a relatively wide range of data from the ancient tradition when developing certain aspects of the Christian picture of the world itself - in particular, when solving problems of astronomy. There is no conflict here between two worldviews, because they are in relation to each other, so to speak, in a complementary distribution: Christianity sets the general tone of speculation and spiritual mood, as well as a relatively limited set of basic principles (geocentrism, recognition of a finite universe), and the main specifics of astronomical and meteorological descriptions are made in accordance with ancient information and based on them. In other words, we observe in the work of scientists and thinkers of this group a certain openness to doctrines different from their own, and a sense of reverence for their own brilliant past; what is not here is the erosion of the religious foundations of the worldview. But this trend can hardly be considered a completed synthesis of the sacred with the profane, if only due to the fact that its representatives are quite few in number. This is Theodore Meliteniot, cleric of the Church of St. Sophia 62, as well as monks Joseph Rakendit and Maxim Planud. An essentially similar understanding of Christian humanism as a harmonious and not conflicting combination of pagan and Christian elements in the worldview of certain cultural figures of the Empire has already been expressed by J. Verpo, H.-G. Beck, X. Müller-Ashoff, I. V. Krivushin and others 63. Finally, the third branch of Christian humanism (it is important to emphasize once again that their identification is not a research abstraction, but only a fixation of ideological trends that developed in the era of the Palaiologans) includes St. Gregory Palamu. This is theocentric (Fr. Andre de Halleux) 64 or, more precisely, Christocentric (Arch. John Meyendorff, Metropolitan Athanasius Yevtich, Archim. Hierotheus Vlahos, etc.) 65 humanism, corresponding to the primordial principles of Christian consciousness, for which “... a person can be completely “human” only if he restores his lost unity with God” 66. All “external” - scientific, literary, philosophical work - cannot but be only the initial steps, Vorstufen, on the path to achieving the main goal of Christian existence: acquiring - with God's help - that depth of humanity, which became possible to see, comprehend and achieve only in Christianity: deification. On this path, the role of ancient science turns out to be purely auxiliary. It consists in developing the very language of cosmological, psychological, “social science” and other descriptions, its basic categories (such as “cosmos”, “order”, three forces of the soul, etc.), as well as in supplying a relatively small amount of scientific data, which together are intended to demonstrate that the world is the creation of a good Creator and that the heavens proclaim the glory of God. The very description of the world given in the works of representatives of this direction is intended to serve as a background and a kind of prelude to the formulation of this main task. This is the understanding of astronomy we find in St. Gregory Palamas. This does not mean that in his homilies we will not find a number of interesting and extraordinary comments on the topic being analyzed. To see their internal similarity, systematicity and how to understand and explain the system is the task of the historian. But here another fundamental remark arises. Is it even appropriate to talk about different types of humanism where there has been heated controversy between representatives of these types? Is it worth painting everything with the same paint, thereby inevitably simplifying the dialectics of the cultural-historical process? Should we not pay tribute to the autonomy of the series we have noted? Indeed, the concept of “humanism” is not distinguished by its specific content 67 . But if the most important criterion of humanism is the attitude towards man, his spiritual growth, personality and life path, then it should be recognized that the greatest “charge” of humanism lies in Christianity, and there is no reason not to recognize the views of Gregory Palamas as humanistic. If the question of the attitude towards ancient and, more broadly, any science and education in general, is at the forefront, then the trends we have identified can be called (preserving modern scientific terminology) classicizing (or antique), compromise (or middle) and, finally, church-conservative. Here a lot depends on the starting point. If we adhere to the first criterion, then for us church thinkers will be humanists, because they show man the spiritual path to the Creator, and their opponents will look like oppressors and persecutors of this kind of humanism; If we adhere to the position of those who say that true humanism lies in the emancipation of the individual and its liberation from the yoke of church dogma (and did the majority of the Byzantines of that time want such a “liberation”?), then for us humanists will be liberal thinkers and cultural figures. It is only important to see this multiplicity (without obscuring either the similarities or differences in the worldview of representatives of all three groups). By understanding it, we will be able to better understand the vicissitudes of the Byzantine (and European in general) history of those critical and in many ways fatal decades. These remarks bring us close to the next and most extensive block of problems, the consideration of which is given a central place in this book, namely, to the problems of meaningful interpretation of homilies. The problem of interpreting the homilies of the teacher of silence is inextricably linked with the analysis, interpretation and assessment of hesychasm and palamism in general, as well as with resolving the question of the relationship between these two phenomena of spiritual history. But the last question is only part of a broader problem - the relationship of Palamism with Church Tradition. Scientists' opinions on this matter varied; At the same time, it is clear that our perception and assessment of homilies as a historical and, more broadly, spiritual-historical source depends on one or another solution to this range of problems. The foregoing explains why it is most advisable to begin the consideration of this range of problems with the most concise possible presentation of its historiography. The following review makes no claims to either universality or completeness. In it we tried to briefly highlight only those areas of research thought that seem to us the most important. The modern scientific boom (if I may put it this way) in the study of Palamism, which is based on the activities of the Russian Orthodox diaspora in exile (G. A. Ostrogorsky (1902–1976), V. N. Lossky (1903–1958), Archpriest Georgy Florovsky (1893–1979), Archbishop Vasily of Brussels and Belgium Krivoshein (1900–1985), Archimandrite Cyprian Kern (1899–1961), Protopresbyter John Meyendorff (1926–1992) 68, already has a fairly extensive historiography and bibliography 69. The conclusion about the renaissance of this area of research, made half a century ago 70, is confirmed by the remarkable recognition of one of the leading modern Greek theologians and historians of the Church (including the Russian Orthodox Church), organically connected with the spiritual and cultural environment of “Russian Paris” in question and which he brilliantly characterized in his memoirs: “... in the circles of Russian theologians at the beginning of our (XX. - D. M.) century there was widespread interest both in a general analysis of patriotic thought and in an assessment of the theology of the last two centuries of the Byzantine Empire 71 . In St. Sergius (meaning the famous Institut de théologie orthodoxe St. Serge (named after St. Sergius of Radonezh) in Paris. - D.M.) there were obvious patrolological interests of precisely this kind, especially thanks to Fr. George Florovsky (1893–1979), who opened new ways of understanding patristic thought, O. Kern was the true successor of this tradition. Studying the spiritual predecessors of St. Gregory Palamas 72, Fr. Kern did essentially nothing else, but only emphasized those moments of an inextricable tradition that existed in the views and theological experience of the Greek fathers of the East. The turn of Greek theologians of the 50s to the study of Byzantine mystical theology undoubtedly had its origin in the work of Russian theology in this direction. Fundamental and fundamental research about. Kern and Ivan Feofilovich Meyendorff (1926–1992) about St. Grigory Palame, as well as the works of Vladimir Nikolaevich Lossky (1903–1958) and Archbishop Vasily Krivoshein, which should not be forgotten in this regard, opened up a truly new era, raising the foundations of patriotic studies to a higher theoretical level (our italics - D. M.)" 73. This contributed to the fact that “Domeyendorff's” works (with the exception of the fundamental studies of Father Irenaeus Oser, O.I. 74, one of the founders of the modern science of theology and spirituality of the Christian East) are today perceived as largely outdated. Nevertheless, let’s say a few words about them, because our duty is to remember our predecessors and be grateful to them for every iota, for every grain of knowledge delivered and transmitted to us. Without the painstaking work of several generations of scientists, scientific advances such as those achieved by several priests and scientists in “Russian Paris” would hardly have been possible. Perhaps the most important contribution to patrolology by Osaire himself was his first scientific publication (with a French translation and extensive commentary) of a source of paramount importance on the history of the late Athonite methods of mental work and continuous prayer - a small treatise “The Method of Sacred Prayer and Silence” on Athonite manuscripts 75 . The textuality of this work and the issues of its attribution are very complex 76 ; It is important for us to note only the enormous impact it had on Palamas. In Greece at the same time (first half of the 20th century), interest in the theology of St. Gregory Palamas, awakened by the solid (but now outdated, although for its time it gave a good introduction to the Athos hesychast tradition and the problems of hesychast disputes) work of the priest. G. Papamikhaila 77, only sporadically arose again. In this regard, it is worth noting the short report of V. Ioannidis at the Eighth International Congress on Byzantine Studies, held in Palermo in 1951. 78 Here the fundamental components of hesychast asceticism are highlighted and briefly analyzed - such as withdrawal from the world (into the desert or on the mountain), self-gathering (συνέλιξις) of the mind and its turning inward, prayer and contemplation of the light of God (the connection of the last action with the final deification of man is especially emphasized) 79 . This short work can (and should) be regarded as a kind of summary of an introduction to hesychast theology, addressed to the widest possible readership. Papamikhail himself emphasized the zeal with which Palamas directed the flock entrusted to him “to the haven of Christian perfection,” instructing the people in his homilies 80. In Romania, the works of Fr. Dumitru Staniloae (1903–1992), this, according to V. M. Lurie, “the patriarch of Orthodox theology” of the 81 20th century, and especially the later books and articles of the thinker. Here is the teaching of St. Gregory Palamas about the Tabor light and the energies of God is introduced into the broad context of Orthodox triadology and soteriology 82. It was these studies (along with the works of Meyendorff, Mantzaridis, Radovich, Sinkevich, Rigo) that determined the main line of study of Palamism and Hesychasm in the 20th century. They should be recommended to anyone who wants to become acquainted with the spiritual, ascetic and mystical depth of Orthodoxy. In Western European historiography (if we talk about its “pre-Meyendorff” period, chronologically correlated with the first half of the 20th century), the Catholic rejection of Palamism that dominated at the beginning of the century (J. Bois, M. Jugis, S. Guichardan) 83 begins by the 1940s. be replaced by a more benevolent attitude and an increasingly closer look at the foundations of Palamite theology (especially with regard to anthropology, soteriology and eschatology in their inextricable interweaving) - in the works of G. Wunderle 84, A. Vanzhe 85 and others. This tendency makes itself felt in the work of the German (apparently Protestant) scientist W. Kretschmer, published in the anniversary collection in honor of 600th anniversary of the death of St. Gregory Palamas 86; Among other materials in this collection are important works by Fr. Georgy Florovsky and Fr. John Meyendorff 87. As an example, let us cite the statement of J. Bois (1903), G. Wunderle (1949) and A. Vanger (1955): the change in assessments will thus become more obvious. For J. Bois there is no doubt that the only true theology is Catholic scholasticism. He declares this in a tone that does not allow for objections: “Besides the differences based on those relations that form the Divine Persons (sur les relations qui constituent les personnes divines), Catholic theology does not recognize any other difference in God, be it between the essence of God and its attributes, be it between His nature and the actions of this nature” 88. Further, the author joins the accusations brought against Palamas by the anti-Palamites and asks in bewilderment: “And really, didn’t it happen to them (the Palamites - D.M.) that they multiplied divisions in the Divinity to infinity and thereby seriously threatened the very principle of divine unity and simplicity?” 89 These reproaches, limited historically and generated by the inadequacy of the researcher’s point of view to the material he is considering, unfortunately, are sometimes repeated in our current literature (and this is in Russia, where Thomism has never had such an impact on the minds as in France!). However, it is unlikely that the hostility towards Palamas evident in the statements of a certain part of intellectuals can be explained by Thomism alone... 90 . However, already in the work of G. Wunderle, dedicated to the “psychology of hesychast prayer” and giving a fairly good description of the latter for its time, accompanied by historical and theological analysis, an “anthropological rehabilitation” of hesychasm is carried out, one of the first in the West. Summing up the results of the study, the author writes: “Hesychast mysticism is, first of all, an echo of the ancient Christian aspiration for constant presence before God (Gott stets gegenwärtig zu haben), the aspiration to make μνήμη Θεοῦ (memory of God. - D. M.) through repeated acts a continuous state of consciousness (zu einer immerwährenden Bewußtseinshaltung) and thanks to this to contemplate and do everything in the Divine light. This could be called one of the types of supernatural activism (von übernatürlichen Aktivismus) (our italics - D. M.) ... "91. The anthropological approach is quite characteristic of modern Western thought, making itself felt in the field of scientific research and interests (which is especially justified when addressing such “borderline” topics of anthropology, theology, history, etc., as the teachings of Gregory Palamas and related problems). And at the same time, in the West, a tendency was gradually gaining strength (clearly expressed, say, in the famous article by Cardinal C. Journet 92) to look at Palamas and palamism in an extremely general way, from the height of the last metaphysical foundations of being. This tendency found its clear expression in a review article by Fr. Antoine Vange, who writes: “... from the theology of grace, palamism became the metaphysics of the relations of the Absolute and the finite of an extremely general and universal nature.” 93. And then Vange asks a question vaguely reminiscent of Bois’s question, but devoid of the latter’s negative connotation: “Shouldn’t we, instead of seeing here (written regarding hesychast disputes. - D. M.) confrontation between East and West, rather see in this the opposition of the two main aspirations of the human spirit (l’opposition entre deux attitudes premières de l’ésprit humain) (meaning rationalism and mysticism. - D. M.)? 94 The question is thus transferred to the extremely general channel of metaphysics; but once upon a time you need to look at a subject like this – with an eagle’s eye, from a bird’s eye view, and not just from the position of a specialist in the history of a particular region in a particular historical period! At the same time, if we remember the observations on this subject by K. Krumbacher 95, we will see that the scientific thought of the West in the first half of the 20th century. - from the purely factual and heuristic side - has not made much progress in the study of Palamism. A truly scientific study of the subject was replaced in most cases by general philosophical and metaphysical discussions on the topic “about Palamism.” Research on the subject advanced more in terms of general philosophical criticism than in scientific epistemology, bringing with it the progress of historical and theological knowledge. The scientific achievements of this period, as well as subsequent ones, are largely related to the clarification of terminology and - thereby - to the development of an adequate research language (a language that is consonant, first of all, with the reality itself being studied, and not with research ideas about it). One of the most characteristic exponents of this trend among specialists in the spiritual history of Europe in general and Byzantium in particular was the Austrian philosopher, philologist and theologian, professor at the University of Graz, Endre von Ivanka (1902–1974). With a brief summary of his views on Palamism, it will be convenient to complete the conversation about the “pre-Meyendorff” stage of the historiography of the subject - because von Ivanka, perhaps like no one else, absorbed and embodied in his scientific work the strengths and weaknesses of the era under consideration in the history of science, the chronological scope of which can be limited with some convention to the period 1914–1959. During this period, the unified course of development of world science about St. Gregory Palamas and the era of hesychast disputes, in which at the first stage (1860–1914) the Russians and Greeks set the tone (K. Ikonom, G. Papamikhail) scientists and theologians (starting with the appearance in 1860 of the first monograph on Palamas by Abbot Modest (Strelbitsky)) 96 was interrupted by the First World War, which was followed by the closure of national schools, the growth of confessional biases and disagreements between them and the loss of a pan-European, so to speak, “vector” in the development of science. Implicitly (in the works of representatives of the Russian diaspora, as well as such professors as Wunderle, Vange, von Ivanka) those trends are maturing that in the third stage (since 1959) will become decisive and determine the development of world science in the global European-American-Asian space (USA, Canada, England, France, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland, Austria, Denmark, Sweden, Bulgaria, Serbia, Russia, Israel, Japan, etc.). Taking into account the above, we can try to imagine the periodization of the study of Palamism in modern times on a world-historical scale: I. 1860–1914 The initial stage of the scientific study of the theology of St. Gregory Palamas. The leading role of Russia and Greece in this process. II. 1914–1959/1960 Disagreements between national and (mainly) denominational schools. The gradual maturation of those problems and methods that will determine the third stage in the development of science, which continues to this day. III. Since 1959/1960 to this day. A worldwide surge of interest in the spiritual history of late Byzantium, and especially in the life and teaching of Palamas and the hesychast theologians (we will mention here only the names of St. Theoliptus of Philadelphia and Callistus Angelicud). Formation of a unified problem field and research methodology. Internationalization of the latter (let us point out, as an example, the substantive and promising works of Eiji Hizamatsu (Japan) 97 on the theology and ascetic practice of St. Gregory of Sinaite). The rise and spread of international journals (“Byzantinische Zeitschrift”, “Byzantion”, “Orientalia Christiana Periodica”, more recently “Christian East”, etc.). Let's return to E. von Ivanka, who was one of those who stood at the origins of the present - third - stage of research. The merit of this scientist is of primary importance - in establishing a precise terminological distinction between hesychasm and palamism - in an article of the same name 98. Hesychasm, in general, is rightly defined by the professor from Graz as a method of psychosomatic concentration that allows one to achieve a vision of the Divine Light 99 . Highlighting this aspect allowed von Ivanka to be one of the first in Western science to give a concise outline of the history of the development of the hesychast method of asceticism according to three most important sources - “The Method of Sacred Prayer and Attention”, the treatise of St. Nicephorus the Hesychast “On sobriety and guarding the heart” and “The Centurions” of Sts. Callista and Ignatia Ksanfopoulov. Thus, the identity of the methods proposed by these authors was clearly demonstrated and the spiritual and historical continuity between them was proven 100. The role of Palamas in hesychast disputes is regarded by von Ivanka - again rightly - as the development of a holistic theological teaching that justifies hesychast practice. “This doctrine of being, which arose precisely for the purpose of justifying hesychasm, but in itself does not necessarily have to be associated with every representative of hesychast mysticism 101 (just as they, for their part, also do not include this confession in hesychast mysticism), is rightly called - in contrast to hesychasm (i.e., from the mystical teaching and practice of hesychasts) palamism (author’s italics - D. M.)" 102 . Such a distinction was for its time a new and positive word in European science. However, after this, von Ivanka makes an attempt to reveal the philosophical background of Palamism, which, as he believes, is “unconscious platonism.” According to the scientist, Palamism in the new historical situation had to solve the same problems that the metaphysics of the great Hellene once did - namely, to give a new answer to the question of how a plural world, fragmented in its plurality, comes from the One God. It is important to note, however, that Palamism gave a new answer to the old question; however, according to von Ivanka, this answer was not new. In general, the scientist is inclined to recognize the divinity of energies, but considers them a kind of intermediaries between the Divine essence and the world, possessing (as is tacitly assumed) a lower ontological status than the transcendental essence of the Divine. In the author's thinking, therefore, there remain not completely overcome traces of anti-Palamite essentialism and eclectic Platonism (in the spirit of Philo), which presupposes the existence of some special intermediaries between God and the created world; These are also the spiritual and philosophical roots of Russian sophiology, about which extensive literature has recently appeared. Here are the words of von Ivanka: energies represent “a kind of intermediate sphere between the impregnable and motionless essence of God and the created world” 103; Palamism “...sought to elevate the doctrine of divine energies to the rank of dogma, not noticing that in the search for an ontological formula that would explain this emergence of multitude from unity, it was already following the path of Platonic thought” 104. Accordingly, the opponents of Palamas, with their rationalizing “analytics” of world existence in its relationship to the Uncreated, are counted by von Ivanka among the adherents of Aristotelianism 105 . Regarding this entire theory, two fundamental objections immediately arise, which were taken into account in the subsequent experience of world historiography. Firstly, the theological teaching of Palamas is precisely a theological teaching, arising from personal experience of relationships with the Living God and therefore can hardly be expressed in ordinary language, and not a philosophical concept 106. That essentialism, in the harsh forms of which von Ivanka seeks to describe and convey the thought of St. Gregory inevitably “straightens” this thought, depriving it of mystical depth and richness of shades. In itself, this essentialism represents one of the essential (if not the essential) features of the Aristotelian thinking of the Western intelligentsia, starting from the era of the mature Middle Ages and up to the New and Contemporary times. Nowadays, it is increasingly being overcome by modern Orthodox theology (Arch. John Meyendorff, Most Reverend Amphilochius (Radovich), Father John Romanidis, E. J. Sopko and others) 107 in favor of greater consonance and - moreover - restoration of the once lost unity of language and the picture of the world with the previous Orthodox Tradition (which is worth at least the fact that Prof. Trembelas criticized the dissertation of the then young Romanidis for the fact that he thinks about God not according to Aquinas!) 108 . In this Tradition, the most important (indeed, central) place is occupied by the dogma of the energies of God, revealed at the Local Councils of the Church of Constantinople in 1341 and - especially - 1351. 109). Secondly, it is outdated in essence and goes back to the positivism of the 19th century. the historical-philosophical method, which in almost all events of the ideological struggle of the Middle Ages (including Byzantium) strives at all costs to reveal the confrontation between the Platonists and Aristotelians 110, is unable, in the words of I. P. Medvedev, who rightly criticizes it, “... to reveal the reasons for the emergence of any philosophical system at a given moment, that is, to answer the main question that is within the competence of the historian of philosophy” 111 . And then Medvedev continues: “Therefore, it should be recognized that it is absolutely correct to raise in modern historiography the question of the need to use a different – ​​structural method, which involves studying the work of this or that thinker in functional dependence on time and social structure, and also taking into account, in addition to the socio-economic conditionality of the teaching, the immediate spiritual environment that nourishes this teaching” 112. However, then Medvedev - relying precisely on E. von Ivanka - affirms the Platonic basis of the views of the Church Fathers (see. criticism of this view in Chap. 1) 113. This example clearly shows how the strengths and weaknesses of such an unconditionally bright and, in their desire for scientific clarity and depth of understanding, a concept that was ahead of its time, such as that created by von Ivanka, have a strong and ambiguous, but generally stimulating effect on the subsequent development of scientific thought and, ultimately, on the increase in scientific knowledge, influencing the quantity and quality of scientific products created (see Medvedev’s reviews of the book indicated in note 6 on p. 68). Ivanka). We dwelled in such detail on the concept of the Austrian professor because we consider it not only valuable and historically justified (for with all the inaccuracies it carried the sprouts of new ideas, methods and problem-methodological approaches that blossomed in the next period - in particular, those that were reflected in the works of Meyendorff in the 70s), but also undeservedly forgotten in our historiography (except for the breakthrough that was the work of I.P. Medvedev and himself - as well as G. M. Prokhorov and V. M. Lurie - subsequent publications, see below). Of the German scientists who were decisively influenced by von Ivanka's concept of the Platonic-Neoplatonic basis of Palamas's teaching on the energies of God in their own interpretation of the subject, one should name the Berlin professor D. Reinsch 114 . But, of course, the most important event in the science of St. Gregory Palame, who made a decisive revolution in it, was the publication of Meyendorff's works. All of them are well known throughout the world (their influence is perhaps comparable to the influence of Bakhtin’s monographs, which rediscovered Rabelais to the world, as earlier - Dostoevsky 115, and in patrolology - with the discovery of the texts of St. Melito of Sardis 116, and more recently - since 1988 117 - they are beginning to be translated in Russia; a gratifying exception in Soviet times was the publication in 1974 g. conceptually important article in TODRL 118. However, the role of this publication in preserving and enhancing the traditions of Russian spirituality, science and culture in general should be specially discussed. The most important event in the publication of the “Russian Meyendorff” was the publication in 1997 of the Russian translation of the most important work of Fr. John, “The Life and Works of St. Gregory Palamas.” Introduction to the Study" (to which we have already referred several times) in the St. Petersburg series "Subsidia Byzantinorossica" 119. Translations of individual works of Palamas also appear, which gradually multiply 120; Currently, work has begun in Moscow on a new project for publishing Russian translations of Palamas, which will include one or two volumes 121. From the latest Russian-language literature about Palamas, we note the note by I. P. Medvedev and the re-edition of his book, the most important for understanding the era as a whole 122, as well as a number of works by V. M. Lurie 123 and a collection of selected works by G. M. Prokhorov 124. The appearance of these deep and promising works, meeting the needs of the development of modern humanities, and domestic science in particular, allows us to hope that the corresponding work on the study of hesychasm and the ideas of St. Gregory Palamas will continue. The leading trends in modern historiography of Palamism, the most important representatives of which are Fr. John Romanides 125, Most Reverend. Amfilohije Radovich 126, Metropolitan of Montenegro, Georgios Mantzaridis 127, Fr. Robert Sinkevich 128 and prof. Antonio Rigo 129, quite concisely and deeply analyzed by V. M. Lurie in the afterword to the Russian edition of Meyendorff's book 130. Therefore, we will not focus our attention on them and in this quick essay we will note some other (but also important for science) names and achievements that were not sufficiently covered by A.I. Sidorov and V.M. Lurie. In the Catholic historiography of Palamism, the leading positions today are occupied by the world-famous theologian, Byzantinist and Slavist Fr. Gerhard Podskalski O.I., and the Canadian Dominican Fr. Jacques Lizon (student of Father Andre de Halleux). From the numerous works of Fr. Podskalsky, and including those devoted to hesychasm and the theology of Palamas, the article “The Vision of God and the Incarnation: On the meaning of the Economy of Salvation according to St. Gregory Palamas" 131. This article was one of the decisive steps towards recognition by Catholic pathology of the fact that St. Gregory Palamas understands the Incarnation and the Economy of our salvation “... within the framework of traditional Eastern soteriology... namely, not as an external, once accomplished fact, but rather as the beginning of a new possibility and experience of salvation, eternal in nature” 132. Further, the author analyzes a number of more important issues and comes to a conclusion that is fundamental for modern readers (especially Western ones) to understand the teachings of Palamas and the mysticism of Athonite hesychasm in general: “... from now on there should be no doubt that the experience of the Sacraments and spiritual life (Sakramentalität und Spiritualität) represent an organic unity for Palamas” 133 . This position has become part of the basic fund of ideas of modern “Palamism”, in connection with which one can recall the experience of Meyendorff’s disclosure of the “Christocentric and Eucharistic spirituality” of Palamism 134 . In another article, which is devoted to understanding the symbolism of the eighth (eschatological) day in Byzantine Christianity, Podskalsky draws attention to the Seventeenth Homily of Palamas 135. O. Lizon is today the main expert among Catholic patrolologists on the pneumatology and anthropology of Palamas - and, in particular, the teacher of silence’s interpretation of the problem of corporeality. He deeply analyzed and successfully formulated the teaching of Palamas about the final fate of bodies after the Last Judgment, when God's final plan is accomplished. According to Fr. Lizon, “Palamite anthropology is fundamentally monistic (that is, it teaches about man as the unity of soul and body. - D. M.)... In the next century, the Spirit (meaning the Holy Spirit. - D. M.) will spiritualize the flesh. Under the influence of the Divine Light, bodies will lose their materiality and become subtle and spiritual. This holistic transformation of soul and body will complete the realization of God's plan. Human nature will fully return to life with God, from which Adam’s crime alienated it” 136. New approaches to seemingly old (but not fully clarified) problems are demonstrated by the modern work of Western patrolologists of the younger generation. Some of them, with their methodological and problematic novelty, as well as the depth of their factual and source analysis, can surprise even the enlightened public. These are precisely the articles of the leading modern Protestant theological specialist, St. Gregory Palamas, as well as Barlaam of Calabria, - Reinhard Flogaus. Asking the old question about the origins of the interpretation of the Holy Spirit as a bond of mutual love between the Father and the Son, which is found in Palamas 137, Flogaus puts forward a seemingly and a priori convincing 138 assumption that the teacher of silence could have used the Greek translation of Augustine’s treatise “On the Trinity”, carried out by Planudus before 1282. 139 However, the results of a comparison of three texts (the Latin original of Augustine, his Greek (Planudian) translation and the corresponding passages from the “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters” of Palamas) are simply amazing 140: such moments of Palamas’ triadology, such as, for example, the doctrine of the Trinity as a single Monad - the beginning of created being (which is manifested in the single action of three Persons, which was the creation of the world and which Providence continues to be and in general any action of God directed ad extra), may have been developed by the teacher of silence based not only on the Cappadocians, Maximus, Photius, Nicholas of Metho, Blemmides and Gregory of Cyprus, as is known and was convincingly demonstrated by Radovich 141, but also on the resolution of these subjects by the great teacher of the West 142. Thus, Flogaus’s conclusion about the “breadth of the spiritual horizon” 143 that Palamas discovers sounds completely justified. “The image of the great Byzantine theologian of the 14th century,” about which Flogaus speaks, as a result of his analysis, was indeed “enriched with one more facet” 144. In another work, Flogaus offers many valuable clarifications regarding the nature of hesychast disputes. Touching on the question of how to evaluate these events - whether they were a fact exclusively within the Byzantine polemics or had an international resonance, he, in particular, dwells on the intellectual level of Varlaam. It turns out that before the negotiations with the papal legates in 1334–1336. Varlaam knew nothing about the decisions of the Council of Lyon in 1274. 145 “A careful reading of Varlaam’s works,” according to the author, “refutes the assertion that he was a brilliant expert in Thomist theology and contemporary trends in Western philosophy” 146 . Further, Flogaus, starting from his previous research, seeks to show that both Palamas and Barlaam drew ideas and arguments against each other from Planud’s translation of “De Trinitate” 147. But a number of his arguments are more than controversial: for example, when a scientist tries to show that Palamas’s idea of ​​a dove as a symbol of baptism was borrowed from Augustine 148, one should keep in mind the fundamentally different interpretation of the concept of “symbol” in Eastern and Western Christianity (respectively - as something involved in the symbolized entity - and alien to it), which Sopko pointed out 149. This example once again shows how important it is, when being carried away by one idea, even if it finds unexpectedly convincing confirmation in the sources, not to make of it a universal master key, a kind of idée fixe that could fit all the locks in the still not fully revealed edifice of texts (and worldview system) of the author being studied. However, Flogaus's works, with their inherent depth of analysis and elaboration of the material being studied, certainly represent an outpost of modern Protestant pathological thought 150. In general, it is necessary to state the fact that works about St. Gregory Palamas and his era occupied an integral and, moreover, an honorable place in the sectoral structure of modern patrolology and Byzantine studies (including such branches of science as textual criticism, codicology, art history, etc.). This is manifested in the fact that, on the one hand, critical editions and translations of the works of both Palamas himself and his followers and opponents 151 have recently multiplied, on the other hand, in terms of diachrony, important studies have appeared on the mystical tradition of Byzantium both preceding Palamas 152 and subsequent eras. Among the latter, two valuable monographs should be noted - Art. Papadopoulos about St. Calliste Angelicudes and J. Polemis on Theophanes of Nicaea 153 (these two theologians, along with St. Philotheus Cocchinus, John Cantacuzenus, St. Mark of Ephesus and St. Simeon of Thessalonica, seem to be the most significant followers of Palamas in late Byzantium) 154. A special problem arises with the fate of hesychasm (in the Palamite and “Sinaitic” versions of the latter) in the Slavic world (works of K. Ivanova-Konstantinova, I. Marchevsky, I. Kakridis, etc.) 155. Therefore, in the light of today’s knowledge, the conclusion of K. Onash seems somewhat premature, according to which the teaching of Palamas “...should be considered as the final flowering of Byzantine speculation regarding the problem of the contemplation of God 156 It is important to emphasize that the appeal of scientists to the topics we have considered is mainly caused by the progress (I would even say the flourishing) of research on Palamas and Palamism. Nowadays it would be customary to call this area of ​​science Palamas-Forschung or, in Russian, the word formation “Palamovology” 157. The historiography of Palamism in recent years has been characterized by both the introduction of new material into scientific circulation (see the indicated publications by Akindinus and Theophanes of Nicea), and the use of new approaches to already known sources. Let us note the rich possibilities that the prosopographic approach presents to the researcher. Recently (to cite just one example) this was convincingly demonstrated by N. D. Barabanov and A. A. Konovalov in their joint paper 158 . Interest in the Palamas of contemporary art criticism is becoming increasingly stable. We are talking here about two areas of research: the long-debated problem of the influence of Palamism and hesychasm on fine art in general 159 (it seems that its most balanced summary was given by A. N. Grabar and, from the theological side, V. M. Lurie 160 and, in a more specific way, about the problem of the formation of the iconographic canon, the evolution and distribution of portrait images of Palamas himself. In recent years, valuable observations have been made in this area 161. The attention of scientists is also drawn to some iconographic features of the Transfiguration scene in Byzantine and post-Byzantine icon painting and painting 162. What has been said, we hope, allows us to get some idea of ​​what prospects a comprehensive and comprehensive understanding of the teachings of St. Gregory Palamas and that part of the patristic tradition to which he himself belonged and which was brought to life by his ideas. Of no small importance in modern historiography is the understanding of the features of the social and spiritual environment in which it developed in the 14th century. that drama of ideas that continues to excite us to this day. The study of particular aspects of this environment (illustration of manuscripts, the influence of the interests of customers and state authorities on this process, etc.) with access to the main spiritual problems of the era 163 turns out to be promising. The question of the specifics of the anthropological and theological views of St. Gregory Palamas should be resolved in this complex plane, so to speak, “stereoscopically” (possibly with the involvement of new sources and types of the latter). At the same time, we would not see the point in excessively expanding the meaning of the very concepts of “hesychasm” and “palamism”, so as not to result in a reductio ad absurdum, as sometimes happens in historiography 164 . It is important to maintain that measure of historical and theological understanding that correlates with the depth of the subject being studied. Along with this, it is obvious that, despite the growing number of both general and local studies devoted to Palamas and Palamism (only part of them could be taken into account here), some aspects of the teachings of St. Gregory has not yet been properly illuminated. This justifies our attempt to look at the subject under study from a new angle. We have seen that most works devoted to Palamas touch on issues of either a general or a purely private nature (as a rule, related to the assessment of individual aspects of his worldview or devoted to one or another treatise, letter, etc.). There are still very few studies of the “middle level” (a classic example would be R. E. Sinkevich’s articles on “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters”, including the only special work on the cosmology of Palamas) 165 - those that, based on one relatively narrow and homogeneous group of sources, would comprehensively cover the entire set of topics covered in them, and through this - by induction 166 - would come to the key problems of the era as a whole. It is especially important to restore this kind of tradition of specifically targeted local research in modern Russian patrolology and Byzantine studies. Scientific theories of a general and (we would even say) hyperbolic-generalizing nature, which have been multiplying in recent years, should in no way overshadow the primary task of the historian - careful source study. Studying from this angle the homilies of St. Gregory Palamas is absolutely necessary. Due to its particular importance, we will single out as an independent sub-item of this large topic the problem of interpreting social information contained in Palamas’s homilies, and, more broadly, the problem of using homilies as a historical source. To what extent do the homilies reflect the socio-political, economic and spiritual situation of the time that gave birth to them (1340–1350s)? Is it possible, using the data they contain, to clarify our understanding of the social structure of Thessalonica and the social forces prevailing in the city at that time, as well as the speculations of the townspeople, which ultimately determined their social behavior? There is no certainty in science on these issues. In the science of Byzantine homiletics, the stage of primary accumulation and systematization of source material, the classic expression of which is the work of A. Erhard 167 that we mentioned, was replaced by the stage of historical construction 168 relatively recently - approximately from the mid- to late 1960s. There is still no clearly developed conceptual program for the analysis of homiletics (with regard to epistolography, such a program began to be developed by G. Karlsson and G. Hunger, as well as H. Hannik, J. Dennis, Ya. N. Lyubarsky, V. A. Smetanin, etc.) 169 . Therefore, the opinions of scientists regarding the possibility of using homilies as a historical source are divided into polar opposites. Thus, if in general terms the value and significance of the homily as a historical source was pointed out (X. Hennephof) 170, if J. Karayannopoulos expressed the opinion that homilies can be useful for reconstructing a number of aspects of church history 171, then, on the other hand, later the same J. Karayannopoulos, together with G. Weiss, expressed doubt about the value of homilies as a source 172, and O. Lampsidis, reviewing those means, with the help of which the Church expressed its opinion on socially significant issues, does not even mention homily 173. And yet this skepticism of a number of prominent specialists does not seem justified. The main tendency of modern historical knowledge to expand the source field while simultaneously developing an expanded understanding of history itself (which we talked about at the beginning) also covered homily. This manifests itself in two ways. On the one hand, the predominance of the “history-problem” principle over the “history-fact” principle, which dominated at the first of the stages we identified, allowed S. O. Schmidt to formulate the following definition: “... a historical source is any phenomenon that can be used for the purposes of historical research, or even more simply, for knowledge of the past” 174. On the other hand, in recent works of foreign and domestic Byzantinists, the homily of St. Gregory Palamas, St. John Chrysostom and other authors are used as source material not only for posing and resolving theological problems 175, but also when considering a wider range of issues related to social psychology and mentality 176. M.V. Krivov interestingly and convincingly analyzes the “Word for Holy Baptism” by St. Sophronius of Jerusalem, proving the significance of this sermon as a source on the Arab conquest of Palestine 177. G. Schmalzbauer successfully compared the construction of one early Byzantine homily with the form of imperial decrees, thereby clarifying its internal structure and purpose 178 . These isolated examples, in our opinion, are able to reinforce the idea we are substantiating that the use of homiletics as a source on the history of Byzantine (and other medieval, as was brilliantly demonstrated by A. Ya. Gurevich - see below) society, Church and culture is not nearly as hopeless as it might seem. There is no unity in science on the first of the questions we posed. Indeed, the idea expressed by B. T. Goryanov 179 about the connection of the First - most famous among historians - homily of Palamas with the uprising of the Zealots (1342–1349) was confirmed in subsequent historiography (E. Werner, D. M. Naikol, M. A. Polyakovskaya) 180 . However, if this fact is recognized, it is resorted to almost exclusively in order to demonstrate - by quoting individual fragments and, as a rule, without drawing on parallel passages from other homilies - Palamas's condemnation of social inequality and his calls for universal peace 181. Even M. Ya. Syuzyumov, who is sensitive to the testimony of sources, reproaches Palama for his lack of calls for social reforms 182 . And even such a master of historical and theological research as A. Rigo believes that the works of Palamas do not contain information about the Messalians - however, in the homilies we find a direct mention of the latter 183. Palamas' homilies thus represent a kind of iceberg, the “tip” of which (i.e., the most conspicuous information) rarely comes to the attention of scientists, and those layers of information that lie deeper are only to a small extent analyzed by science (primarily pathological). One of the reasons for this state of affairs is the one-sidedness of the approaches used. However, the disunity between the content-semantic and rhetorical-stylistic (philological) analysis of homilies has been overcome at the present stage of development of Western science (as evidenced by the excellent prefaces and comments to the texts published in the Parisian series “Christian Sources”). The foreign historiography of problems related to this is very large. Along with the existence of many editions of various kinds of homilies (for experiments in classifying homiletical material, see Chapter 4.1), one can name - as one of the milestones - the impressive work of J. Bernardi on the relationship of the preacher to the audience (using the example of the Cappadocians) 184, as well as the admirable experience of a subtle aesthetic and spiritual-theological analysis of the homilies of St. Gregory the Theologian, carried out by H. T. Beck 185. Finally, works devoted to the dating of certain homilies (let us refer to the work of J. Wortley as an example) 186 are of considerable benefit in mastering research tools. However, domestic science, which was one of the first in the world to feel the need for a comprehensive analysis of homilies, still has to go through this path - in changed historical conditions. The importance of the problem lies in the fact that in a number of cases it is rhetorical-stylistic analysis that turns out to be a necessary auxiliary link in resolving issues of authenticity, attribution and, therefore, in determining the historical and doctrinal value and significance of homilies, and verifying the information contained in them. This block of problems is the last (in order, but not in importance) of those that we pose in this book and to which we are trying to give at least a preliminary answer. At the same time, it is necessary to briefly characterize the main milestones in the development of Russian science of homiletics - after all, it can hardly be accidental that many problems that the West felt only in the middle of the 20th century were raised and resolved in Russia already at the end of the 19th century. To give a general idea of ​​the Russian tradition of understanding problems related to homiletics, we will make a brief historiographical review of Russian scientific literature on homiletics, which grew rapidly at the end of the 19th century. The first name here should be the name of an outstanding scientist, professor of the St. Petersburg Theological Academy N.I. Barsov, the author of the fundamental monograph “The History of Primitive Christian Preaching (before the 4th century)” 187 and a number of articles also published in separate reprints 188. Barsov wrote both about contemporary Russian preachers 189 and about general issues in the study of homiletics 190 . Barsov notes that in pagan religions there was no preaching 191; a developed system of church preaching arose along with Christianity. Defining preaching (based on the Epistles to Timothy of St. Apostle Paul) as “... openly offered before many... the word or teaching about Christ...” 192, Barsov traces the history of preaching in inseparable connection with the history of doctrine and the formation of the Church as an institution. The sermon in Barsov’s interpretation is broader than homilies, for this concept also includes those works that were intended not for liturgical pronunciation, but for reading as a literary text. Barsov's analysis of many sermons touches on both the doctrinal and artistic-aesthetic sides of the monuments and, in this sense, is of undoubted value for today's researchers. In the same years (1880–90s), Anthony (Vadkovsky), bishop, created his works. Vyborg. Among them, the book “From the History of Christian Preaching” stands out. Essays and Research" 193, dedicated to the development of preaching from apostolic times to Kievan Rus. A number of the author's observations are of considerable interest. In particular, anticipating the research of J. Bernardi, Bishop Anthony notes the vitality and uncompromising nature of the image of human vices by St. Basil the Great 194; Against the background of a detailed critical description of the parishioners, “...the majestic image of St. appears before us in clear features. preacher" 195. The image of the author in homilies is more than an interesting topic; Unfortunately, not all monuments provide material for this (see some observations in Chapters 3–4). Vadkovsky also authored a rigorous and scientifically verified analysis of the first volume of the “History of the Russian Church” by E. E. Golubinsky 196, notable for its desire to rehabilitate Byzantine preaching rhetoric (73 years before I. I. Shevchenko’s article!) 197. “Church sermon,” writes the author, “...represents a special literary type, which has its own tasks and goals and is subject to its own laws...” 198 Therefore, “...to say about any preacher that the purpose of his word is not edification, but... the delight of the listeners, means bringing the most serious accusation against him. In the language of pastoral homiletics, such a preacher is called an innkeeper and an adulterer of the Word of God” 199. The article as a whole is programmatic and should be taken into account in today's debates around homiletics. Among the articles and monographs on Byzantine homiletics created in the same years, we note the work of the famous Kyiv homiletist prof. V. F. Pevnitsky about the Cappadocians 200, partly touching on these issues in the book of K. Popovich about the Ev. Sophronius of Jerusalem 201, as well as an essay by Archimandrite (future bishop) Arseny (Ivashchenko) about Joseph Bryennius, characterizing in detail, among other things, the polemical Words of Bryennius about the procession of the Holy Spirit 202. A consolidated anthology on the history of Russian homiletics with brief introductory essays on each period was created by the Kiev archpriest M. A. Potorzhinsky, who brings the review of the material up to the 19th century. 203 The sermon did not go unnoticed in the works of specialists in the history of the Western European Middle Ages. L.P. Karsavin, speaking about the religious upsurge of the 13th century, notes the tendency towards rapprochement and interaction between scientific and folk cultures: “The clergy approaches the world even more in preaching. The best preachers draw crowds. They are cramped in the church, cramped in the square... They are called and waited for, they follow them, feeding only on the word of God. And the 13th century experienced the heyday of preaching... these are real teachings, means of skillfully educating the consciousness in the direction of searching for the religious everywhere and towards religious reflection” 204. A follower of L.P. Karsavin, P.M. Bicilli, analyzing sources on the history of religious consciousness of the 12th–14th centuries, turns to the 44th sermon of Franco Sacchetti 205 and to the collection of sermons of the Cistercian abbot Isaac from Stella 206. In modern science, A. Ya. Gurevich analyzed in detail the sermons of Berthold of Regensburg (13th century) as a source on the history of urban life and mentality, teachings about society and anthropology. Recently, publications have appeared on both early medieval 208 and late medieval preaching - continental 209 and British 210. Soviet-era publications on the history of Byzantine homiletics are few in number, if we talk about works specifically devoted to it. This is a note already known to us by B. T. Goryanov about the First Homily of St. Gregory Palamas 211, articles by V. G. Putsko on the homilies of St. Gregory the Theologian (without referring to the original text) 212 and M.V. Krivov - about the Word of St. Sophronius of Jerusalem 213, as well as descriptions of some collections containing Byzantine material 214. A number of valuable comments are made by S. S. Averintsev in “The Poetics of Early Byzantine Literature” 215. There is, in addition, a number of works (mainly by B. L. Fonkich) 216 devoted to the attribution and dating of handwritten material. Being valuable in themselves, in their “local space” (of particular importance belongs, of course, to Averintsev’s book), all these works never developed into any large-scale and conceptually significant studies on homiletics, and therefore cannot lay claim to a historiographical synthesis in this field of knowledge. Therefore, turning to works on the history of Old Russian homiletics, many of which are devoted to translated homiletics 217, is of particular importance. At the same time, the importance of patristic samples for the study of Russian monuments is especially emphasized. Thus, D. M. Bulanin writes: “It is difficult to overestimate the importance of patrolology in the history of ancient Russian literature: patristic works appeared in Rus' from the 11th century. and accompanied ancient Russian literature throughout seven centuries of its existence. However, insufficient attention has been paid to the influence of patristics on the works of Russian writers until now (1977 - D.M.)" 218. A real boom in research into Russian-Byzantine literary connections in the field of homiletics has been observed in recent years 219. O.V. Tvorogov calls Old Russian translated homiletics “an extremely promising part of Old Slavic book literature for research” 220. Among other monuments that invariably attract the attention of scientists, we must mention the Word on Law and Grace of Metropolitan Hilarion 221 and the works of St. Kirill Turovsky 222. Detailed works have been published in recent years about the sermons of Serapion of Vladimir 223 and St. Demetrius of Rostov 224. The flow of literature does not end there225. Byzantine homiletics is still unlucky in serious research, even of a local, let alone a generalizing nature. Among the works on the substantive analysis of homily in the context of the history of ideas, we highlight the work of V. V. Vasilik 226 , and on the rhetorical-stylistic one, the hitherto unpublished article by Yu. A. Kazachkov 227 . K.K. Akentyev draws on the Eighteenth Homily of St. Patriarch Photius (858–867, 877–886) during the reconstruction of the iconographic design of the mosaics of the southern gallery of St. Sophia of Constantinople 228. It is worth noting, in addition, a number of new translations 229, as well as reprints of old translations 230, among which one of the first places is occupied by the three-volume collection of conversations of St. Gregory Palamas 231. So, as for Byzantine homiletics, in modern Russian science there is an acute shortage of both its theoretical understanding and practical analysis, which would cover both sides of the homiletics - substantive and rhetorical (remember the works of N.I. Barsov) - despite the fact that this topic is undoubtedly relevant, and its scientific prospects are undoubted. At the same time, world science as a whole suffers from inattention to Palamas’s homilies. Given the existence of a fairly large class of problems, the solution of which can be found (or at least approximated) by turning to these monuments, it is difficult to consider this state of affairs normal. Let us try to briefly outline the problems, new approaches to solving which can be found by turning to Palamas’ homiletics. This is both the problem of a scientific assessment (taking into account the data reported by the archbishop) of the Zealot uprising and the associated socio-political tensions in Thessalonica (which caused it and was aggravated by it), and the problem of the social structure of the urban population and the position of various social groups (ordinary citizens, priests, intellectuals) within this structure. This is the problem of the political concept of Palamas himself and its dominant features, most clearly reflected in the homilies, as well as the Archbishop of Thessaloniki’s interpretation of the problem of social peace and ways of achieving it (in this regard, one can highlight the germ of the idea of ​​reformism in the views of the teacher of silence on his contemporary society - one should not just think that he sought to solve all the problems in a special and unusual way, radically different from the approach of his predecessors). Further, this is the problem of Palamas’ economic views and his approach to understanding the theme of nationality (through the idea of ​​ecclesiasticalism that shades it) - as opposed to the elitist self-awareness of representatives of aristocratic literature (Dimitri Kydonis). The information that Palamas provides about the life and way of life of Thessalonians is extremely important - both ordinary townspeople with their inherent features of folk culture and religiosity, as well as representatives of the nobility, especially the data he provides about animal sacrifices - most likely, kurbania, a Greek custom of folklore origin, which was known in the Byzantine Church earlier (see Chapter 3). It will be instructive to compare these data with similar reproaches and censures of the flock in the letters and sermons of St. Athanasius I (1289–1293, 1303–1309), recently analyzed by N.D. Barabanov and L.Yu. Lobova 232, St. Gregory of Cyprus (1283–1289) (we quote only one letter, but the circle of them should be expanded) 233, as well as with a large-scale picture of the decline (not to say collapse) of the morals of the Byzantines, drawn at the beginning of the 15th century. Joseph Bryennius 234. The main points of this criticism of morals essentially remained unchanged throughout the 14th century, which allows us to consider its beginning and end as the chronological boundaries of the source material used for comparison with Palamas’s homilies. The only exception is made for the news about qurbani (to clarify the essence and forms of historical existence of which we use a 12th-century source), since this custom and everything connected with it refers to phenomena characterized by “long duration” (to use the terminology of F. Braudel). A number of aspects of the history of Byzantine society touched upon by Palamas correlate with corresponding passages from the writings of the same Kydonis, as well as representatives of more “democratic” literature (Alexey Makremvolit). It is noteworthy that in a number of cases Palamas turns out to be closer in convictions and civic position (lack of “partisanship” in conflicts and the desire for reconciliation) to representatives of folk literature. Therefore, as we will try to show (in Chapter 3), homilies can be considered as a monument that approximately reflects the point of view on social and political events of broad sections of the people (the only question is the degree of approximation carried out by the author). But in a number of cases it is not easy to distinguish between the author’s own point of view and the position of the people he defends, which often turn out to be one and the same position. This is all the more important because “the number of monuments of folk literature is infinitely small compared to the sea of ​​aristocratic literature” 236. Taking this circumstance into account, the heuristic value of homilies as a source increases sharply. So, the author of the proposed book, setting as his goal the most complete and comprehensive analysis of the entire set of cosmological, anthropological, socio-historical data contained in the homilies of St. Gregory Palama, believes that the following series of tasks lead to achieving this goal: 1) in the first chapter - to systematically present and analyze the preacher’s ideas about the creation, the initial stages of evolution and arrangement of the world (space, universe) against the background of the continuous evolution of cosmological speculations of Greek-Byzantine patristics of the 1st–14th centuries. 237 This is important to do both for the first, preliminary assessment of the spiritual and historical significance of this tradition (for diachronic studies that would be devoted to the evolution of Eastern Christian cosmology of the 1st–15th centuries are still unknown to us), and in order to clarify which of the views and positions Palamas expressed by him borrowed from the patristic tradition, and which were the fruit of his own speculation; 2) in the second chapter - to present and analyze as a systemic whole the religious anthropology of Palamas, fully agreeing with the view that sees in it “the highest point in the development of religious Orthodox Christian anthropology” 238. Conduct an analysis, highlighting a number of key points in the teachings of St. Gregory and paying special attention to those that until now, as a rule, have been ignored in the research literature (the doctrine of the structure of human nature; about the existential situation of man in the world - in a world whose development is determined by the consequences of the Fall; about passions and virtues; soteriology; eschatology; a special issue arises in Palamas’s understanding of the Christological foundations of deification (see Chapter 2.5)). Give the most important analogies to the teachings of Palamas found in patristic literature, and try to at least partially determine what borrowings the saint made. Gregory from the tradition of speculation about man that preceded him (naturally, we could not take into account the entire circle of monuments). Such work, which can and should be continued, is able to bring tangible results, because scientists of the 20th century, arguing about the attitude of St. Gregory Palamas to the patristic tradition as a whole, sometimes did not clearly reveal which branch of this tradition he directly adjoins 239; 3) in the third chapter - to present as a systemic whole and analyze the information provided by Palamas about the social, political, ideological, socio-economic processes that took place in Thessalonica in the 1340–1350s, as well as about the conflicts that engulfed the city. To clarify some of the basic and stable characteristics of the processes under consideration, supplement the intra-textual analysis with a comparison with the data of other Byzantine authors of the late XIII-XIV centuries, for some of the phenomena touched upon by the Thessalonica archpastor reveal a stable character and a kind of “memory of tradition” (we would risk introducing this concept by analogy with the “memory of the genre” by M. M. Bakhtin). And it would be extremely important, when conducting a comparative analysis of this kind, to try (at least in the most general terms) to answer the question: were the phenomena that Palamas describes specific to Thessalonica - a city that actually has a number of features of originality in its development 240, or can we see something similar through the prism of sources in other places of the Empire - primarily in Constantinople? And the second question, closely related to the first: is Palamas’s description of the urban development of Thessalonica in the mid-14th century acceptable? extrapolate to the situation of the entire Empire and see in it a kind of “snapshot” of the development of Byzantium as a whole? 4) in the fourth chapter - consider the features of the language of the homilies, highlight the system of formulas and epithets used by Palamas, as well as the most characteristic techniques for the author’s speech; try to reveal their original and organic connection with the picture of the world developed by Byzantine Christianity over the centuries, and the general principles of the author’s thinking. The picture of the world is deeper than the worldview of this or that individual author - it is assimilated with the spirit and flesh of the culture that raised a person, as has been written about repeatedly 241 . The fact that at the center of each culture there are special spiritual intentions, a special mood of spiritual feeling and speculation, and that these intentions represent the generative core of culture (not to be confused with the “first phenomenon” in the spirit of Spengler!) was said at the beginning of the work. At the same time, we are interested in both the general fund of themes, ideas, images, inherited by Palamas from the patristic Tradition, and the personality traits in the perception of the teachers of silence of Sacred history, as well as the history of the world, the Church, society and the people who made up this society. Thus, this work attempts to combine the advantages (and, apparently, disadvantages) of the traditional patrolological and socio-anthropological approaches. It examines the implementation and transformation of cosmological and anthropological speculations of Byzantine Christianity in the works of St. Gregory Palamas as one of the Fathers of the Church and the attitude of Palamas as a bearer of the highest layer of Orthodox spirituality and culture to representatives of other layers of culture 242, i.e. (let us recall once again) Palamas’ diachronic attitude to tradition and synchronous to the problems of the modernity surrounding him. Meyendorff J. Introduction à l’étude de Grégoire Palamas. Paris, 1959. P. 11: “La pensée byzantine du Moyen Age reste, aujourd’hui encore, un terrain dont le défrichement est à peine commencé.” Krivushin I. V. Early Byzantine church historiography. St. Petersburg, 1998. P. 5. Of course, what has been said does not mean that in Soviet times scientists were deaf to cultural and historical issues. Let us at least recall the name of Yu. M. Lotman (as well as M. M. Bakhtin, D. S. Likhachev, A. F. Losev, B. A. Uspensky, A. V. Mikhailov, etc.), repeatedly mentioned on the pages of this book. (Let us note only one important collection: The Artistic Language of the Middle Ages. M., 1982; cf.: Mechanisms of Culture. M., 1990; etc.). In relation to Byzantium, books and articles by I.P. Medvedev, S.S. Averintsev, M.A. Polyakovskaya should be mentioned: Medvedev I.P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. St. Petersburg, 1997; His same. Literary “salons” in late Byzantium // Literature and art in the cultural system. M., 1988 (see the materials of this collection as a whole); His same. Mystra. Essays on the history and culture of the late Byzantine city. L., 1973; His same. Renaissance trends of late Byzantine culture // Culture of Byzantium. XIII – first half of the XV century. M., 1991; Averintsev S. S. Gold in the system of symbols of early Byzantine culture // Byzantium. Southern Slavs and Ancient Rus'. Western Europe. Collection of articles in honor of V. N. Lazarev. M., 1973; His same. Poetics of early Byzantine literature. M., 1997; His same. Rhetoric and the origins of the European literary tradition. M., 1996; His same. Sophia - Logos. Dictionary. Kyiv, 2000 (and many other works, some of which can be found in the notes to the chapters of this book); Polyakovskaya M. A . Life and death in the understanding of Dimitri Kidonis // ADSV. Ancient and medieval ideology. Sverdlovsk, 1984; Her same. Characteristics of late Byzantine education: teachers and students // ADSV. Problems of ideology and culture. Sverdlovsk, 1987; Her same. On the characteristics of a medieval scientist: (the meaning of scientific discussion in the understanding of Demetrius Kidonis) // ADSV. The development of feudalism in Central and South-Eastern Europe. Sverdlovsk, 1983; Her same. Social and political thought of Byzantium (40–60s of the 14th century). Sverdlovsk, 1981; Hers. About the pamphlet of Nikolai Kavasila // ADSV. 1971. Issue. 7; Her same. The concept of moral norms in Byzantine literature of the 14th century. (Alexey Makremvolit) // ADSV. 1973. Vol. 10; Her same. Portraits of Byzantine intellectuals. St. Petersburg, 1998; Her same. The emotional world of the Byzantine // ADSV. 1992. Issue. 26; Her same. Eschatological ideas of Alexei Makremvolit // ADSV. 1975. Issue. 11; Medvedev I. P. Neuephilosophische Ansätze im späten Byzanz // JÖB. 1981. Bd. 31/2; Idem. The so-called ΘΕΑΤΡΑ as a form of communication of the Byzantine intellectuals in the 14th and 15th centuries // Η επικοινωνία στο Βυζάντιο / Επιμ. N. Γ. Μοσχόνας. Αθήνα, 1993. Foreign historiography - the works of I. I. Shevchenko and others - is discussed further (in the section of this Introduction about the cultural situation of the era; of course, its conclusions are taken into account in the book as a whole). Schmidt S. O. Modern problems of source studies // Source Studies. Theoretical and methodological problems / Rep. ed. S. O. Schmidt, M., 1969. P. 8,24,46. Without naming here well-known works written by the above pillars of modern humanitarian thought, we note (extremely selectively) only a few lesser-known works: Karsavin L.P. Fundamentals of medieval religiosity in the 12th–13th centuries, mainly in Italy. Petrograd, 1915; His same. Culture of the Middle Ages. Kyiv, 1995; Bicilli Π. M. Elements of medieval culture. St. Petersburg, 1995; Beard Ch. Written History as an Act of Faith // The Historian and the Climate of Opinion / Ed. R. A. Skotheim. London - Don Mills, 1969. Trubetskoy E. H. The meaning of life. M., 1994. P. 73. Cf. in Blok: the subject of history, ultimately, is “the consciousness of people” (Blok M. Apology of history, or the Craft of a historian / Editor-in-chief A. Ya. Gurevich. M., 1986. P.86). Toporov V.I. On the cosmological sources of early historical descriptions // From the works of the Moscow semiotic circle / Comp. and entry Art. T. M. Nikolaeva. M., 1997. P. 128. Medushevsky V. V. Essential forces of man and music // Music – Culture – Man. Sverdlovsk, 1988. Issue. 1. P. 46. Bitsilli P. M. Elements of medieval culture. P. 132. Dodds E.R. The Greeks and the Irrational. St. Petersburg, 2000. P. 80. Serebryakova L. A. Culture as spiritual integrity // Questions of the history of culture. Ekaterinburg, 1997. Issue. 1. Mikhailov A. V. Dialectics of the literary era // His own. Languages ​​of culture. Textbook on cultural studies. M., 1997. P. 18. The author’s creative heritage (1938–1995) in itself could become the subject of a special historical and philosophical dissertation. It is appropriate to recall that language here is understood in a broad sense, so we can talk, in addition to the actual linguistic translation, about translating the source into the language of the culture to which - by the very fact of its existence - the researcher belongs. Which, in turn, refers (in the aspect of pragmatics) to the extra-textual reality underlying it. It is in this area that the experience of Russian science is great, which - based on the direct spiritual needs of the time - has achieved considerable success in this field. One of the first programmatic experiments of this kind should be considered the book: Fedotov G.P. Saints of Ancient Rus'. Paris, 1931 (New York, 1959; M., 1990; Rostov-on-Don, 1999). We can say that Fedotov laid - on Russian soil - the foundations of the modern science of saints, which is actively developing throughout the world these days (see the works of N. Delehaye, P. Peeters, P. Devos, F. Halkin and - especially - M. van Esbroeck), - critical hagiography. A direct Russian continuation of Fedotov, but already operating with a fundamentally different scientific and general philosophical equipment and scientific apparatus, can be considered the book: V. N. Toporov. Holiness and saints in Russian spiritual culture. M., 1995–1998. T. 1–2. See also: Him. Aeneas is a man of destiny. Toward Mediterranean personology. M., 1993. Part I; His own. Moscow people of the 17th century: (to the topic of the day) // From the history of Russian culture. T. III (XVII - early XVIII centuries). M., 2000. pp. 346–379 (see here the important works of Archpriest G. Florovsky, A. M. Panchenko, V. M. Zhivov, B. A. Uspensky, M. B. Plyukhanova - all of them were created in line with the direction we are considering, and in the case of Florovsky, also in a situation of close proximity to church tradition); His same. A man of the Axial Age. Socrates in Plato’s “Apology of Socrates”: (to the problem of “behavioral script” and “cultural role”) // Balkan Readings. M., 2001. T. 6. Homo Balcanicus. Behavioral scripts and cultural roles. Antiquity – Middle Ages – Modern times. Abstracts and materials. pp. 25–36 (exceptionally profound work), and other works by the author; Polyvyanny D. I. Cultural originality of medieval Bulgaria in the context of the Byzantine-Slavic community of the 9th–15th centuries. Ivanovo, 2000. Passim (especially about “understanding historiography” - p. 15 and note 45 on p. 243). In relation to Byzantine studies, one cannot fail to note the concept of Homo Byzantinus, created by A. P. Kazhdan, as well as the works of G. Hunger, K. Mango, S. S. Averintsev, G. M. Prokhorov and others. See: Kazhdan A. P., Constable G. People and Power in Byzantium. An Introduction to Modern Byzantine Studies. Washington, D.C., 1982; Hunger H. Reich der Neuen Mitte. Der christliche Geist der byzantinischen Kultur. Graz; Cologne; Wien, 1965; Mango C. Byzantium: The Empire of New Rome. London, 1980; Averintsev S. S. Poetics...; Prokhorov G. M. Cultural originality of the era of the Battle of Kulikovo // Him. Rus' and Byzantium in the era of the Battle of Kulikovo. Articles. St. Petersburg, 2000, pp. 96–130; etc. In general terms cf. works of G.-G. Gadamer, C. Lévi-Strauss, etc. In Russian science, one can also recall B. F. Porshnev (see, in particular: B. F. Porshnev. On the beginning of human history. M., 1974). Ivanov Vyach. Sun. Aesthetics of Eisenstein // His own. Selected works on semiotics and cultural history. M., 1999. T. 1. P. 153. The value of this book is, among other things, the list of the author’s works attached to it (pp. 813–909). About how modern philologists implement the ideas and approaches of Vyach. Sun. Ivanov, see: Poetics. History of literature. Linguistics. Collection for the 70th anniversary of Vyacheslav Vsevolodovich Ivanov. M., 1999. It goes without saying that among other pioneering experiences of the direction mentioned here one can name a number of works by Vyacheslav Vsevolodovich, for example: Ivanov V.V. Category of time in art and culture of the 20th century // Rhythm, space and time in literature and art. L., 1974. S. 39–67; etc. Lotman Yu. M. Reflection of the ethics and tactics of the revolutionary struggle in Russian literature of the late 18th century // Him. Russian literature and culture of the Enlightenment. M., 1998. P. 8. (Collected works. T. 1). In a number of works, Lotman analyzed and interpreted information from precisely this kind of complex sources that do not lend themselves to unambiguous and straightforward – “head-on” – understanding and evaluation. Rigo A. La canonizzazione di Gregorio Palama (1368) ed alcune altre questioni // RSBN. 1993. N. S. Vol. 30. P. 159–162. Ann. 9 (spec. p. 161). For the dating of the bishopric of Palamas, see: Ibid. P. 159; Meyendorff I.F., protopresbyter. The Life and Works of Saint Gregory Palamas. Introduction to the Study / Ed. I. P. Medvedev and V. M. Lurie. St. Petersburg, 1997. pp. 121,126,145. Strictly speaking, the history of Christian preaching should begin with the Savior Himself. One of the most important stages in its formation was the missionary and preaching activity of St. Apostle Paul. See: Barsov N.I. History of primitive Christian preaching (until the 4th century). St. Petersburg, 1885. S. 1 page, 12,15,33 pages, 60; Skaballanovich M. N. Explanatory Typikon. Kyiv, 1910. Issue. 1. P. 23; etc. As a reference, see the relevant sections of the works of A. Erhard and H.-G. Beck: Ehrhard A. Überlielerungund Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche. Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig, 1937. Bd. 1–3 (rep.: Osnabrück, 1965); Beck H.-G. Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich. Munich, 19592; 1977; about Old Russian homiletics, see: Podskalsky G. Christentum und theologische Literatur in der Kiever Rus’ (988–1237). München, 1982 (see in Russian translation: Podskalski G. Christianity and theological literature in Kievan Rus (988–1237). St. Petersburg, 1996. pp. 148–183). On Coptic homiletics, see, for example: Müller C. D. G. Einige Bemerkungen zur “Ars praedicandi” der alten koptischen Kirche // Le Muséon. 1954. Vol. 67. Fasz. 3–4. S. 231–270; Wed also the works of T. Orlandi, Y. Ortiz de Urbina and others. Understanding the multilingual and multifaceted homiletical material of the Christian East, taking into account which alone Christian homiletics can be understood as a single whole, is the work of the efforts of Byzantinists, Orientalists and medievalists-Westernists of the future. In the Russian science of Catholic preaching (see below), special mention should be made of the works of L.P. Karsavin and A.Ya. Gurevich (see, for example, in the latter’s book: Gurevich A.Ya. The medieval world: the culture of the silent majority. M., 1990; there are reprints). Perhaps the implementation of such a project will be accelerated by the publication of the Orthodox Encyclopedia, which began not so long ago. See also: Makarov D. I. Interpretation of the image of St. John the Baptist in the Fortieth Homily of St. Gregory Palamas // Études balkaniques. Sofia, 2002. Vol. XXXVIII/2. P. 44–63. See: Meyendorff J. Introduction... P. 391,393–394. See here for the dating and circumstances of the pronunciation of some other homilies (important in view of establishing the liturgical context of the events). See also: Sinkewicz R. E. Introduction // Saint Gregory Palamas. The One Hundred and Fifty Chapters. A Critical Edition, Translation, and Study by Robert E. Sinkewicz, C. S. B. Toronto, 1988. (Studies and Texts, 83). P. 50–52. Sinkevich dates the time of writing the Thirty-first Homily to the plague epidemic of 1348 (Ibid.). But writing and speaking are different things; it is quite possible that Palamas pronounced this homily, written earlier, when he was already dying (one cannot help but admit that the theme of the homily is most suitable for this). This homily is precisely one of those that was pronounced on occasion (which case, if we accept Sinkevich’s version, was presented in connection with the invasion of the plague). Most of the sermons, correlated with the annual circle of worship, had to be delivered repeatedly during the pastoral activity of the saint. Gregory in Thessalonica. See: Meyendorff I.F., protopresbyter. Life and works... P. 147–157; Prokhorov G.M. Debate of Gregory Palamas with “Chions and Turks” and the problem of “Jewish wise men” // TODRL. 1972. T. 27. P. 329–369 (the study is accompanied by the publication of the Old Russian version of the source); about “chions” see: Prokhorov G. M. On the issue of identifying “chion” // Actes du XIV e Congrès International des Études Byzantines. Bucarest, 6–12 septembre 1971. Bucarest, 1975. Vol. 2. P. 245–250, esp. 247–249; Lurie V. M. Comments // Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 397–398. Information and versions given in old historiography (for example: Georgiades Arnakis G. Gregory Palamas among the Turks and documents of his captivity as historical sources // Speculum. January 1951. Vol. XXVII. No. 1. P. 104–118) are inaccurate (including even the dating of Palamas’ death) and outdated. About the dispute with Grigora, which took place in Constantinople in 1355, see: Meyendorff I.F. Life and works... P. 154–157 (esp. 155); Meyendorff J. Introduction... P. 164–166; Balfour D. Palamas’ reply to Gregoras’ account of their debate in 1355 // JÖB. 1982. Bd. 32/4. Esp. p. 252–255 (for history of theology). See: Sinkewicz R. E. A New Interpretation for the First Episode in the Controversy between Barlaam the Calabrian and Gregory Palamas // JTS. 1980. Vol. 31. Pt. 2. P. 489–500; Meyendorff I.F. Life and works... P. 160–161; Polyakovskaya M. A. Social and political thought of Byzantium... P. 48; Meyendorff J. Introduction... P. 169; Rigo A. La canonizzazione... P. 162 e segg. In the year of the canonization of Palamas (1368), on November 14, nationwide festivities were held throughout the Byzantine Empire; The cult of the saint is still maintained today. See: Medvedev I.P. Canonization of St. Gregory Palamas: historical context // World of Orthodoxy: Sat. scientific Art. Volgograd, 1998. Vol. 2. pp. 18–19; Meyendorff J. St. Gregory Palamas and Orthodox Spirituality. N.Y., 1998. P. 100–101 and photograph on p. 100. For some time now, a tradition has been established in science (although not universal) to contrast the homily of St. Gregory Palamas to the rest of his works as something relatively unimportant to the “conceptual” treatises (meaning, first of all, “Triads”). Thus, G. Mantzaridis believes that in the homilies of Palamas there are practically no mentions of hesychasm and that they provide little for understanding the Athonite theology of that time. Here are his words: “Not (i.e., Palamas. - D.M.) operates on one level when treating of the subjects under discussion with Barlaam and his followers, and on another when addressing the faithful in Thessalonike. In the latter case, he concentrates on the elementary theological, anthropological, and ethical principles of Christianity which are of concern to the entire ecclesiastical body" (Mantzarides G. I. The Deification of Man. St. Gregory Palamas and the Orthodox Tradition. N. Y., 1984. P. 11). Mantzaridis's book is very significant both in ideas and material. Therefore, it is all the more bitter to see in it this kind of hidden reproach directed against the homilies. To show that there is no serious source base for such statements, that it is not at all the case that Palamas in Thessalonica demonstratively avoided discussing with his flock the lofty truths of theology and hesychast theology, but rather, on the contrary, is one of the main tasks of this book. On the importance of studying theological anthropology of St. Gregory Palamas and its defining place in the system of views of the teacher of silence were indicated not so long ago by R. E. Sinkevich: Sinkewicz R. E. St. Gregory Palamas and the Doctrine of God's Image in Man According to the "Capita 150". Reprinted from "Theologia". Athens, 1986. P. 32 (881); cf.: Ράντοβιτς A., ιερομ. Το μυστήριον της Αγίας Τριάδοςκατά τον άγιον Γρηγόριον Παλαμάν. Θεσσαλονίκη, 1973. (Ανάλεκτα Βλατάδων, 16). Σελ. 45. On the experiential nature of Palamas's anthropologies, see Chap. 2 (there are also references to the literature). Which - as we will try to show in Chap. 3 – can to a certain extent serve as a model of Byzantine society of that time as a whole. These words are not in the author's French text, but they seem necessary for the correct construction of the Russian phrase. As they sometimes continue to believe to this day (cf. Müller-Asshoff H. Beobachtungen an den Hauptschriften des Gregorios Palamas und Nikolaos Kabasilas // BZ. 1977. Bd. 70. Hf. 1. S. 22–41). However, statements of this kind are increasingly becoming lonely voices in the “chorus” of scientists who unanimously recognize the significant role of Palamas and hesychast theology of the 14th–15th centuries. in the spiritual renewal of Byzantine society of that time (we will have occasion to return to this topic). See: Meyendorff J. Spiritual Trends in Byzantium in the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries // Art et société à Byzance sous les Paléologues. Venise, 1971. P. 59; Sinkewicz R. E. St. Gregory Palamas and the Doctrine... P. 29; Prokhorov G. M. Cultural originality... P. 99–112 (first publication – TODRL. 1979. T. 34. P. 3–17, esp. pp. 8–9); His same. Ethnic integration in Eastern Europe in the 14th century (from hesychast disputes to the Battle of Kulikovo) // Rus' and Byzantium in the era of the Battle of Kulikovo. pp. 28, 37–43; His same. On the history of liturgical poetry: hymns and prayers of Patriarch Filofey Kokkin / TODRL. 1972. T. 27. pp. 120–121, 140; Hisamatsu E. Zur Anthropologie des Gregorios Sinaites // XB. 1999. T. 1 (7). C. 59. That is, living church experience - worship, psalmody, church prayer... Meyendorff J. Introduction... R. 389–390, 397. Meyendorff J. Introduction... P. 331–332, 389–397. PLP. No. 21546. Fasz.9. Wien, 1989. S. 113: we are talking about 53 (should be 63) homilies. The conclusions of the article are based on and repeat the work of Meyendorff: for example, homily No. 43 (after Min) (PG. 151. 536B–550D) is also called Encomius of St. Dimitri; etc. The bibliography attached to the article contains an indication of the work: Glabinas A. Ἓν ἄγνωστον χειρόγραφον ἄργων Γρηγορίου τοῦ Παλαμᾶ // Ἐπιστ. Έπετηρὶς τῆς Θεολ. Σχολῆς τοῦ Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλονίκης. 1976. T. 21. Σελ. 295–305. Meyendorff J. Palamas (Grégoire) // Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique. Doctrine et histoire. Paris, 1983. Fasz. LXXXVI–LXXXVII. Col. 90. Sinkewicz R. E. Introduction. R. 50–54, cf. r. 282 (Index fontium). Wed: ... τοῦ χωρίου τῆς τρυφῆς ... (413A); ... τοῦ χωρίου τῆς ἐνθέου τρυφῆς ... (Saint Gregory Palamas. The One Hundred and Fifty Chapters. A Critical Edition, Translation, and Study by Robert E. Sinkewicz, C. S. B. Toronto, 1988 (Studies and Texts, 83). P. 148. 56. 3). Both texts clearly belong to the same author and, presumably, were thought out by him consciously and in detail. A. A. Vasiliev, relying on outdated data from N. A. Weiss, briefly mentions 66 homilies, which is inaccurate (Vasiliev A. A. History of the Byzantine Empire: From the beginning of the Crusades to the fall of Constantinople. St. Petersburg, 1998. P. 414 and note 3). Arseny, ep. St. Gregory Palamas, Metropolitan of Thessalonica, three works that have never been published. Novgorod, 1895. Conversations (omilia) of St. Gregory Palamas. Montreal, 1974 (rep.: M., 1993). Part 2. pp. 199–204. Wed. especially the confession of the Trinity: Ibid. pp. 199–200; cf.: PG. 151.97BD; 224VS (about the omnipresence of God) and other places. See their list in Meyendorff (Meyetidorff J. Introduction. P. 331–332, 390–392). Meyendorff notes, in particular, that the First Homily is not part of the “original homilary” - such as it was formed in the Coisl manuscripts. 97, Mosq. syn. 212, Sinait. gr. 1604, Laura 1483 and Vatop. 134. A more detailed history of homilial evolution has yet to be written. Of the existing translations of homilies into new languages, we should first of all note the French edition: Grégoire Palamas. Douze homélies pour les fêtes / Intr. et trad. par Jerome Cler. Paris, 1987. The best introduction to the issue can be obtained from the following publications: Medvedev I.P. Byzantine humanism XIV-XV centuries. ....; Meyendorff I.F., protopresbyter. History of the Church and Eastern Christian mysticism. M., 2000; Meyendorff J. Introduction...Pt. 2; Idem. Byzantine Hesychasm: Historical, Theological, and Social Problems. London: VR, 1974. Medvedev I. P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. ... P. 112. See, for example, the remarks scattered throughout various lectures and articles by H.-F. Bayer, which he expressed, in particular, as part of a special course given at the Ural State University (Ekaterinburg) in 1997–1998. PG. 151.560A. Describing the speech of the seventeen-year-old Palamas before the synclite on the problems of Aristotelian philosophy (which, as is known, Palamas studied with the great logothete Theodore Metochites), Philotheus concludes: “And Aristotle himself, if he - [may I be allowed to put it this way] - was present [here], heard this [youth], I believe, would not be stingy with praise." The very concept of energy, so significant in the theological system of St. Gregory, goes back to Aristotle; starting with the Cappadocians, it is processed in a Christian spirit. On Palamas's education, see also: Meyendorff J. St. Gregory Palamas and Orthodox Spirituality. P. 71–72. To which, as shown by R. E. Sinkevich, his diagram of the earth’s climates goes back (Caput 13 // Saint Gregory Palamas. The One Hundred and Fifty Chapters. P. 96). Cf.: Sinkewicz R. E. Christian Theology and the Renewal of Philosophical and Scientific Studies in the Early Fourteenth Century: The “Capita 150” of Gregory Palamas // MS. 1986. Vol. 48. P. 338 and note 16. Saint Gregory Palamas. The One Hundred and Fifty Chapters. P. 108.25.3–4. PG. 151.221D. Below are references to this publication in the text, without indicating the abbreviation or volume number. Sinkewicz R. E. Christian Theology and the Renewal...; cf.: Idem. Introduction... P. 4–12. Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 25–26 and notes. X publishers on p. 377–378; Medvedev I. P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. pp. 38–39, 111–113 et passim; His same. Renaissance trends... P. 224–241; Prokhorov G.M. Rus' and Byzantium in the era of the Battle of Kulikovo. pp. 5–130; His same. The Tale of Mityai. Rus' and Byzantium in the era of the Battle of Kulikovo. L., 1978 (SPb., 2 2000). pp. 7–9; His same. On the history of liturgical poetry: hymns and prayers of Patriarch Filofey Kokkin. P. 120 (Prokhorov’s works are characterized by the opposition between hesychasts - as genuine humanists - and humanists of the first type); Lyubarsky Ya. N. Notes about Nicholas the Mystic in connection with the publication of his works // Him. Byzantine historians and writers. St. Petersburg, 1999. P. 64 (for Ya. N. Lyubarsky, tolerance is the defining feature of Christian humanism); Bibikov M. V. Historical literature of Byzantium. St. Petersburg, 1998. pp. 238–239; Meyendorff J. Society and culture in the fourteenth century. Religious problems // XIV e Congrès... Rapports. Vol. 1. P. 56–58; Idem. Spiritual trends in Byzantium in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. P. 62; Idem. Byzantine theoiogy. Historical trends and doctrinal themes. N.Y., 1974. P. 78; Tafrali O .Théssalonique au quatorzième siècle. Paris, 1913. P. 185, 199; Haussig H.-W. Kulturgeschichte von Byzanz. Stuttgart, 1959. S. 429 (Psellus – “the first Byzantine humanist”), 442 (breaking ties between Christianity and Hellenism in the 11th century), 499; Schirò G. [Korreferat zu H.-G. Beck:] Palamismus und Humanismus // Actes du XII e Congrès International desétudes byzantines. Beograd, 1963. T. 1. P. 325–326; Brehier L. Le monde byzantin. T. 3. La civilization byzantine. Paris, 1970. P. 369; Beck H.-G. Humanismus und Palamismus // Actes du XII e Congrès... P. 63–82 (however, Beck intertwines two understandings of humanism - we will consider his argumentation separately); Hunger H. Reich der Neuen Mitte. S. 298, 357–369; Idem. Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner. Munich, 1978. Bd. 1. S. 44, 49–50, 52; Idem. Von Wissenschaft und Kunst der frühen Paiaiologenzeit: mit einem Exkurs über die Κοσμικὴ δήλωσις Theodoros’ II. Dukas Laskaris // JÖBG. 1959. Bd. 8. S. 123–155; Idem. Klassizistische Tendenzen in der byzantinischen Literatur des 14. Jahrhunderts // XIV e Congrès...Rapports.Vol. I; Sevčenko I. Théodore Métochite, Chora et les courants intellectuels de l’époque // Art et société à Byzance sous les Paléologues. P. 15, 36; Podskalsky G. Barlaams theologische Methode und die byzantinische Tradition // XV e Congrès International d’études byzantines. Athènes, 5–11 September 1976. Resumés des communications. I–V; Idem. Orthodoxe und westliche Theologie // XVI. Internationaler Byzantinisten congress. Akten. Bd. I/2 (= JÖB. Bd. 31/2). S. 526; Idem. Okzident und Orient. Faktoren der Trennung – Chancen der Annäherung bzw. Vereinigung // Stimmen der Zeit. May 2000. Bd. 218.Hf. 5. S. 340–341; Idem. Humanistische Theologie in Byzanz: Charakteristika // XX e Congrès International... Pré–actes. Vol. 2. P. 83; Meduedev I.P. Neue philosophische Ansätze... S. 542; Beyer H.-V. Studien zum Begriff des Humanismus und zur Frage nach dessen Anwendbarkeit auf Byzanz und andere vergleichbare Kulturen // ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΑ. 1989. T. 15. S. 7–77; Idem. Der Begriff des Humanismus am Beispiel Petrarchas und die Frage nach seiner Anwendbarkeit auf Byzanz und kulturelle Strömungen ausserhalb der italienischen Renaissance // Scientific readings dedicated to the centenary of the birth of Professor M. Ya. Syuzyumov. Ekaterinburg, 1993. pp. 5–6. Represented, according to N.V. Revyakina, “...moral philosophy, history, poetry and literature in general, as well as rhetoric” (Revyakina N.V. Some issues of personality formation in Italian humanistic pedagogy // Renaissance Culture and Society / Editor-in-chief V.I. Rutenburg. M., 1986. P. 30; cf.: Gorfunkel A.Kh. Humanism and natural philosophy of the Italian Renaissance. M., 1977. pp. 334–335). “The idea of ​​shaping a person with the help of studia humanitatis is shared by the overwhelming majority of humanists” (Revyakina N.V. Some questions... P. 30). The versatility and breadth of talents of many humanists is well known, despite the fact that in the activities of many of them one dominant feature stands out - for example, Vergerio had a penchant for the natural sciences, Guarino from Verona was a geographer, and Vittorino da Feltre was a mathematician (ibid.). In Byzantium, the main figures in the Areopagus of humanists - Theodore Metochites and Nikephoros Gregoras - belonged to this type of independently thinking and culturally versatile personality. Medvedev I. P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. P. 214. Hunger H. Klassizistische Tendenzen... Ibid., Medvedev I. P. Literary "salons" in late Byzantium. pp. 53–59; Medvedev I.P. The so-called θέατρα as a form of communication... Σελ. 227–235; Kushch T.V. Byzantine θέατρον of the late XIV–XV centuries: some observations // ADSV. 2000. Vol. 31. pp. 323–329. Compare: Medvedev I.P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. P. 109; Meyendorff J. Spiritual trends... P. 71; Wed also remarks by D. Balfour regarding the report of I. P. Medvedev at the XVI International Congress on Byzantine Studies (Vienna, 1981; published in the materials of the discussion), etc. This point of view was actively supported by P. Guran (Guran P. Jean VI Cantacuzene, l’hesychasme et l’empire. Lesminiaturesdu codex Parisinusgraecus 1242 // L'empereur hagiographe. Culte des saints et monarchie byzantineet post-byzantine. Paris, 2001. P. 101 et n. See the indicated works by G.-V. Haussig, G. Podskalski and others, as well as: Lyubarsky Ya. N. Mikhail Psell: Personality and creativity. On the history of Byzantine pre-humanism. M., 1978 (2nd ed. - St. Petersburg, 2001, under the same cover as the book by P. V. Bezobrazov and the subtitle “Two books about Mikhail Psellus”). Schirò G. Palamismus und Humanismus. S. 326; cf.: Beck H.-G. Humanismus und Palamismus. S. 75: both groups - both Palamites and anti-Palamites - each rely on their own internal theological tradition (cf. the report of G. Podskalski at the XV International Congress on Byzantine Studies in Athens in 1976, indicated in note 1 on p. 22), while not understanding each other (cf. S. 73:76). At the same time, Palamas fought against humanism (in the first understanding), represented by Barlaam and Gregoras (S. 73:80), but Palamism made possible a new, second after the Cappadocians, synthesis of Hellenism and Christianity, thus preparing Christian humanism in its second understanding (see below) (S. 71–72). Throughout this discussion, two different understandings of humanism are clearly confused. In the end, the author even declares that both parties opposed humanism (S. 81). Thus, there is no clarification. Compare: Lotman Yu. M., Uspensky B. A. The role of dual models in the history of Russian culture (until the end of the 18th century) // Uspensky B. A. Selected works. M., 1994. T. 1. Semiotics of history. Semiotics of culture. A number of similar models are known in Byzantine studies: Platonists - Aristotelians, metropolitan nobility - provincial military nobility (in the era of the Comnenos), Westerners - Orientophiles (under the Palaiologos), philotomists - anti-Thomists, etc. See the general list of oppositions realized in Byzantine history in the 14th century: Beck H.-G. Das byzantinische Jahrtausend. München, 1978. S. 247. For our topic, it is important to note that humanists (in the first understanding) were usually Westerners, and hesychasts were Orientophiles (compare, however, the efforts of Cantacuzinus to organize and conduct negotiations with the papal legate: the most enlightened and active part of the hesychasts did not lose sight of the icumene as a whole). See: Syuzyumov M. Ya. Philosophy and theology // History of Byzantium. M., 1967. T. 3. P. 235; Prokhorov G. M. Rus' and Byzantium... P. 19; Dölger F. Politische und geistige Strömungen im sterbenden Byzanz // JÖBG. 1954. Bd. 3. S. 13–14; Kyrris C.P. The Causes of the Dichotomy of Imperial institution in the Byzantine Empire during the Period 1341–1354 // ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΑ. 1971. T. 3. About phylotomists and anti-Thomists cf.: Kianka F. Demetrios Cydones and Thomas Aquinas // Byz. 1982. Vol. 52. F. 2. P.264–286; Demetracopoulos Ph. Demetrius Kydones’ Translation of the Summa Theologica // JÖB. 1982. Bd. 32/4. S. 311–313; etc. And in the hesychast disputes themselves, a fairly large group of “middles” took part, which in the early 1340s. did not join any of the disputing parties and the study of which has begun very recently. See, for example: Morozova K.I. Grigory Akindin: dialogue with the hesitant // ADSV. 1999. Vol. 30. pp. 303–307. Wed. his CV: PG. 149.996B. Verpeaux J. Nicephore Choumnos. Homme d'Etat et humaniste byzantin (ca. 1250/1255–1327). Paris, 1959. P. 190 (about Humna); Müller-Asshoff H. Beobachtungen an den Hauptschriften... S. 28 (about St. Nicholas Cabasilos); Beck H.-G. Das byzantinische Jahrtausend. S. 156 (about homiletics – “ein christlich-humanistisches Versuch”); Bychkov V. V. Aesthetics of late antiquity (II–III centuries). M., 1981. P. 42 (about apologists), cf. With. 161; Krivushin I. V. Early Byzantine church historiography. P. 142. Note. 1 (about Socrates Scholasticus). Verpo, Krivushin and a number of other researchers quite rightly interpret the ideological program of the movement in question as the implementation of the advice of St. Basil the Great, addressed to young people. De Halleux A. Palamisme et scolastique. Exclusivisme dogmatique ou pluriformite theologique? // Revue Theologique de Louvain. 1973. Vol. 4. P. 436.437; cf.: Meyendorff J . Spiritual trends... P. 71; Idem. Byzantine theology; and others. Polemicizing with I.P. Medvedev (Byzantine humanism of the 14th–15th centuries, pp. 111–112), one can note that the problem of humanism is broader than the problem of one or another philosophical concept: rather, we can talk about the feeling of life or the picture of the world, and about its depth, which can only partially be translated into the language of rational categories. Be that as it may, various types of humanism are possible (and historically existed) (as well as rationalism, empiricism, pessimism, traditionalism, etc.). These nuances and their right to be noted and recorded sub specie historiae, and I would like to emphasize this here. Jevtić A. Rencontre de lascolastique et de l'hésychasme dans l'oeuvre de Nilus Cabasilas // L'art de Théssalonique et de pays Balkaniques et les courants intellectuels au XIV e siècle. Recueil des rapports du IV e colloque serbo-grec (Belgrade, 1985). Belgrade, 1987, pp. 149–157, esp. 149–152, 155, 157 (by the way, the Most Reverend Athanasius (Jevtich) speaks of two types of humanism - the first and third, according to our classification); Βλάχος Ι., αρχιμ., Οάγιος Γρηγόριος Παλαμάς ως αγιορείτης, Λεβαδεία, 1992. Σελ. 320. Meyendorff J. Byzantine theology. P. 78. See also: Prokhorov G. M. Rus' and Byzantium...; His same. On the history of liturgical poetry...; Uspensky L.A. Hesychasm and humanism – the paleologian flourishing // Him. Theology of the icon of the Orthodox Church. M.; Kyiv, [1996?]. pp. 187–205, esp. 194; Ράντοβιτς A., ιερομ. Τа μυστήριον τῆς Αγίας Τριάδος κατὰ τον Ἀγιον Γρήγορων Παλαμάν. Σελ. 26 (see also the entire Introduction); Sinkewicz R. E. Christian Theology and the Renewal... P. 351; Vasiliev A. Andrey Rublev and Grigory Palama // ZhMP. 1960. No. 10. P. 33–44. Meyendorff I.F., protopresbyter. About Byzantine hesychasm and its role in the cultural and historical development of Eastern Europe in the 14th century // Him. History of the Church and Eastern Christian mysticism. P. 565; Medvedev I. P. Mystra. Essays on the history and culture of the late Byzantine city. P. 111; etc. Ostrogorsky G. A. Athonite hesychasts and their opponents (On the history of late Byzantine culture) // Notes of the Russian Scientific Institute in Belgrade. 1931. Issue. 5. pp. 349–370; Lossky Vl. N. Apophasaic theology // BT. 1975. T. 14; His same. Theology of the image // Ibid.; His same. Theology of light in the teachings of St. Gregory Palama // ZhMP. 1968. No. 3–4; His same. Theological concept of human personality // BT. T. 14; His same. “The Vision of God” in Byzantine theology // BT. 1972. T. 8; His same. Dogmatic theology // Mystical theology. Kyiv, 1991. pp. 263–335; His own. Essay on the mystical theology of the Eastern Church // Ibid. pp. 97–259 (also separate edition: M., 1991); His same. Palamite synthesis // BT. T. 8; His same. Dispute about Sofia. Articles from different years. M., 1996 (see here, in addition to the main work, article: Apophatic theology in the teachings of Dionysius the Areopagite. P. 99–112); Florovsky Georgy, archpriest. Creature and creatureliness // His own. Dogma and history. M., 1998. P. 108–150; His own. Saint Gregory Palamas and the tradition of the fathers // Ibid. pp. 377–393 (see also: Florovsky G. St. Gregory Palamas and the Tradition of the Fathers // Idem. Bible, Church, Tradition: An Eastern Orthodox View. Belmont, 1972); Vasily (Krivoshein), archbishop. The ascetic and theological teaching of St. Gregory Palamas // His own. Theological works 1952–1983 [title is inaccurate; the work was first published in 1936 - D. M.]. Articles. Reports. Translations. Nizhny Novgorod, 1996. pp. 114–208; His same. Saint Gregory Palamas - personality and teaching (based on recently published materials) // Ibid. pp. 209–228; His same. Orthodox spiritual Tradition // Ibid. pp. 8–30; His same. Athos in the spiritual life of the Orthodox Church // Ibid. pp. 40–68, esp. 46–55; His same. Venerable Simeon the New Theologian (949–1022). Nizhny Novgorod, 1996; Cyprian (Kern), archimandrite. Anthropology of St. Gregory Palamas. M., 1996 (this work, according to the fair remark of R. E. Sinkewicz, is outdated, “although it was a worthy beginning”; see: Sinkewicz R. E. St. Gregory Palamas and the Doctrine... P. 7 (857). Note 2); a more detailed list of works by Fr. John Meyendorff, see Bibliography (also Meyendorff), and also: Synergy. Problems of asceticism and mysticism of Orthodoxy. M., 1995. pp. 33–41 (the list is incomplete; in particular, a number of reports at the International Congresses on Byzantine Studies should be added (for example, at the Fifteenth in Athens, 1976), articles in DOP; all reviews of the works of Father John are also not taken into account). Here we only indicate: Meyendorff I.F. About Byzantine hesychasm and its role in the cultural and historical development of Eastern Europe in the 14th century. // TODRL. 1974. T. 29. pp. 291–305; His same. The theme of “Wisdom” in Eastern European medieval culture and its heritage // Literature and art in the cultural system. pp. 244–252; His same. Florence Cathedral: reasons for historical failure // VV. 1991. T. 51. P. 84–101; Meyendorff John, protopresbyter. On the liturgical perception of space and time // Liturgy, architecture and art of the Byzantine world. Proceedings of the XVIII International Congress of Byzantinists (Moscow, August 8–15, 1991) and other materials dedicated to the memory of Fr. John Meyendorff / Ed. K.K. Akentyev. St. Petersburg, 1995. (Byzantino-Russian Studies. T. 1). pp. 1–10; His same. Introduction to Patristic Theology: Lecture Notes / Trans. from English L. Volokhonskaya. Vilnius 1, 1992; Klin 2, 2001; His own. The Life and Works of Saint Gregory Palamas. Introduction to the Study / Ed. I. P. Medvedev and V. M. Lurie. St. Petersburg, 1997. (Subsidia Byzantinorossica. T. 2); His own. Orthodoxy in the modern world. M., 1997 (see here: St. Gregory Palamas. His place in the Tradition of the Church and modern theology. P. 149–170); His own. Jesus Christ in Eastern Orthodox theology. M., 2000; His own. History of the Church and Eastern Christian mysticism. M., 2000; His own. Byzantine theology. M., 2001 (the latest edition is unsatisfactory in a number of respects). Schultze V., S. J. Die Bedeutung des Palamismus in der russischen Theologie der Gegenwart // Scholastic. 1951. Bd. 26. S. 388–412; Wenger A. Bulletin de spiritualité et de théologie byzantines // RÉB. 1955. Vol. 13. P. 167–178; Beck H.-G. Kirche und theologische Literatur... S. 712–798; Stiernon D. Bulletin sur le palamisme // REB. 1972. Vol. 30. P. 231–341; Medvedev I. P. Modern bibliography of hesychast disputes in Byzantium in the 14th century. // ADSV. 1973. Vol. 10. pp. 270–274; Krishtaleva L. G., Khoruzhy S. S. Bibliography of the mystical-ascetic (hesychast) tradition of Orthodoxy. // Synergy. pp. 295–361; Sidorov A. I. Archimandrite Cyprian Kern and the tradition of Orthodox study of late Byzantine hesychasm // Cyprian (Kern), archimandrite. Anthropology... C. VIII–LXXVIII; Lurie V. M. Afterword // Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 327–372; Makarov D. I. Essays on Russian historiography of Palamism (1860–1998) // ADSV. 1999. T. 30. pp. 338–353. By recognizing the merits of Russian scientists, historiographical sections of modern foreign research on hesychasm, palamism and related topics are often opened. See as an example: Ivanka E. von. Hesychasmus und Palamismus. Ihr gegenseitiges Verhältnis und ihre geistesgeschichtliche Bedeutung // JÖBG. 1952. Bd. 2. S. 23, 33 (reprinted in a book available to us in French translation: Idem. Plato Christianus. La réception critique du platonisme chez les Pères de l’Église / Trad. de l’allemand par E. Kessler. Paris, 1990. P. 374–375); Flogaus R. Palamas and Barlaam Revisited: A Reassessment of East and West in the Hesychast Controversy of 14th Century Byzantium // St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly. 1998. Vol. 42/1. P. 1. Schultze V., S. J. Die Bedeutungdes Palamismus... S. 412; cf.: Flogaus R. Der heimliche Blick nach Westen. Zur Rezeption von Augustins “De Trinitate” durch Gregorios Palamas // JÖB. 1996. Bd. 46. ​​S. 275. The main works (Bishop Porfiry Uspensky, Abbot Modest (Strelbitsky), Archbishop Arseny (Ivashchenko), Bishop Alexy (Dorodnitsyn), I. I. Pomyalovsky, K. F. Radchenko, I. I. Sokolov) were analyzed in the works of A. I. Sidorov, V. M. Lurie, D. I. Makarov, indicated in approx. 1 on p. 30 (see especially Lurie's essay). I would like to especially highlight the book by I. I. Sokolov (1865–1939), which is a review of the research of G. Papamikhail (see about him below): Sokolov I. I. St. Gregory Palamas, Archbishop of Thessaloniki, his works and teaching on hesychia. St. Petersburg, 1913. About the author, see: Lebedeva G. E., Morozov M. A. From the history of domestic Byzantine studies of the late 19th – early 20th centuries: I. I. Sokolov // ADSV. 1998. Vol. 29. pp. 139–152; Lebedeva G. E. On the history of the study of church historiography of the late XIX – early XX centuries // Verbum. Vol. 3. Byzantine theology and traditions of religious and philosophical thought in Russia. St. Petersburg, 2000. P. 81; Hers. From the history of Byzantine studies and neo-Hellenistics in Russia: I. I. Sokolov // Μοσχοβία. Problems of Byzantine and modern Greek philology: To the 60th anniversary of B. L. Fonkich. M., 2001. T. 1. P. 229–246. For the date of death of I.I. Sokolov, see ibid., p. 245. This excellent article notes: “Russian historiography is indebted to the talented historian, whose scientific legacy awaits serious and comprehensive analysis” (p. 231). I.P. Medvedev also comes to the same, essentially, conclusion, starting from some of the more specific Byzantine studies of I.I. Sokolov. See: Medvedev I.P. Legal culture of the Byzantine Empire. St. Petersburg, 2001. P. 221 and approx. 177, 225–227, 229, 566 (index of names). Sokolov's materials are widely used by Medvedev in his own research. The historical, theological and universal significance of I. I. Sokolov’s works seems to us undoubted. And here it is necessary to emphasize once again (cf. the above works of G. E. Lebedeva): if Russian Byzantine studies achieved such success at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, it was not least thanks to the synthesis of secular and ecclesiastical areas of research that took place in the works of V.V. Bolotov, E.E. Golubinsky, F.A. Kurganov, I.I. Sokolov, N.A. Skabalanovich and many others. To revive this spiritually oriented area of ​​research in our days is not only a scientific, but also a moral and ethical duty to our predecessors. This refers to the work: Cyprian (Kern), archimandrite. Spiritual ancestors of St. Gregory Palamas (The Experience of Mystical Genealogy) // Theological Thought. Paris, 1942. Tahiaos A.-E. N. “Russian era” in Paris // Μοσχοβία. P. 536. Wed. works of Tachiaos himself on the history of the Slavic reception of hesychasm, as well as on the history of the replacement of the dioceses of the Patriarchate of Constantinople at the end of the 14th century, for example: Tachiaos A.-E. Le mouvement hésychaste pendant les dernières décennies du XIV e siècle // Κληρονομιά. 1974. T. 6. Pt. 1; Tachiaos A.-E. N. The Revival of Byzantine Mysticism among Slavs and Romans in the XVIII th Century. Texts Relating to the Life and Activity of Paisy Velichkovsky (1722–1794). Θεσσαλονίκη, 1986. According to Takhiaos himself, the primary impetus for his research was meetings with Russian monks on Mount Athos (Takhiaos A.-E.N. “Russian Epoch” in Paris. P. 532). A similar desire - to consider the spiritual impact of Byzantium on a different, but related culture - guided Fr. Gerhard Podskalski, O.I. (Society of Jesus), when writing a guide to the theological literature of Kievan Rus (see: Podskalski G. Christianity and theological literature... P. IX). The very spiritual environment in which such attempts were and are being carried out - the world of Ignatius of Loyola's "Spiritual Exercises" and the world of Orthodox monasticism on Mount Athos - has been repeatedly subjected to comparative analysis in the scientific literature, starting with the works of Fr. Irineya Osera, O.I. (see below; see also the above report by Krivoshein). Compare: Lurie V. M. Afterword. pp. 346–347 and approx. 35–36. Today collected in a number of books, in particular: Hausherr I., S. J. Noms du Christ et voies d’oraison. Roma, 1960. (OCA, 157). See also: Idem. Prière de vie. Vie de prière. Paris, 1964; etc. Hausherr I., S. J. La méthode d'oraison hésychaste. Roma, 1927. This text is cited by us several times in the future. See the latest summary of data in: Lurie V. M. Comments // Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 411–417. Lurie speaks out for the authorship of Rev. Simeon the New Theologian. On the contrary, A. Rigaud defends a later dating (1275–1321) and, accordingly, the attribution of the treatise. See: Rigo A. Niceforo l’Esicasta (XIII sec.): Alcune considerazioni sulla vita e sull’opera // Nil Sorskij e l’esicasmo. Magnano, 1995, pp. 89–93. Dunaev considers it possible to attribute the treatise to St. Simeon the Pious (Studite), but the latter’s just published “Ascetic Word” does not seem to allow us to draw any definite parallels between this treatise and the Studite tradition. (See: Dunaev A.G. Problems of composition and authorship of the treatise “The Method of Sacred Prayer and Attention” // The Path to Sacred Silence. Little-known works of the Holy Hesychast Fathers / Compiled, general ed., prev. and notes. A.G. Dunaev. M., 1999. P. 170). In the current state of affairs, only further research can shed light on the problem - especially those aimed at expanding the manuscript tradition of the work. Παπαμιχαήλ Γ. Ὅ ἅγιος Γρηγόριος Παλαμᾶς (1296–1360), ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Θεσσαλονίκης. Ἠθικο-πατρολογικὴ συμβολὴ εἰς τὴν ἱστορίαν τῶν ἡσυχαστικῶν ἐριδῶν τοῦ ΙΔ’ αἰῶνος. Πετρούπολις – Ἀλεξανδρεία, 1911. This outdated dating of Palamas’ life is found in Arnakis (see above, note 23). V. Ἰωαννίδης V. „Ἡσυχίας“ τοῦ Παλαμισμοῦ // Atti dello Vili Congresso Internazionale di studi bizantini. Palermo, 3–10 April 1951. Roma, 1953. Vol. 1. Filologia. Letteratura. Linguistica. Storia. Numismatica. (Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, 7). P. 120–123. Αὐτόθι. P. 122. Cf.: p. 123: “In Palamism there is a unification (μίασύνθεσις) of rationalism and mysticism...” - and similar conclusions of Bishop. Alexia (Dorodnitsyna), I. I. Sokolova, Archbishop. Vasily (Krivoshein). See: Alexy (Dorodnitsyn), ep. Byzantine ecclesiastical mystics of the 14th century (St. Gregory Palamas, Nicholas Cabasilas, and St. Gregory the Sinaite). Kazan, 1906. P. 48; Sokolov I. I. St. Gregory Palamas... P. 15; Vasily (Krivoshein), archbishop. Ascetic and theological teaching... P. 206–207. A new word on this path was said in Catholic science by E. von Ivanka, and in Orthodox science (which had a decisive influence on the world in this matter) - by Meyendorff and those scientists who worked and continue to work in line with his ideas, methods and approaches. Παπαμιχαήλ Γ. Ὅ ἅγιος Γρηγόριος Παλαμᾶς... Σελ. κη ’ (p. 28); cf.: Journet Ch. Palamisme et thomisme. A propos d'un livre récent [Meyendorff 1959] // Revue Thomiste. 1960. P. 429. Here Fr. Journet quite rightly remarks about Palamas: “S’il s’oppose à l’humanisme et à la culture au nom de la piété hésychaste, c’est dans la mesure seulement où l’humanisme byzantin cesse alors d’être théocentrique pour devenir anthropocentrique” (Ibid.). (Translation: “If he opposes humanism and culture in the name of hesychast piety, then only to the extent that Byzantine humanism at that time ceases to be theocentric - to become anthropocentric”). Judgments of this kind, deep and convincing in their essence, we find in the works of Fr. Andre de Halleux and other pillars of Western petrological thought. See first of all: Halleux A. de. Palamisme et scolastique. Exclusivisme dogmatique ou pluriformité théologique? P. 436–437 (the works of Fr. Andre de Halleux are successfully collected in the publication: Idem. Patrologie et Œcuménisme. Recueil d’études. Louvain, 1990). Lurie V. M. Afterword. P. 346. Stăniloae D. Viaţa şi învăţătura Sfântului Grigorie Palama. Sibiu, 1938; Idem. Priere de Jésus et expérience du Saint-Esprit. Desclée de Brouwer, 1981; Idem. The Procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and His Relation to the Son, as the Basis of Our Deification and Adoption // Spirit of God, Spirit of Christ. Ecumenical Reflections on the Filioque Controversy / Ed. L. Vischer. London, 1981; etc. The works of M. Jugis and S. Guichardan are too well known historiographically to be discussed here. The famous “Bulletin of Palamism” by D. Stirnon opens with a refutation of the once seemingly unshakable assertion of M. Jugy (in the Dictionnaire de théologie catholique) that the Orthodox have long forgotten their Palamism. History has shown the prematureness of this judgment of the venerable Catholic theologian. See: Stiernon D. Bulletin... R. 231; Lurie V. M. Afterword. P. 327 ff.; Krivoshein and Lossky already criticized the position of Bois and Guichardan (partly Jugy) in their works. See: Vasily (Krivoshein), archbishop. Ascetic and theological teaching... P. 116–118 (note 2), 129 (and note 4), 133 (and note 52, where fundamental criticism of some of the views of I. Oser is given), 134 (and note 53), 157–158 (and note 116), 163 (and note 133), 167–168 (and note 143, where the confessional and polemical background of Catholic rejection of Palamism in the first third of the 20th century is revealed), 170 and note. 145 (against Guichardan), 188–189 (and note 179–180), 192–193 (and note 194), 196–197 and note 206 (vs. J. Bois), 200–201 and approx. 211–212 (vs. Jugy and Guichardan), 203 (and note 215), 204–205 (and note 218), 208 (and note 219); Lossky Vl. N. Essay on the mystical theology of the Eastern Church... P. 146 and approx. 109 (against Guichardan). For our part, we will only point out the work of J. Bois, which we discuss further: Bois J. Le synode hésychaste de 1341 // EO. 1903. T. 6. P. 50–60. Wunderle G. Zur Psychologie deshesychastischen Gebets. Würzburg 2,1949. (Dasöstliche Christentum. N. F. Hf. 2). Wenger A. Bulletin de spiritualité et de théologie byzantines... Kretschmer W. Theologie und subjektives Erlebnis. Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der palamitischen Mystik // Πανηγυρικὸς τόμος ἑορτασμοῦ τῆς ἑξακοσιοστῆς επετείου τοῦ θανάτου τοῦ ἀγίου Γρηγορίου τοῦ Παλαμᾶ, ἀρχιεπισκόπου Θεσσαλονίκης (1359–1959) / Ἐπιμ. Π. K. Χρήστου. Ἐν Θεσσαλονίκη, 1960. Σελ. 133–147, bes. 143–147. Meyendorff J. Le dogme eucharistique dans les controverses théologiques du XIVe siècle (en voir le reprint dans: Idem. Byzantine Hesychasm. XIII); Florovsky G. Γρηγόριος ὁ Παλαμᾶς καὶ ἡ πατερικὴ παράδοοις // Πανηγυρικὸς τόμος ... Σελ . 240–254 (see above, note 68). Bois J. Le synode hésychaste... P. 51. Ibid. Such was the theological thought of the West in the era of the dominance of neo-Thomism: after all, Lossky was a student of E. Gilson at the Sorbonne, which had both its strengths and weaknesses. Compare: Lurie V. M. Comments // Meyendorf I.F. Life and works... P. 431 and esp. 432: “One could even say that V.N. Lossky and behind him Fr. John Meyendorff followed the path indicated by St. Gennady Scholarius, in the field of philosophy (but not theology) who accepted Thomas Aquinas in its entirety. In modern times, Thomas became for patristic theology what Aristotle was in Byzantium...” - remaining to this day apex theologiae for Catholic theology. A certain echo of this kind of opinion, no less perplexed in tone, confronts the reader with V. Bibikhin’s unfounded statement: “The inaccessibility of the Omnipresent threatens to turn in Palamas from a miracle of divine-human kinship into mechanics with the dissection of the One into accessible and inaccessible parts. Tying (?!) uncreated energies, i.e. essentially gods (this is significant ignorance of the dogmatic decrees of the Councils of 1341 and 1351 about energies as the same God, only in a different mode of His existence - addressed to the creature! - D. M.), to prayer practice limits the freedom of divine omnipresence (which may sound more absurd to anyone, even more or less accustomed to hesychast texts? - D. M.)... in palamism, the attraction of Islam with its unapproachable deity makes itself felt (the author of the Orthodox teaching about energies, starting with St. Basil the Great! - D. M.)... " (Veniaminov V. (Bibikhin V. V.). Brief information about life and thoughts of St. Gregory Palamas // St. Gregory Palamas in defense of the sacredly silent. To prove the absurdity of this kind of “analytical statements” in our days would be a clear anachronism, especially since this has already been done by A.I. Sidorov (Sidorov A.I. Archimandrite Cyprian Kern ... pp. LXIX–LXX, LXXV–LXXVI). Wunderle G. Zur Psychologie... S. 65. Journet Ch. Palamisme et thomisme. P. 429–452; Halleux A. de. Palamisme et scolastique...; Idem. Palamisme et tradition // Irenikon. 1975. Vol. 48; etc.. Wenger A. Bulletin de spiritualité et de théologie byzantines... P. 172. Krumbacher K. Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur von Justinian bis zum Ende des Oströmischen Reiches. München, 1897. S. 43. In fairness, it should be noted that Krumbacher’s statements are more specific and tied to a specific historical moment - the era of hesychast disputes, than the arguments of A. Vange, but both of them allow for the possibility of drawing broad typological parallels between the material being studied and other countries and eras where there were outbreaks of ideological confrontation similar to what we see in Palaiologan period in Byzantium. Perhaps, in this regard, we should pay attention to the negative assessment of the latest linguistic and grammatical theories and philosophy (in connection with confessional polemics) in Muscovite Rus' in the 16th–17th centuries. (not to mention the polemically pointed statements of Avvakum and the Old Believers against “teaching”, as well as the well-known fact of the almost complete lack of acquaintance with ancient philosophy in Kievan Rus), about which, in particular, see: Uspensky B.A. Attitude to grammar and rhetoric in Ancient Rus' (XVI-XVII centuries) // Him. Selected works. M., 1994. T. 2. Language and culture. pp. 7–25 (passim; the conclusions on pp. 16, 18–19 are especially interesting; first publication: Literature and art in the cultural system. pp. 208–224). Modest, abbot. Saint Gregory Palamas, Metropolitan of Thessalonica, champion of the Orthodox teaching about the Light of Tabor and the actions of God. Kyiv, 1860. See about this work: Makarov D. I. Essays... P. 340. Hisamatsu E. Zur Anthropologie des Gregorios Sinaites... P. 58–98; and other research by the author. Ivanka E. von. Hesychasmus und Palamismus. S. 23–34 (= Idem.. Plato Christianus. P. 374–388); see also: Idem. Die philosophische und geistesgeschichtliche Bedeutung des Palamismus // Atti dello VIII Congresso... P. 124–129 (in particular, on pp. 124–125 the author rightly emphasizes the difference between Palamism and the Catholic teaching about created grace; the report as a whole is rich in ideas and insights). Idem. Hesychasmus und Palamismus. S. 24 (= Plato Christianus. P. 377). The modern definition of hesychasm, as is known, was given by Meyendorff. See: Meyendorff I.F. About Byzantine hesychasm... P. 291 ff.; Meyendorff J. Spiritual Trends... P. 57–58 (where a more general definition is given - “a spiritual school that teaches that God is revealed to man in the direct experience of communication with God...” (p. 57)); and other works by the author. Ivanka E. von. Plato Christianus. P. 398–402 (“L’hésychasme: méthode et expérience”). A conclusion that was confirmed by further research. Yes, oh. Gerhard Podskalski, O.I., distinguishes between the original hesychasm (in the form in which it developed in the works of St. Diadochos of Photiki and his followers), the Sinaitic hesychasm (the continuator of which on Athos he quite rightly considers St. Gregory the Sinai) and the Athonite hesychasm (St. Gregory Palamas is also affiliated with this school - as well as St. Theoliptus of Philadelphia, unknown author of "The Method of Sacred Prayer and Attention", St. Ignatius and Callistus of Xanthopoulos, St. Callistus Angelicud, Theophanes of Nicea). Approaches to this distinction between theological schools were already outlined by Western researchers in the middle of the 20th century. See: Boularand E., S. J. Grégoire Palamas et la "Defense des saints hésychastes". A propos d’un livre récent [Meyendorff 1959] // Revue d’ascétique et de mystique. 1960. 36 e année. Nr. 141. P. 233, 235, 236; Podskalsky G. Il metropolita Cipriano di Kiev/Moscaela comparsa dell’esicasmo in Russia // Amore del Bello. Studi sulla Filocalia. Magnano, 1991. P. 208 (and earlier works of the author). See also: Sidorov A. I. Treatise “The Method of Sacred Prayer and Attention” and its place in the tradition of hesychasm // Theological Bulletin, published by the Moscow Theological Academy. 1996. T. 2. P. 106, 110–111. The latter work emphasizes (following I. Oser) connection between the “Method of Sacred Prayer and Attention” and the works of St. Theoliptus of Philadelphia with the Sinaitic hesychasm. It is only necessary not to lose sight of the fact that the connection between these texts (as well as the spiritual and ascetic practices that gave rise to them) with the subsequent Athonite hesychasm was almost stronger. In particular, for the spiritual formation of St. Gregory Palamas, these texts were of almost paramount importance (for more details, see Chapter 2). Ivanka E. von. Hesychasmus und Palamismus. S. 25–26 (= Plato Christianus. P. 378–379). Idem. Plato Christianus. P. 371. Idem. Hesychasmus und Palamismus. S. 30–32 (= Plato Christianus. P. 381–383:387). Medvedev I. P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. P. 111; Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... Part 2. Ch. 1 (cf. p. 169:326); Meyendorff J. Note sur l'influence dionysienne en Orient // Idem. Byzantine Hesychasm. XIV. P. 547. The very doctrine of energies, with which Palamas summed up the previous tradition of philosophy of the Greek Fathers, was an overcoming of essentialism in theology and a “creative response” to the “challenge” of the New Age. This understanding is reflected in many modern studies. See: Contos L. S. The essence – energy structure of Saint Gregory Palamas with a brief examination of its patristic foundation // GOTR. 1967–1968. Vol. 12. P. 293: “There are here (in “The Capita 150.” - D. M.) visible signs of the struggle to be free of Aristotelian categories”; Mantzarides G. Ὀρθόδοξος πνενματικότης καὶ θεολογία κατὰ Γρηγόριον τὸν Παλαμᾶν // Γρηγόριος ὁ Παλαμᾶς . 1968. T. 51. Σελ. 63: “Theology is the experiential experience of a person based on the Revelation of God (our italics - D. M.)”; Papademetriou G. S. Introduction to Saint Gregory Palamas. N.Y., 1973. P. 66, 67; Ράντοβιτς Α. Το μυστήριον ... Σελ. 144, 148–149, 171–173, 178–180, 185–186, 187 (emphasizing the difference between Palamas’ understanding of energies and the Neoplatonists’ understanding of the emanations of the One), 193, 195–196, 200, 212 (with reference to Florovsky’s work on Palamas and the tradition of the Fathers), 214.218–219; Mantzarides G.I. The Definition of Man. Esp. p. 105–107, 114–115; Meyendorff J. Spiritual Trends... P. 65, 66 (it is emphasized that the transformation of theology into a section of autonomous thinking, in no way connected with the experience of Communion with God, is a product of Varlaamism - of course, in the sense in which this word can characterize the trends widespread in the West since the Renaissance towards autonomization and emancipation of the human principle from the Divine presence and control); Idem. Mount Athos in the Fourteenth Century: Spiritual and Intellectual Legacy // DOP. 1988. Vol. 42. P. 164; Sopko A. J. Scholasticism and Orthodoxy: Some Current Observations (the work was written for the anniversary collection in honor of G. Papadimitriou and is known to us from a manuscript kindly sent by the author). On the Catholic side, one cannot fail to note the fundamental research of Fr. Andre de Halleux and Fr. Robert Sinkevich: Heilleux A. de. Palamisme et scolastique. P. 419: “...le Dieu un du palamisme n’est ni celui d’Aristote, ni même celui de Plotin, mais celui de la tradition chrétienne...” Bien sur! See also: Sinkewicz R. E. The Doctrine of the Knowledge of God in the Early Writings of Barlaam the Calabrian // MS. 1982. Vol. 44. P. 181–242 (fundamental study on the role and place of epistemology in hesychast disputes); Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 179–185. See: Sopko A. J. Prophet of Roman Orthodoxy. The Theology of John Romanides. Dewdney, 1998, pp. 19–38. See Tomos of the Council of 1351: PG. 151.717–764. This opposition is characteristic of old historiography (A.P. Lebedev and others). (See: Medvedev I.P. Byzantine humanism of the XIV-XV centuries. P. 66 and note 2). Nowadays, the factual and methodological inconsistency of this kind of posing the question is obvious: even if we are talking about refractions of some basic features of Platonism or Aristotelianism in a particular cultural environment, the question should be raised about the specifics of these refractions. To give an example from another sphere: everyone read Nietzsche, but in Russia they justified him, which, in turn, led to God-seeking, while in the West, fashionable in the first third of the 20th century. Nietzsche's ideas served as one of the sources of admiration for the iron will of the “strong personality.” Reinsch D. Die Briefe des Matthaios von Ephesos im Codex Vindobonensis Theol. Gr. 174. Berlin, 1974. S. 24. The author notes regarding Palamas’ teaching: “Metaphysisch gesehen kann man jedoch insgesamt durchaus von neuplatonischer Tradition bei Palamas sprechen.” This kind of view does not pay tribute to the autonomy and novelty of the Christian Revelation (which Palamas defended), as if it does not notice the revolution in man’s relationship with God, which was brought about by Christianity, and therefore prefers to remain in the positions of the old essentialism (none other than Meyendorff wrote that St. Gregory Palamas took “a new and decisive step in the Eastern Christian tradition in the direction of liberation from the categories of Neoplatonism...” - Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 326). But we have seen (see note 5 on pp. 42–43) that many prominent representatives of scientific thought in the West are beginning to move away from this kind of views. Bakhtin M. M. Problems of Dostoevsky's poetics. M., 2 1963; 3 1972 (1 L., 1929); His same. The work of Francois Rabelais and the folk culture of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance [second half of the 1930s; completed 1940]. M., 1 1965; 2 1990; There are a number of translations into foreign languages. The heuristic power of both books is enormous, which makes them one of the most striking monuments of humanitarian, scientific and philosophical thought of the 20th century. The same can be said about Meyendorff's books. See: Writings of ancient Christian apologists / Ed. A. G. Dunaeva. St. Petersburg, 1999, pp. 419–693. Meyendorff I. F. Theme "Wisdom"... His same. About Byzantine hesychasm... (reprint with a different pagination - in the book: His. History of the Church and Eastern Christian mysticism...). His same. Life and works... The most important of them are the three-volume edition of homilies (“Conversations (homilia) ...”) and V. Bibikhin’s translation of “Triads” (St. Gregory Palamas. Triads ...). In addition, A. I. Sidorov prepared a translation of “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters” - the next most important work of Palamas after “Triads”, in which extensive attention is paid to triadology and anthropology in their inextricable relationship. See also: [St.] Gregory Palamas. About the divine and deifying communion, or About the divine and supernatural simplicity / Transl. E. Nachinkina // VRKhGI. 1997. No. 1. P. 92–103 (unfortunately, the short commentary introduced by the translator is inappropriate both in tone and in substance, representing, in fact, an attempt to blaspheme a saint); Saint Gregory Palamas. Svyatogorsk Tomos in defense of the sacredly silent... / Trans. from Greek T. [A.] Miller // Alpha and Omega. 1995. No. 3 (6) (original see: PG. 150); His same. Reply to Pavel Asen / Trans. from Greek N. Kholmogorova, ed. Yu. [A.] Kazachkova // Ibid. 1996. No. 2/3 (9/10); His same. Decalogue of Christian law... / Trans. T. [A.] Miller // Ibid. 1998. No. 2 (16); His same. Three chapters on prayer and purity of heart / Trans. D. I. Makarova, ed. H.-F. Bayer // Makarov D. I. The teaching of Gregory Palamas on the purification of man (based on the treatise “Three Chapters on Prayer and Purity of Heart”) and some parallels in late Byzantine mysticism // World of Orthodoxy. Volgograd, 2000. Issue. 3. pp. 67–69. See Appendix to this publication. This publication begins to be published under the editorship of A. G. Dunaev; it will include both polemical and dogmatic works of the teacher of silence (some of them are translated by D. A. Pospelov). Medvedev I. P. Byzantine humanism of the 14th–15th centuries; His same. Canonization of St. Gregory Palamas: historical context... (cf.: Rigo A. La canonizzazione...). Lurie V. M. Works of Antonio Rigo on the history of Byzantine hesychasm // VV. 1994. T. 55 (80); His same. Publications from the Bose Monastery on the history of the hesychast tradition among the Greeks and Slavs. 1–2 // Ibid. 1997. T.57 (82); His same. Comments // Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... P. 373–460; His same. Works of Robert Sinkevich on the history of Byzantine hesychasm. Bibliography and one more note on the history of the text of the Jesus Prayer (in print). For an earlier period, his works are significant: His. Abraham's Calling. The idea of ​​monasticism and its embodiment in Egypt. St. Petersburg, 2000; Lourie V. M. Prière de Jésus au cours de filiation des sectes monophysites et une fausse attribution à Chénouté // XVIII th Internationa] Congress of Byzantine Studies. Moscow, 1991. Acts, Vol. 2: History, Archaeology, Religion, Theology. Shepherdstown: VW, 1996 [1998]. P. 367–374; etc. Prokhorov G. M. Rus' and Byzantium in the era of the Battle of Kulikovo. St. Petersburg, 2000. T. 1–2. For links to these and other works of the author, see also the text of the work. It should be noted that Prokhorov is one of the most quoted specialists in the world on the issues of hesychast disputes. See the list of his works in: TODRL. 1999. T. 51. pp. 491–500 (for 1964–1998, about 270 titles). Of the most general and fundamental works of Gelian Mikhailovich, dedicated to the era as a whole, it should also be noted: Prokhorov G. M. Hesychast cell literature (John Climacus, Abba Dorotheus, Isaac the Syrian, Simeon the New Theologian, Gregory of Sinaite) in the library of the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery from the 14th to the 17th centuries. //Monastic culture: East and West / Compiled by E. G. Vodolazkin. St. Petersburg, 1999 (see materials of the collection as a whole); His same. Cell hesychast literature (John Climacus, Abba Dorotheus, Isaac the Syrian, Simeon the New Theologian, Gregory of Sinaite) in the library of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra from the 14th to the 17th centuries. // TODRL. 1974. T. 28; His same. Corpus of works with the name of Dionysius the Areopagite in ancient Russian literature: (Problems and objectives of study) // Ibid. 1976. T. 31; His same. Literary and social movement in the Byzantine-Slavic world in the 14th century // Readings on ancient Russian literature. Yerevan, 1980; His same. Preface by the translator // John Cantacuzene. Conversation with the papal legate. Dialogue of the Jews and other works. St. Petersburg, 1997. pp. 5–42; etc. Major work: Romanides I. Notes on the Palamite Controversy and Related Topics. Esp. pt. 2 // GOTR. 1963–1964. Vol. 9. P. 225–270. About him, see: Lurie V. M. Afterword. pp. 351–352; Sopko A. J. Prophet of Roman Orthodoxy... (the book contains a presentation and analysis of the theology of Father Romanidis against the general background of the development of Orthodox theology in the mid-15th - late 20th centuries). Ράντοβιτς Α. Το μυστήριον ... The book is an indispensable and readable introduction to the triadology of St. Gregory Palamas in the context of the general principles of Orthodox triadology and against the background of its historical development. Let us note one small inaccuracy: given on p. 157 (note 2) the quotation from Palamas in fact does not belong to him, but is an excerpt from Sevirian of Gabala (under the name of Chrysostom). This place was one of the most important patristic evidence for Orthodox triadology of the 14th–15th centuries. See: Lur'e V. L'attitude de S. Marc d'Ephèse aux débats sur la procession du Saint-Esprit à Florence. Ses fondements dans la théologie post-palamite // Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum. 1989 [1991]. Bd. 21. P. 326 et n. 41. See ibid. for the meaning of this passage, which the author calls “classical.” The main works have already been mentioned above: Mantzarides G. I. The Definition of Man...; Τοῦ αύτοῦ. καὶ θεολογία ... The main works are the publication of the “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters” of Palamas, already mentioned and cited many times below, as well as the “Ascetic Words” of St. Theoliptus of Philadelphia, which are fundamental to the history of late Athonite hesychasm. For other works, see subsequent notes (to Chapter 1 and Chapter 2) and in the List of References. See: Theoleptos of Philadelphia. The Monastic Discourses. A Criticai Edition, Translation, and Study by Robert E. Sinkewicz, C. S. B. Toronto, 1992. Of particular note here is the article: Sinkewicz R. E. The “Solutions” Addressed to George Lapithes by Barlaam the Calabrian and their Philosophical Context // MS. 1981. Vol. 43. P. 151–217 (source publication – pp. 200–217). Lapith was a leading Cypriot intellectual - an anti-Palamite, a person who was spiritually close to Grigora and, undoubtedly, needs further research. For now, see about him: Τσολάκης Εὐδ. Ὁ Γεώργιος Λαπίθης καὶ ἡ ἡσυχαστικὴ ἔριδα // Ἑλληνικά . 1964. T. 18. Σελ. 84–96 (in the Appendix - σελ . 93–96 - two excerpts from Lapith’s correspondence with Barlaam and interesting diagrams of Lapith’s teachings about the Church and the powers of the human soul are published); Smetanin G. V. Legal views of Georgy Lapifa // ADSV. 1992. Issue. 26. pp. 164–169; Morozova K. I. Once again about the role of George Lapith in the hesychast discussion // Problems of history and culture of medieval society. St. Petersburg, 2000. pp. 17–18 (based on the letters of Akindinus, the work establishes the terminus ante quem of Lapith’s anti-Palamite activity - autumn 1344). Numerous and unique in the depth of the source study and hermeneutical approach, the works of prof. Antonio Rigo on the history of late Byzantine hesychasm and heretical movements, as well as specifically about St. Gregory Palame, would deserve a special reprint in the “Variorum Reprints” series, which would significantly facilitate access to them by the general public (in particular, students). See references to them later (especially in chapters 2 and 3). For now we will point out the following works: Rigo A . Callisto Angelicude Catafugiota Meleniceota e l'esicasmo bizantino del XIV secolo. Una nota prosopografica // Nil Sorskij e l’esicasmo. Magnano, 1995, pp. 251–268; Idem. Due note sul mona cheSimo athonita della metà del XIV secolo // ZRVI. 1987. T. 26; Idem. La canonizzazione...; Idem. La vita e le opere di Gregorio Sinaifa. In margine ad una recente pubblicazione // Cristianesimo nella storia. 1989. Vol. 10. P. 579–608; Idem. Le formule perla preghiera di Gesù nell’esicasmo athonita // Ibid. 1986. Vol. 7. P. 1–18; Idem. Monaci esicasti e monaci bogomili. Le accuse di messalianismo e bogomilismo rivolte agli esicasti ed il problema dei rapporti tra esicasmo e bogomilismo. Firenze, 1989; Idem. Niceforo l’Esicasta (XIII sec.): alcune considerazioni sulla vita e sull’opera // Amore del Bello. P. 79–119; Idem. Nota sulla dottrina ascetico-spirituale di Teolepto metropolita di Filadelfia (1250/51–1322) // RSBN. 1987. N. S. Vol. 24. P. 165–200; Idem. Noterelle in margine alla controversia palamitica // Miscellanea Marciana. 1987–1989 Vol. 2–4. P. 123–140; Idem. Preghiera di Gesù // Parole, spirito e vita. 1992. Vol. 25. P. 245–291. Even from this far from complete list it is clear that the works of prof. A. Rigaud covers almost the entire range of issues related to the study of late Byzantine hesychasm, both in terms of synchrony (including prosopographical and historical-theological analysis) and in terms of diachrony (see works on the Jesus Prayer). They should be recognized as exemplary - for today - studies of the subject (together with the works of R. E. Sinkevich and the just mentioned authors). At the same time, it is Rigaud’s research that more fully than others reveals to the reader the immediate spiritual environment in which the teaching of Palamas was formed (reflected, among other things, in the homilies). Lurie V. M. Afterword. pp. 358–361. Podskalsky G. Gottesschau und Inkarnation: Zur Bedeutung der Heilsgeschichte bei Gregorios Palamas // OCP. 1969. Vol.35. S. 5–44. Meyendorff J. Le thème du “retour en soi” dans la doctrine palamite du XIV e siècle // Idem. Byzantine Hesychasm. P.200. Podskalsky G. Ruhestand oder Vollendung? Zur Symbolik des achten Tages in der griechisch-byzantinischen Theologie // Fest und Alltag in Byzanz / Hrsg. G. Prinzing and D. Simon. München, 1990. S. 165 und Anm. 53 auf der S. 219 (ref. 229A–232C). Leeson J. La divinisation selon Grégoire Palamas. Un sommet de la théologie orthodoxe // Irénikon. 1994. T. 67. No. 1. P. 68–69; see also: Sinkewicz R. E. The Concept of Spiritual Perception in Gregory Palamas’ First Triad in Defense of the Holy Hesychasts // XB. 1999. T. 1 (7). P. 389. Lison is also the author of the book (Lison J. L’Esprit répandu. La pneumatologie de Grégoire Palamas. Paris, 1994), a brief analysis of which see: Lurie V. M. Afterword. pp. 363–367. The problem-logical relationship of the works of Fr. A. de Halle and Fr. Lizon is illuminated by Lurie on p. 364. For example: Caput 36 // Saint Gregory Palamas. The One Hundred and Fifty Chapters. P. 122. As it seemed to Meyendorff as well - as mentioned in the analyzed work. For references to old works (mainly by M.E. Hussey, one of Father Meyendorff’s students at the St. Vladimir Theological Academy), see ibid. Flogaus R. Palamas and Barlaam Revisited... P. 10. See: Idem. Der heimliche Blick nach Westen. S. 281–296 und Anm. 21–60. Ράντοβιτς Α. Το μυστήριον ... Ιδιαιτέρως σελ . 174–179. Wed. in the same place (p. 169) an analysis of the mentioned passage from the “One Hundred and Fifty Chapters”, which served as Flogaus’s starting point in his study of the subject. Flogaus R. Der heimliche Blick nach Westen. S. 285–286 und Anm. 33–35 (comparison of texts). The Greek translation of “De Trinitate” has been preserved in 26 complete manuscripts (Ibid. S. 279. Anm. 15), of which the author used the Munich one for the collation – Mon. Gr. 54. f. 1 r – 263 r. Thus, the study can be continued with the involvement of all manuscripts of this translation. But the results obtained speak volumes. Flogaus R. Der heimliche Blick nach Westen. S. 297; cf.: Idem. Palamas and Barlaam Revisited... P. 29. Idem. Der heimliche Blick nach Westen. S. 297. Idem. Palamas and Barlaam Revisited... P. 6. Sopko A. J. Scholasticism and Orthodoxy... Wed. a number of other important textual comparisons between Palamas and the “Greek Augustine” in Planud’s translation in: Flogaus R. Palamas and Barlaam Revisited... P. 18–22 and n. 92–103. Here, on p. 19, the author offers “sometime after 1344” as the terminus post quem of Palamas’s acquaintance with Planud’s translation. Further, Flogaus makes a number of attempts to draw analogies and, moreover, direct parallels between the known fragments of the Sixteenth Homilia and the XIII book of De Trinitate. This also applies to Palamas’s famous enumeration of the causes of the Incarnation (201D–204B). Without going into details here, we note that, in our opinion, in a number of cases there is no way to talk about the specific dependence of Palamas on Augustine, and not on any other Father: the corresponding themes (for example, about double death - soul and body - as a result of separation from God or about Christ as a Model for a Christian) are inherent in the Orthodox spiritual Tradition - and, in particular, in the mystical theology of the Desert Fathers. We already encounter jubilant Easter Christocentrism as the predominant mode of life and speculation in a number of works by St. Ignatius of Antioch, for example, in his Epistle to the Ephesians. The author calls Christ the Physician, the Model, the Actor, and similar names. Compare, for example: “There is one Physician, carnal and spiritual, begotten and unborn, born in the flesh God, true Life in death, - [born] both from Mary and from God, originally (meaning - at Christmas - D.M.) suffering (subject to suffering, παθητὸς), and now dispassionate - Jesus Christ, the Lord ours... all that you do, you do in Christ Jesus..." - and further. See: Ignace aux Ephésiens. VII. 1; VIII. 1 // Ignace d'Antioche. Polycarpe de Smyrne. Letters; Martyre de Polycarpe. Paris, 1998. (SC, 10 bis). P. 64; o VII. 1st cf.: Camelot P . Th. Introduction // Ibid. P. 27–29. It is interesting to note the publisher's observation that the divinity of Christ is considered by Ignatius in its glorified state after the Resurrection: for the Fathers and in later eras - for example, in the 5th century, as the Easter homilies show, and in the era of St. Gregory Palamas - The Resurrection continued to be a sacrament of Easter joy and rejoicing. Let us note only four important publications (for a more detailed bibliography, see, for example: Lurie V. M. Comments... P. 373–460): Nadal J. S., S. J. La redaction première de la Troisième lettre de Palamas à Akindynos // OCP. 1974. V. 40. P. 233–285, spec. 250–256 (text and French translation; the text of this letter is very important, since St. Gregory Palamas here explains the doctrine of essence and energies in its relation to the previous patristic tradition of Byzantium); Saint Gregory Palamas. Traités apodictiques sur la procession du Saint-Esprit / Trad. et intr. par J.-C. Larchet. Paris; Suresnes, 1995 (this edition presents the French translation of Palamas's Apodictic Words); Gregorii Acindyni Refutationes duae operis Gregorii Palamae cui titulus Dialogus inter Orthodoxum et Barlaamitam / Nunc primum editae curante J. Nadal Cailellas. Brepols; Turnhout, 1995. (Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca. V. 31); Θεοφάνους Γ’ ἐπισκόπου Νικαίας Περί θαβωρίου φωτός, λόγοι πέντε: το πρῶτον νῦν ἐκδιδόμενοι ἀπὸ X. Γ. Σωτηροποῦλου. Ἀθῆναι, 1990; addenda et corrigenda to this edition see: Poletnis I. D. Theophanes of Nicaea: His Life and Works. Wien, 1996. pp. 195–204, 208–214 (main monograph). Wed: The Path to Sacred Silence. Little-known creations of the holy hesychast fathers... Let us note an article in which the material presented and analyzed is especially important for comparison with the data collected by A. Rigaud regarding the interaction (or, more precisely, mutual repulsion) of hesychast mysticism and Bogomilism: Gouillard J. Quatre procès de mystiques à Byzance (vers 960–1143) // REB. 1978. Vol. 36. P. 5–81. Among the works analyzing the religious situation in Byzantium in the immediate run-up to the hesychast disputes, the article is important: N. D. Barabanov. “The Word” of Theoctistus Studite and the spread of hesychasm in Constantinople in the 30s of the 14th century // VV. 1989. T. 50. P. 139–146; cf.: His. From the history of Byzantine ethics at the turn of the XIII-XIV centuries. // ADSV. Problems of ideology and culture; His same. Hesychasm and hagiography: Development of the image of St. Maxim Kavsokalivit in the hagiographic literature of the 14th century. (the article was published twice: 1) VV. 1994. T. 55; 2) Byzantine civilization in the light of Russian scientists. 1947–1991 / Compiled by: P. I. Zhavoronkov, G. G. Litavrin. M., 1999); His same. Cenobites and anchorites. Relations among Byzantine monasticism according to hagiographic monuments // ADSV. 1992. Issue. 26. Byzantium and medieval Crimea; etc. The author is one of the leading specialists in Europe on the problems of folk religiosity of the middle and late Byzantine period (see links to his relevant works in Chapter 3). Παπαδοπούλου Στ[υλιανού] Γ. ἐν προσώπῳ Καλλίστου Ἀγγελικούδη αὶ Θωμᾶ Ἀκινάτου). Θεσσαλονίκη, 1970. (Ἀνάλ. Βλατ., 4). (the book is very important for understanding the intellectual situation in Byzantium at that time in general - and the attitude towards Thomism in particular); Polemis I.D. Theophanes of Nicaea: His Life and Works. Although in the case of Theophanes the situation is more complicated, since along with palamism (especially in the doctrine of the action of grace and the light of Tabor), he also experienced a number of other influences - in particular, Thomistic. See about this in the above-mentioned book by Polemis. The bibliography on this topic is constantly updated. We will indicate only some works (in addition to the already mentioned works of A.-E. N. Takhiaos, G. M. Prokhorov and others; cf. also: Lurie V. M. Afterword...): Ivanova Kl. Reflection of the struggle between the hesychasts and their opponents in the translated polemical literature of the Balkan Slavs // XIV e Congrès International... Rapports. Vol. 2. R. 167–175; Ivanova-Konstantinova Kl. Some points on the Bulgarian-Byzantine literary inserts of the XIV century. (Hesychasm and Negoto penetrated into Bulgaria) // Old Bulgarian literature. Sofia, 1971. Book. 1. pp. 209–242; Markevski I. Terms from Hesychast Texts in Middle Bulgarian Translations (Demonstrated by examples from works of Gregory Palamas) // BS. 1990. Vol. 51/2; Kakridis I. Die Rezeption des Glaubensbekenntnisses von Gregorios Palamas in der Ukraine // XVIII International Congress of Byzantinists. Summary of messages. M., 1991. T. 1; and others. On “Sinaitic” hesychasm, see: Davids A. J. M. Nil Sorskij und der Hesychasmus in Russland // JÖB. 1969. Bd. 18. S. 167–194; Podskalsky G. Il metropolita Cipriano... // Nil Sorskij e l’esicasmo... O. A. Rodionov has recently been dealing with similar problems (based on hagiography). See for now: Rodionov O. The Byzantine Lives of the Saints Hesychasts and Old Russian Hagiography of the 14th –15th c.: Character and Sources of a Parallelism // XX e Congrès International... Préactes. Vol. 3. P. 124; about the connections of Metropolitan Cyprian with the Palamites cf. in his own work: Rodionov O. A. Byzantine lives of saints - hesychasts and ancient Russian hagiography of the late XIV - early XV centuries: the nature and origins of parallelism // UZ RPU ap. John the Theologian. M., 2000. Issue. 5. P. 94. A special problem (one of many) is the palamism of Maxim the Greek and the authors of his time. Recently, for example, it has been noted that Prince A. M. Kurbsky refers to Palamas in his works, which allows us to pose in a new way the question of the power and influence of Palamism on Russian soil (not to mention well-known examples - St. Sergius of Radonezh and others) (see article by A. A. Tsekhanovich in the collection: Old Russian Literature: Source Studies / Responsible editor D. S. Likhachev L., 1984). This is far from a complete bilan des recherches as far as this area of ​​“theological Slavic studies” is concerned. Onasch K. Renaissance und Vorreformation in der byzantinisch-slawischen Orthodoxie // Aus der byzantinisch Arbeit der DDR/ Hrsg. J. Irmscher. Berlin, 1957. Bd. 1. S. 289. Onash’s works are generally characterized by a certain voluntarism in the interpretation of the subject (see criticism of one of his brochures in Chapter 2.7). By analogy with Shakespeare studies, Dostoevsky studies, recently proposed by Ya. N. Lyubarsky “psello studies”, etc. Barabanov N. D., Konovalov A. A. Gregory Akindin and Barlaam of Calabria: metamorphoses of relations // ADSV. 1999. Vol. 30. pp. 294–302; Wed also: Lobovikova K. I. St. Gregory Palamas and his supporters in the letters of Gregory Akindinus // Medieval society in the socio-political and cultural aspect. St. Petersburg, 2001, pp. 74–75. Perhaps there is no art historian who would study the Palaiologan period in the history of Byzantine art and would not express his opinion on this matter. A detailed bibliography of this area of ​​research would be truly immense. We will only indicate: Goleizovsky N.K. Hesychasm and Russian painting of the 14th–15th centuries. // BB. 1968. T. 29. pp. 196–209; Alpatov M. V. The Art of Theophanes the Greek and the Teachings of the Hesychasts // Ibid. 1972. T. 33. P. 190 pp. (criticism of previous work; denies the influence of hesychasm on art); Medvedev I. P. Mystra... Part 2; His same. On the question of the influence of the ideological struggle in Byzantium in the 14th century. for fine arts // Art and culture of Byzantium. Abstracts of conference reports. L., 1975; Lazarev V. N. Russian icon painting from its origins to the beginning of the 16th century. M., 1983. P. 87, 94–95 (on pp. 94–95 the author writes: “...hesychasm did not find a wide response in Russian painting, since the creations of Palamas himself were unknown to Ancient Rus'” - the latter in the light of the research of K. Ivanova-Konstantinova and others is inaccurate, but in general the situation is approximately as Lazarev thought); Popova O. S. Asceticism and Transfiguration. Milano, 1996 (etc. author's work); Uspensky L. A. Hesychasm and humanism. Paleolog flourishing... P. 187–205; Grabar A. L'art byzantin du Moyen Âge (du VIII e au XV e siècle). Paris, 1963. P. 24 (an opinion that can be considered a reference), cf.: p. 174; Bakalova E. La société et l'art en Bulgarie au XIV e siècle // XIV e Congrès International... Rapports. Vol. 2. P. 34–38 (doubts about the direct impact of hesychasm on fine art); L’art de Thessalonique et des pays Balkaniques et les courants spirituels au XIV e siècle... (see especially the works: Djurić V. J. Les miniatures du manuscrit Parisinus graecus 1242 et l’hésychasme. P. 89–94; Tachiaos A.-E. Hesychasm, as a creative force in the fields of art and literature. P. 117–123); Cheremeteff M. The Uncreated Light: Hesychasm, Theophanes the Greek and the Russian Iconostasis // XVIII International Congress of Byzantinists. Summary of messages. T. 1. Grabar A. L'art byzantin du Moyen Âge... P. 24; Lurie V. M., Medvedev I. P. Note 47 // Meyendorf I.F. Life and Works... P. 124–125. Broader specialists in the history of Eastern Europe, for example, D. D. Obolensky, also come to similar conclusions. See his book: Obolensky D. Byzantine Commonwealth of Nations. Six Byzantine portraits. M., 1998. P. 385–386 (in agreement with the opinion of Grabar, Alpatov, Lazarev, Bakalova, Lurie, etc.). Rigo A. La canonizzazione... P. 172–176; Todić V. Apparition de nouveaux saints dans l’art monumental du Mont Athos au XIV e siècle // XX e Congrès International... Pré-actes. Vol. 1. P. 146–148, spec. 147. In these works, the attention of the historian of ideas is attracted, among other things, by the publication and commentary of the inscriptions that accompany the image of Palamas in the deaconikon of the Church of the Three Saints in Kastoria (c. 1400/1401) and in the chapel of the Holy Unmercenaries of the Vatopedi Monastery on Athos (c. 1371–1400). In these inscriptions Palamas is called the "new Chrysostom". In the latter case, this is emphasized and iconographically: St. Gregory Palamas is depicted in profile next to the great saint. For the historian of homiletics, this is an exciting fact, showing that the Byzantines themselves compared the works of the greatest preacher of the 14th century with the greatest Christian preacher in general, the personification of Christian preaching and instruction par excellence. See also the explanation of this fact in Todić (Todić V. Apparition... R. 147). The intensification of this kind of research will help in the future to build reliable bridges between the field of spiritual history (including patrolology) and art history, which will serve to the benefit and mutual enrichment of both areas of our knowledge of the past. Semoglu A. Resurrection Moses. About a rare iconographic feature of the “Transfiguration” scene in the monastery wall paintings of North-Western Greece of the 16th century. Study of Russian influence // VV. 2001. T. 60 (85). pp. 174–177. A successful example of clarifying how the theological ideas and political sympathies of John Cantacuzenus influenced the iconography and design of the miniatures of the manuscript he commissioned Paris, gr. 1242, can serve as a study by P. Guran: Guran P. Jean VI Cantacuzene, l’hésychasme et l’empire... P. 73–121. One example of this kind of reductio can be the work: Şesan M. Hesychasmus und die Volkssprache in der Kirche // XIVе Congrès International... Rapports. Vol. 2. P. 263–266. Among the “seven types” of hesychasm identified by the author (p. 263), many – such as “Bogomil” – do not at all relate to the phenomenon being studied, but represent the spiritual and historical phenomenon opposite to it. “Radical” and “social-revolutionary” (?) hesychasm also makes no sense to separate from “monastic” hesychasm; about the doubts of modern scientists about the existence of some special “Palamite-artistic” hesychasm, see note. 4 on p. 55–56 and approx. 1 on p. 56; etc. Sinkewicz R. E. Christian Theology and the Renewal... (about cosmology) (cf.: Idem. Introduction... P. 4 f.); Idem. Saint Gregory Palamas and the Doctrine... Wed. A. Rigo's research on the Jesus Prayer. In many modern works, especially of a general nature, they usually follow the path of deduction. At the same time, there remains a danger of replacing the logic of thinking of the author being studied with our own logic. Ehrhard A. Überlieferung und Bestand... We use this designation following V. A. Smetanin, whose works influenced the author when thinking about the main problems associated with the analysis and interpretation of homiletical material. See: Smetanin V. A. Byzantine society of the 13th–15th centuries according to epistolography. Sverdlovsk, 1987. P. 7; see also: His. The ideological heritage of Byzantium and “deconcretization” (using the example of epistolography) // ADSV. 1984. [Vol. 21.] Ancient and medieval ideology. pp. 95–108, esp. 97–105. Moving on to the justification of his own methodology, Smetanin writes, developing the ideas expressed in domestic science by A.N. Veselovsky and his followers: “The study of traditional formulas will make it possible to better characterize the dominant ideas and more fully expose the social contradictions of the Roman society (our italics - D.M.)” [Smetanin V.A. Ideological heritage... P. 105). We tried to move along a similar path. For the historiography of the problem, see: V. A. Smetanin. Byzantine society... P. 5–8, 20–26; His same. Ideological heritage...; Polyakovskaya M. A. Portraits of Byzantine intellectuals. pp. 14–17. HennephofH. Byzantinische Homiliare und die byzantinische Geschichte // XIVе Congrès International... Rapports. Vol. 2. Reproaching on p. 114 St. Gregory Palamas (as well as other preachers) in the formalism and emptiness of their homilies, the author nevertheless admits on p. 115 that Byzantine homiletics “...becomes a new historical source, which, unfortunately, has hitherto been constantly neglected.” The last confession is very typical. Καραγιαννόπουλος Ἰ. Ἐ. Πηγαὶ τῆς βυζαντινῆς ἱστορίας. Θεσσαλονίκη, 1970. Σελ. 62. Karayannopulos Weiss G. Quellenkunde zur Geschichte von Byzanz (324–1453). Wiesbaden, 1982. Hbbd. 1. S. 82. Λαμψίδης Ο. Η έκφραση γνώμης στο Βυζαντινό κράτος // Η επικοινωνία στο Βυζάντιο ... Σελ . 59. Shmidt S. O. Modern problems of source study... P. 28. Among the most interesting works about Chrysostom we note: Brändle R. Synergismus als Phänomen der Frömmigkeitsgeschichte, dargestellt an den Predigten des Johannes Chrysostomus // Gnadenwahl und Entscheidungsfreiheit in der Theologie der Alten Kirche / Hrsg. F. von Lilienfeld und E. Miihlenberg. Erlangen, 1980; etc. About Chrysostom in this regard, see, for example: Kovelman A. B. Rhetoric in the Shadow of the Pyramids. Mass consciousness of Roman Egypt. M., 1988. P. 37, 78–79.91, 105, 117, 120, 128–129, 138, 152. Recently, Andre Guillou turns to the Thirty-first Homily of Palamas in a comparative analysis of the mentality of the Byzantines and Latins of Southern Italy in its historical dynamics. See: Guilloii A. Grecs et Latins de l'Italie du Sud. Réflexions sur leur imaginaire social // Γεννάδιος. To the 70th anniversary of Academician G. G. Litavrin. M., 1999. P. 73. Krivov M. V. Λόγος εἰς τὸ ἅγιον βάπτισμα Sophronius of Jerusalem as a source on the history of the conquest of Palestine by the Arabs // VV. 1980. T. 41. P. 249–251; about the sermon of the same author on Christmas 634, see, for example: Laga S. Judaism and Jews in Maximus Confessor’s Works: Theoretical Controversy and Practical Attitude // BS. 1990. Vol. 51/2. P. 187–188. Schmalzbauer G. Diplomatisches in einer frühbyzantinischen Homilie // Βυζαντινά . 1971. T. 3. Goryanov B. T. The first homily of Gregory Palamas as a source on the history of the uprising of the Zealots // VV. 1947. T. 1. P. 264. Werner E. Popular heresy or movement for socio-political reforms? Problems of the revolutionary movement in Thessaloniki in 1342–1349. // BB. 1960. T. 17. P. 172; Polyakovskaya M. A. Socio-political thought... P. 21, 23, 49, 50; Nicole D. M. Church and society in the last centuries of Byzantium. Cambridge, 1979. P. 25. Meyetidorff J. Introduction... P. 136, 139, 155–157; Idem. A Study of Gregory Palamas. N.Y., 1998. P. 91; 93, 102–103. When they write about the success of Palamas in his reconciliation with the townspeople of Thessalonica, they rely mainly on the testimony of Encomius Philotheus, who writes about Palamas’ attitude towards the zealots: ἐκείνης εἰργάαατο (Encomium auct. Philotheo CP // PG. 151. 618D). See also: Zakythinos D. A. Crise monétaire et crise économique à Byzance du XIII e au XIV e siècle // Idem. Byzance: Etat – Société – Economie. London: VR, 1973. XI. P. 46–47; Vacalopoulos A. E. A History of Thessaloniki / Transi, by T. F. Carney. Θεσσαλονίκη, 1963. P. 55–56. An interesting book has recently been published, in which, based on Bulgarian material, it is shown that the hesychasts sought to strengthen peace in the Orthodox ikumen as a whole: Polyvyanny D.I. Cultural originality of medieval Bulgaria... P. 188–189. Syuzyumov M. Ya. On the question of the nature of the performance of the zealots in 1342–1349. // BB. 1968. T. 28. P. 17. Note. 16; Wed: Polyakovskaya M. A. Understanding of social problems by Byzantine authors of the mid-14th century. // Ibid. 1979. T. 40. P. 20–21 (the half-heartedness of the measures proposed by intellectuals is noted). “But they were not blind,” I. I. Shevchenko reasonably sums up (Ševčenko I. The Decline Of Byzantium Seen Through The Eyes Of Its Intellectuals // DOP. 1961. Vol. 15. P. 186). Rigo A. Monaci esicasti e monaci bogomili. P. 269,274. Wed. at Palamas: ... τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῖς κατ’ αὐτοὺς ἀξίοις (448С). Wed. in the same place (400AS) news about sorcerers (γόητας). The first place is taken from the famous 35th (the second is from the Transfiguration), and the second is from the 31st homily. Bernardi J. La prédication des Pères Cappadociens. Le prédicateur et son auditoire. Paris, 1968. Beck H.-G. Rede als Kunstwerk und Bekenntnis. Gregor von Nazianz. München, 1977. A sufficient (but not quite, see Chapter 2.7) complete bibliography of works on St. Gregory the Theologian, see: Hilarion (Alfeev), Hierom. Life and teaching of St. Gregory the Theologian. M., 1998 (2 St. Petersburg, 2000). pp. 491–504. Wortley J. The Date of Photius’ Fourth Homily // BS. 1970. Vol. 31/1. Barsov N. I. History of primitive Christian preaching (until the 4th century). St. Petersburg, 1885. His same. From the history of Christian preaching in the 4th century. Representatives of the dogmatic-polemical type of preaching in the 4th century in the East. Kharkov, 1886; His same. Essays on the history of Christian preaching. Representatives of the moral-ascetic type of preaching in the East in the 4th century. Kharkov, 1889; His same. St. Gregory the Theologian as a preacher. St. Petersburg, 1886; His same. St. Gregory of Nyssa as a preacher. St. Petersburg, 1887; His same. St. Ephraim the Syrian as a preacher. St. Petersburg, 1886. His same. His Eminence John, Bishop of Smolensk, as a preacher // Kh. 1872. T. 11. His same. Controversial issues from the history of primitive Christian preaching // Wanderer. 1886. February. No. 2. His same. History of primitive Christian preaching... P. 33. Anthony, bishop Vyborg. From the history of Christian preaching. Essays and research. St. Petersburg, 1892. Vadkovsky A. [V.] Old Russian sermon and preachers in the pre-Mongol period (Critical and bibliographic note) // Orthodox Review. 1881. T. 3. September. Sevčenko I. Nicolaus Cabasilas’ Correspondence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine Literary Texts // BZ. 1954. Bd. 47. Hf. 1. Vadkovsky A. [V.] Old Russian sermon and preachers... P. 80. Pevnitsky V. F. Education of the preaching fathers of the 4th century // TKDA. 1892. T. 3. No. 9–10; and other works by the author. Popovich K. Patriarch Sophrony of Jerusalem as a theologian, preacher and hymn writer. Kiev, 1890. Arseny, archim. About the life and writings of Hieromonk Joseph Bryennius, a Greek preacher at the end of the 14th and first quarter of the 15th century. M., 1879. Potorzhinsky M. A., prot. The history of Russian church preaching in biographies and examples of pastor-preachers from the first half of the 9th–19th centuries. Kiev 3, 1901. Karsavin L. P. The foundations of medieval religiosity in the 12th–13th centuries, mainly in Italy. Petrograd, 1915. P. 28. Bitsilli P. M. Elements of medieval culture. P. 75. Gurevich A. Ya. Personality, vocation, salvation through wealth in the sermon of Berthold of Regensburg // His own. The medieval world: the culture of the silent majority. M., 1990. S. 178–264; His same. “Sociology” and “anthropology” in the sermon of Berthold of Regensburg // Literature and art in the cultural system. M., 1988. It is very characteristic that Gurevich puts the word “sociology” in quotation marks: the church tradition has not developed a suitable definition for the doctrine of society, while the word “anthropology” is understandable in this context even without quotation marks. Dubrovsky I. V. Church tithes in the sermon of Caesar of Arles: the language of exploitation of the village // Odyssey. Man in history. Cultural history of the social. 1997. M., 1998 (about the anthropology and monastic practice of this author, see: Sidorov A.I. Ancient Christian asceticism and the origin of monasticism. M., 1998. P. 277–297); Wed some comments in: Kudryavtsev O. F. Property as a moral and legal problem in the ideology of the Christian Middle Ages (before Thomas Aquinas) // Culture and social thought: Antiquity. Middle Ages. Renaissance. M., 1988. Taranova I. A. Some aspects of the perception of women in the folk culture of Italy in the 15th century. (based on the sermons of Bernardino of Siena) // The Middle Ages: Problems of history and culture. St. Petersburg, 1999, pp. 80–81. Ivanova Yu. V. Puritan concept of death // The Age of the Middle Ages... pp. 45–47. Goryanov B. T. First homily of Gregory Palamas... Putsko V. G. Antique motifs in the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus and their echoes in Byzantine illustration // Antiquity and Byzantium. M., 1975. Wed. research by S. Ter-Nersesyan.. Ivanova K. Cycle of Lenten homilies in Mikhanovich’s homilies // TODRL. 1977. T. 32. Averintsev S. S. Poetics of early Byzantine literature. M., 1997. Passim. For a list of works by B. L. Fonkich, see: Μοσχοβία. pp. 23–37. Bulanin D. M. Comments by Maxim the Greek on the words of Gregory the Theologian // TODRL. 1977. T. 32; Granstrem E. E. John Chrysostom in ancient Russian and South Slavic writing (XI–XIV centuries) // Ibid. 1974. T. 29; Ishchenko D. S. Catechetical teachings of Theodore the Studite in Byzantium and among the Slavs // VV. 1979. T. 40; Wed also: Zhukovskaya L. P. Ancient Slavic translations of Byzantine and Syrian monuments in the book depositories of the USSR // Palestine collection. L., 1969. Issue. 19 (82). Issues of history and culture in the Middle East; etc. Bulanin D. M. Comments... P. 275; Wed: Eremin I. P. On the Byzantine influence in Bulgarian and Old Russian literature of the 9th–12th centuries. // Him. Literature of Ancient Rus' (studies and characteristics). M.; L., 1966; and also the works of R. Picchio, Fr. Thomson et al. Gritsevskaya I. M. Patristics in the repertoire of the Moscow Printing House of the pre-reform period // Old Russian book tradition and modern folk literature. Nizhny Novgorod, 1998; Morozova T. Ya. About the allegedly “lost” collection of words, legends and messages of Maxim the Greek in 1584 // TODRL. 1996. T. 50 (dedicated to the 90th anniversary of D. S. Likhachev); Podskalski G. Christianity and theological literature in Kievan Rus (988–1237) (here is a detailed bibliography); Tvorogov O. V. Old Russian translated homiletics as a subject of research // TODRL. T. 50 (program article); His same. Old Russian collections of books from the 12th to 14th centuries. // Ibid. 1988. T. 41; 1993. T. 47; 1999. T. 51; Hannik K. (= Hannick Chr.). The unknown homily of Peter, presbyter of Antioch, on Pentecost in the Slavic tradition // TODRL. T. 50; etc. Tvorogov O. V. Old Russian translated homiletics... P. 188. Akentyev K. K. Mosaics of the Kyiv St. Sophia and the “Word” of Metropolitan Hilarion in the Byzantine liturgical context // Liturgy, architecture and art of the Byzantine world. pp. 75–94 (very important work); Alekseev A. A . About the time of pronouncing the Word on Law and Grace by Metropolitan Hilarion // TODRL. 1999. T. 51. pp. 289–291; Senderovich S. The Word on Law and Grace as an exegetical text. Hilarion of Kyiv and Pauline theology // Ibid. pp. 43–57; Toporov V. N. Holiness and saints in Russian spiritual culture. T. 1. pp. 259–340. Dvinyatin F. N. Topics and binary constructions in the Solemn Words of Kirill Turovsky (towards the formulation of the problem) // Bulletin of St. Petersburg State University. 1994. Ser. 2. Issue. 2; His same. Traditional text in the Solemn Words of St. Kirill Turovsky. Biblical quotation // Hermeneutics of Old Russian literature. M., 1995. Sat. 8; Eremin I. P. Oratory art of Kirill Turovsky // His own. Literature of Ancient Rus' (studies and characteristics); Chertoritskaya T. V. Stylistic symmetry in the architectonics of Kirill Turovsky’s Solemn Words // Questions of plot and composition. Gorky, 1984. Toporov V. N. Holiness and saints in Russian spiritual culture. T. 2. pp. 205–271. Fedotova M. A. Ukrainian sermons of Demetrius of Rostov (1670–1700) and their handwritten tradition // TODRL. T. 51. pp. 253–288. Likhachev D. S. Poetics of Old Russian Literature. M., 3 1979. pp. 270–276; Trubetskoy N. S. Vorlesungen Uber die altrussische Literatur // His own. Story. Culture. Language. M., 1995. S. 523–530; Kurzina (Klochkova) E. S. The fiftieth Chrysostom in the Nizhny Novgorod collection: features of the composition // Old Russian book tradition and modern folk literature; Garzaniti M. The Gospel in Slavia Orthodoxa // Monastic culture: East and West. pp. 25–26, 29–30; etc.. Vasilik V. V. Liturgy, architecture and art of the Byzantine world. See also: Him. The source of life in the tomb is believed: (Hymnographic program of the Dormition in the context of other holidays) // Theology. Philosophy. Literature. Proceedings of the Higher Religious and Philosophical School. St. Petersburg, 2000. T.V.S. 81–102, where the author, to establish parallels to the Theotokos canons and sedals, turns to Byzantine homiletics for the Assumption, especially to the works of St. John of Damascus. In general, the relationship and mutual influence of the genres of hymn and sermon would require more careful study. The first experiences of progress along this path in domestic science already exist. See, for example: Shekhovtsova I. Hymn and sermon: two traditions in Byzantine hymnographic art // Musical culture of the Orthodox world: traditions, theory, practice. Proceedings of international scientific conferences 1991–1994. M., 1994. P. 8–33 (with musical examples, pp. 28–33). Kazachkov Yu. A. Homilia “In Annuntiationem Beatae Virginis” (BHG a 1128f: artistic features and the problem of dating. M., 1996. Typescript, known to us thanks to the kindness of M. A. Polyakovskaya, to whom the author expresses his deep gratitude. Compare: Kazatchkov Y. Une approche du problème de la datation de l’homélie “In Annuntiationem Beatae Virginis” (CPG4519) // XX e Congrès International... Pré-actes Vol. Akentyev K. K. Mosaics of the galleries of St. Sophia of Constantinople // VV. 1984. T. 45. pp. 140–167 (valuable research). St. Nicholas Cabasilas. Homily on the Annunciation of Our Most Holy Lady Theotokos and Ever-Virgin Mary / Trans. priest Maxim Kozlova // ZhMP. 1992. No. 4; Rev. John of Damascus. Words for the Mother of God holidays / Trans. priest Maxim Kozlova // Creations of the teacher. John of Damascus. M., 1997; Saint Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople. Word for the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary / Trans. priest Maxim Kozlova // Alpha and Omega. 1998. No. 3 (17); Patristics. New translations, research / Ed. M. Zhurinskaya. Nizhny Novgorod, 2001; etc. Like the Saints of our father John Chrysostom, Archbishop of Constantinople, selected creations. M., 1991–1993. T. 1–12; Rev. Simeon the New Theologian. Creations. Holy Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius, 1993. T. 1–2; Spiritual and moral words of Isaiah, Mark, Simeon. Holy Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius, 1995; St. Gregory of Nyssa. About the bliss. M., 1997; Rev. Theodore the Studite. Small announcement. Words. M., 2000; St. Basil the Great. Conversations. M., 2001; etc. Conversations (omilia) of St. Gregory Palamas / Trans. archim. Ambrose (Pogodin). M., 1993. Parts 1–3. See in particular: Barabanov N. D. From the history of Byzantine ethics...; His same. Popular religiosity and the Church in Byzantium in the 13th–14th centuries. // XVIII International Congress of Byzantinists. Summary of messages. T. 1; Lobova L. Yu. The state of the Byzantine Church at the end of the 13th – beginning of the 14th century. in the perception of Patriarch Athanasius // ADSV. 1997. Vol. 28. For links to sources and other literature, see Chapter. 3. About the letters of St. Gregory of Cyprus as a source on social history, see first of all the work of A. Laiou-Thomadakis: Laiou A. E. The Correspondence of Gregorios Kyprios as a source for the history of social and political behavior in Byzantium, or on government by rhetoric // Geschichte und Kultur der Palaiologenzeit. Abstract des Internationalen Symposions zu Ehren von Herbert Hunger. Wien, 1996. Also see: Bibikov M. V. On the socio-psychological analysis of the letters of Gregory of Cyprus: poverty, disaster, illness // VV. 1995 [1996]. T. 56. pp. 57–62. At the Ural University (Ekaterinburg) under the guidance of prof. H.-F. Bayer is preparing another dissertation devoted to the analysis of the letters of Gregory of Cyprus as a source on the socio-political and economic problems of his time. See a detailed analysis and translation of two chapters of Bryennius’s work “Forty-nine Chapters” (chapters 46 and 47): Smetanin V. A. Perception of social problems by an orthodox thinker (Joseph Bryennius) // ADSV. Byzantium and the neighboring world. Sverdlovsk, 1990. [Vol. 25]. pp. 136–150. The beginning, of course, is in terms of events, and not formally chronological, which forces us to return to the 1280–1290s. Wed. Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... Part 1. Ch. 1. Polyakovskaya M. A. The concept of moral norms in Byzantine literature of the 14th century. (Alexey Makremvolit) // ADSV. 1973. Vol. 10. P. 251. In this regard, paramount importance belongs to the book of A. Ya. Gurevich, who, as it were, anew (with support from M. M. Bakhtin, E. Leroy Ladurie, etc.) discovered the huge and hidden world of medieval folk culture: Gurevich A. Ya. The medieval world: the culture of the silent majority. M., 1990 (and reprints). Wed. work by A. B. Kovelman. Of course, this evolution could be traced by us only in the most brief and general form. The question requires serious historical and scientific preparation. Medvedev I. P. Byzantine humanism XIV–XV centuries. P. 111. Of the most important works, see: Cyprian (Kern), Archimandrite. Spiritual ancestors of St. Gregory Palamas...; Meyendorff I. F. Life and works... Passim; His same. St. Gregory Palamas. His place in the Tradition of the Church...; Meyendorff J. Byzantine Hesychasm; Idem. Byzantine theology...; Idem. Saint Grégoire Palamas et la mystique orthodoxe. Paris, 1959; Idem. Spiritual trends... P. 68; Florovsky G. St. Gregory Palamas and the Tradition...; Halleux A. de. Palamisme et tradition; Idem. Palamisme et scolastique. P. 430; Sinkewicz R. E. Introduction. Passim; Ράντοβιτς Α. That μυστήριον... Σελ. 27; Théologie byzantine et sa tradition. Vol. 1–3. Paris, 2001–2002 (just released; not available to us yet). Browning Robert. Byzantine Thessalonica: a unique city? // Γεννάδιος. pp. 23–38. See the works of A. Ya. Gurevich: Gurevich A. Ya. Social psychology and history. Source study aspect // Source study. Theoretical and methodological problems. pp. 384–385, 417, 425–426; His same. Categories of medieval culture. M., 2 1984; His same. Personality, calling, wealth and salvation...; etc. Which at every moment of its historical existence is far from being some kind of homogeneous and homogeneous whole (we have already seen this in part in the example of humanism). This provision can be considered an axiom of the second of the approaches we have named. “In fact,” asks V. M. Zhivov, “doesn’t culture mean the same thing as cultural conflicts? Cultures are not monological, so the clash of cultural paradigms is the everyday bread of cultural history, and there is no need to emphasize this once again” (Zhivov V.M. Language and culture in Russia in the 18th century. M., 1996. P. 9). Compare: Averintsev S. S. Poetics... P. 35–36; etc.