IV-V века. (начало)

The cessation of persecution, the revival of theology, under the influence of Christological disputes, and the flourishing of monasticism could not but have a most beneficial influence on the development of worship in the 4th and 5th centuries. If by the end of the 3rd century. In some churches, a solid and complex order is created, in addition to the liturgy, and for the morning, as the most important, divine service, then in the next two centuries such an order is created for almost the entire current range of daily services. And although this order differs among individual churches and not all of its composition was transferred to subsequent times, nevertheless, by the beginning of the 6th century. throughout the East, a rather monotonous and stable type of worship was being developed, or rather, several such types, from the modification and merging of which, by the beginning of the 9th century, the current rite of daily worship was outlined in essential features. At the same time, in these centuries, IV and V, the month of the saints appears for the first time, and the cycle of great holidays from the 3rd-4th previous century expands almost to the current number of them. The most fruitful in theology, with the strongest beating of church life, these centuries were the most creative in church worship: it was now created in the surviving (immortal) foundations of its structure in its present form and scheme, which the 6th-8th centuries were filled with only hymnographic content, and the 9th-12th centuries were separated to aesthetic grace. In the field of liturgical rites of the 4th-5th centuries. were marked primarily by the destruction of agape. The immediate cause of this destruction was the widespread external growth of the Church, in which there were now many unworthy members; among the latter, agape turned into what it once was for the linguistic Christians of the time of St. Paul and Jude; and while there were few such Christians then, they gradually rose to worthy participation in agape, this “feast of the Word” (in the words of Clement of Alexandria), in the 4th-5th centuries. such Christians, the chaff in the wheat of the church, became more and more numerous, and the church was forced to abandon for a long time, if not forever, its ancient and lofty institution. In addition, agape did not fully reconcile itself with the ascetic spirit with which, under the influence of asceticism full of youthful freshness and strength, Christian worship now began to permeate. First half of the 4th century. already requires an apology for agape and its artificial support. Imp. Konstantin Vel. mentions “very modest feasts (σωφρονέστατα δε και συμπόσια), organized in memory of the martyrs by many, out of pity for the poor and to help the strange and poor” and notes: “whoever considers them unnecessary does not think according to divine and most holy teaching" 586. The Gangra Council (c. 340 or later) anathematizes those “who will despise those who organize agapes in the faith and convene the brethren in honor of the Lord and will not want to take part in these invitations, on the grounds that they consider this matter insignificant” 587. But how much agape was still a vital and useful institution is evident from the fact that imp. Julian considers it an institution that is perhaps the most dangerous in Christianity for paganism: he says that just as those who sell children lure them onto ships with delicacies, Christians “in the same way begin (in their seduction of pagans) with what they call agape, treats, service at meals; both this institution and its very name (agapa - love) mean a lot to them (εστι πὁλύ); most involved both of them into atheism” (into Christianity) 588 From the second half of the 4th century. For the first time we encounter restrictive measures in relation to agapes and the struggle of church pastors against them. The Council of Laodicea (c. 360 or earlier) prohibits both “making an offering (Eucharist) in houses,” 589 which was connected with agape, and “in the places of the Lord (κυριακοι ς) or in churches, organizing the so-called agapes and eating in the house of the Lord and reclining ( ἀκούβιτα στρωννύειν )" 590. John Chrysostom († 407) apparently takes into account the obsolete habit of his listeners to agapes. Insisting that the celebration in honor of the martyrs be primarily spiritual, consisted of of a purely prayerful meeting in the church, he adds: “But do you want to participate in a bodily meal? It is possible, after the meeting, here near the church of the martyrs, sitting under a fig tree or grapes, to give rest to the body, and to free the conscience from condemnation. The martyr, who is visible nearby and is present at the meal itself, will not allow pleasure to turn into sin” 591. Milano Church in the Bishopric of St. Ambrose († 397): “according to the custom of African churches, here too, on the days of remembrance of saints, my mother made offerings to churches for a common meal of various dishes; one day, when she appeared with such offerings, the gatekeeper of the church stopped her and said that the bishop had forbidden such offerings” 592. And “everywhere” during bl. Augustine, according to his testimony, “in most of Italy and in all or most other churches, agapes are either not performed at all or, if arranged according to custom, they ended and were canceled after the loving admonition of the bishop” 593. However, in Africa the legal prohibition of agape took place more than half a century later than in Asia Minor. Only the 3rd Council of Carthage in 418 decreed: “bishops or presbyters should not be treated in the church, unless during a journey, of necessity, they will have rest there; and the laity, as far as possible, may not have such feasts” 594. In the West, agape persists even longer. For the Arelat (Arles) Council, agape is still something inseparable from the Eucharist or close to it in holiness: “Whoever is excommunicated from communion by priestly authority should not be invited to an interview or feast (collquio atoqne convivio) not only of the clergy, but also of the entire people” 595. Agape was banned in the West for the first time by the Council of Auxerre 584 596 The destruction of agape was of particular importance for the later liturgical regulations, in addition to the influence of its ritual on the structure of Vespers, in the sense that it finally established the custom of receiving the Eucharist before eating food. Already in the 3rd century. this custom is widespread; but the opposite custom does not find any reproach. The reason for the latter circumstance is that agape, the evening service, is still often connected with the Eucharist and supports the view of it as as much bodily as spiritual nutrition, and does not sharply separate the Eucharist from food in general. Therefore, we see that in African churches, where agape is maintained longer than others, the custom of morning and pre-dinner liturgy is instilled later than others. According to Socrates (5th century), “the Egyptians neighboring Alexandria and the Thebans perform divine services on Saturday, but they do not receive St., as is usual among Christians. sacraments, and, having dined and eaten all kinds of food, in the evening they partake of the Holy Gifts” 597. The tone of condemnation in which the historian speaks of this custom indicates a general practice of a different kind. Nevertheless, this latter practice still requires legislative measures for its approval and allows for an exception: “The holy mysteries of sacrifice,” decrees the 3rd Council of Carthage (419), “must be performed by people only under the condition that they have not eaten, with the exception of one day in the year on which the Lord’s Supper is celebrated.” 598 The destruction of agape gave the circle of daily services a completely spiritual, “smart” character, depriving Christian worship of the latter, which made it somewhat similar to the worship of both the Old Testament and natural religions. Thanks to this destruction, the various daily services could not help but receive, at first, at least approximately the same structure, which they retained during the two centuries under consideration. Only the next period in the history of worship (VI-VIII centuries) began to separate daily services from each other and gave each of them a unique look. At present, we have quite detailed information about the daily services of the 4th-5th centuries. from three different countries and parts of the then Christian world, each of which developed the liturgical ritual independently, although, thanks to the always close communication of churches, not without outside influence. We mean those liturgical data that are contained: 1) in the Apostolic Constitutions, 2) in the “Journey to St. places” of the end of the 4th century, attributed to Silvia of Aquitaine, and 3) in the most ancient monastic charters. The first monument, which, as we have seen, is of Syrian origin, 599 introduces us to the worship of the Syrian church of the 4th-beginning of the 5th century, the second with the worship of the Jerusalem church of the late 4th century, and the third with the prayer rule of the Egyptian and Palestinian ascetics of the beginning of the 5th century. The first two monuments give a type of cathedral-parish church services for the laity; the latter represents the first and most ancient charter of monastic worship. Both types of church services could not but influence the liturgical practice of the Lavra of St. Savva the Sanctified, a disciple of the disciples of the Egyptian ascetics, who founded his monastery in close proximity to Jerusalem, is the founder of the current church charter, whose activity dates back to the 6th century. Vespers and Matins according to the Apostolic Constitutions The Apostolic Constitutions, a monument, as we have seen, of different epochal origins, speak of morning and evening worship in three places; in book II and in the appendices to the book. VII and VIII. The first place belongs to the oldest parts of the monument; it represents the processing of the Sirian Didascalia of the 3rd century, made in the 4th-5th centuries. 600. The revision in this case was expressed in the fact that to the general admonition of the Didascalia to pray more often in church, the Apostolic Constitutions add the requirement for morning and evening public worship and assign a specific psalm for both. (Additions of the Resolutions to the Didascalia are printed in italics). “The bishop command the people and convince them to diligently go (ἐνδελεχίζειν) to church every day morning and evening and not leave the meeting (σύνολον), but go to it constantly... so that no one, by moving away from it, will cripple the church and crush the body of Christ into pieces. Gather together every day morning and evening, singing and praying in the churches ( ψάλλοντες καì πρασευχόμενοι ἐν τοι ς κυριακοι ς ), in the morning saying ( λέγοντες) psalm 62, in the evening 140" 601. The first of these psalms (“O God, my God, I pray to You in the morning”), which is part of our current sixth psalm (in 3rd place), is assigned for the morning service from the same era by pseudo-Athanasius in Sochin. “On Virginity” 602 and, as we shall see, Chrysostom. The first adds: “and at dawn (say): “Bless all the works of the Lord the Lord,” i.e. song of the 3 youths). About the use of the 62nd ps. Rev. speaks at the morning service. John Cassian 603 and a little later (at the beginning of the 6th century) St. Benedict 604. In the appendix to book VII, the Apostolic Constitutions, without any connection with the previous one, and in some codes without writing, place the “morning prayer (προσευχή), beginning with the words “Glory to God in the highest” and literally almost identical with part of the current great doxology, then the “evening” (“ἑσπερινòς”) must be implied, the hymn: “Praise the Lord, O children,” close to the current one, “Vouched by the Lord,” with “Now you let us go” in conclusion, and finally, the “prayer at breakfast” (εὐχή επ ’ ἀρίστ ῳ) “Blessed art thou, Lord, who have nourished me from my youth,” similar to the prayer in the present one rite of panagia 605. The first of these prayers (“Glory in the highest”) is also mentioned by pseudo-Athanasius 606 and gives its beginning; it is also read in the codices of the Holy Scriptures of Alexandria (5th century) and others, as an appendix to the psalms with a slight difference from its current form. The last prayer is in almost the same form as in the Apostle. Post., cites pseudo-Athanasius 607 and St. I. Chrysostom 608. Finally, in the appendix to Book VIII, which is not available in all codes, the Apostolic Constitutions give the order and even the text of the evening and morning services. The very structure of both is completely the same, but the content, of course, is different - adapted to the time of day. Since each of its sections of the Apostolic Constitutions is traced back to an apostle from among the 12, then the present section, which occupies the last place in the book and is an appendix to it, is traced to an apostle, but not from the 12, but to the supreme of the other (70) apostles, James the Brother of the Lord. Since this apostle was, according to legend, the first bishop of the Jerusalem Church, the placing of his name above the order of worship may indicate the Jerusalem origin of this order. Indeed, descriptions of Jerusalem worship at the end of the 4th century. Sylvia of Aquitaine 609 speaks of significant similarities between present and that practice, almost identity in the main features of the system. “When evening comes, you, bishop, gather the church, and after they say (ρηθη ναι) the psalm of lamp (ἐπιλύχνιον), the deacon will proclaim (προςφωνήσει) - (i.e., pronounces the prescribed prayers exclamations, corresponding to the current litany) for the catechumens, for those overwhelmed (χειμαζυμένων) 610, for the enlightened, for those who repent, as we said above (i.e. in the rite of the liturgy). Upon their dismissal, the deacon will say: “Let us pray to the Lord as faithful as we can,” and upon his proclamation of what is contained in the first prayer (τà τη ς πρώτις εὐχη ς, of course the deacon’s prayer in the rite of the liturgy, corresponding to the current great litany and close to it) will say “... It follows with with the inscription: “Proclamation of the lamp” (προσφώνησις ἐπιλύχνιος) a series of exclamations close to the current litany of petition 611, beginning “Save and raise us up, O God: having risen, let us pray”..., which indicates the previous kneeling prayer 612. Behind the exclamations (asks. Litany) of the deacon is followed by the bishop’s prayer, beginning: “Beginless God and infinite, Creator of all things,” which asks God, who created day and night, the dawn and the sun and led us through the day to the beginning of the night, to accept evening thanksgiving, to grant us a peaceful evening and a sinless night and to grant us eternal life (close to the 3rd part of the 1st prayer of Pentecost). After this, the bishop recites the prayer of laying on hands, preceded by the deacon’s exclamation: “Bend down to lay on hands”; This prayer asks God, who created man, placed him at the head of the earthly inhabitants and established chiefs (ἄρχοντες) and priests among people, to bow to those who bowed their hearts to Him. He will show his face to them and bless them through Christ. The service ended with the deacon’s exclamation: “Depart in peace.” Matins of the Apostolic Constitutions, being, as noted, of the same order as Vespers, differs from it only in the content of the prayers. It begins with the “morning psalm,” which, as can be seen from the previous one, means the 62nd psalm. The deacon's exclamations on it (petition litany) are adapted to the morning (the words “evening” and “night” are replaced by “morning” and “day”; there are other minor differences in the text of the exclamations). The bishop’s first prayer for the faithful (after the exit of the catechumens, etc.) “God of spirits and all flesh” asks God, who created the sun, moon and stars, to mercifully look upon us, accept morning thanksgiving and grant us eternal life for faithfulness to Him (“not for our hands to be lost in a strange god”). The second prayer, adoration, “Eternal and true God,” asks God, who is merciful to thousands and thousands of those who love Him, the friend of the humble and the representative of the poor, in whom all things have need and for whom all things work, asks to look upon those who bow their heads to Him, to bless them with spiritual blessings, to keep them in piety and righteousness, and to make them worthy of eternal life. Compared to the only complete rite of daily worship that has come down to us from the 3rd century, namely the Matins in the “Testamentum” of our Lord Jesus Christ, 613 this rite of worship, belonging to approximately the same church, is, if not shorter and not simpler, then, apparently, not at all longer and not more complex. But we must take into account that the present rite almost exclusively (except for the opening psalm, which could not be ignored) indicates the priestly prayers at the service (like the current missal). It is incredible that during the whole Vespers or Matins not a single Christian song was sung, if such songs already in the second century (according to Pliny) and even in the Apostolic century constituted the main content of the service. The same Apostolic Constitutions above cite the morning and evening hymns, but here they do not indicate their place in the rites of Matins and Vespers. It is also unlikely that only a psalm would be sung during an entire service, nor is it likely that there would be no readings of Holy Scripture and teachings. So, the rite of Matins and Vespers given by the Apostolic Decrees, as deliberately incomplete, limited to prayers alone, does not allow a detailed comparison with the daily divine service of the 3rd century, for example, in the “Testament”. Such a comparison is possible only with respect to the prayers of both services. The prayers during the service of the “Apostolic Constitutions,” in comparison with the prayers of the “Testament,” are distinguished by a greater generality of content and, as it were, less warmth of feeling. Then there is a noticeable strengthening of the ritual side in prayers: not to mention the whole gradation of pilgrims by class - instead of the verbal blessing of the clergyman (with the words: “The grace of the Lord... be with you”) in the “Testament”, the present monument introduces the laying on of hands by a bishop, applied in the “Testament” only to catechumens, giving it special significance, making it the focus and main point of prayer. In the arrangement of prayers in comparison with the “Testament” one cannot help but notice greater orderliness, harmony and consistency. This arrangement is very close to the current one: part of our Vespers, starting with the litany of petition, in relation to the priestly prayers is given here in full, has completed its development: the first prayer of the bishop after the “exclamation” of the deacon corresponds to the current exclamation after the litany of petition, which is a remnant of the former prayer here (which was later added to the 7 prayers of the lamp); This exclamation is now followed, as in the Apostolic Constitutions, by a prayer of adoration. But the most important step in comparison with the 3rd century is that Vespers receives an equal place in the series of daily services with Matins (a consequence of the destruction of agape and the final transfer of the liturgy to the morning). Jerusalem worship of the 4th century. from the "Pilgrimage" attributed to Sylvia If the “Apostolic Constitutions” have preserved for us examples of prayer during the daily divine services of the 4th-5th centuries. and therefore introduce us to the inner content of the latter, then “Journey to St. places" (Peregrinatio ad loca sancta), attributed to Silvia of Aquitaine 614 and describing the worship of the Jerusalem Church of the end of the 4th century, introduces us to the external structure and composition of the worship of the same era and approximately the same area or adjacent to the one where the "Apostolic Constitutions" arose. The traveler describes first the weekday service, then the Sunday service, and finally the holiday service (the latter without beginning or end). But the basic structure of each of these types of worship is the same; Sunday and holiday services differ from everyday ones more in the place of celebration than in the composition. The circle of daily services consists of Matins, the hours of the third, sixth, ninth and Vespers (not counting the liturgy), but of these the third hour was performed only during Lent, and the 6th and 9th, apparently, only on weekdays. The worship described by the pilgrim is so closely connected in structure with the place where it was performed that to understand its description, a clear picture of all the churches to which it is associated is necessary. Usually (excluding holidays) it is celebrated in three churches built by Constantine the Great on the site of the crucifixion and burial of Christ and which may have constituted one complex of buildings: a) the Church of the Resurrection, called by pilgrims directly “Resurrection” (Anastasis); in it or next to it there was a cave (spelunca) of the Holy Sepulcher, separated from the church by a lattice (cancelli) and representing the altar of this church; b) Church of the Cross (ad crucem), i.e. at the place where the cross of Christ was found or for storing it; it was separated from the first church by a large courtyard called “before the Cross” (ante crucem); 615 the place behind this church was called “behind the Cross” (post crucem) and here (post crucem) stood c) the third large (major) church, called Martyrium 616, because it was located on Golgotha ​​itself, the place of the “torment” (crucifixion) of Christ 617. In these three churches, daily and Sunday services are held, moving from one church to another. The festive divine service also passed on in solemn litanies to other churches in Jerusalem and its environs, such as: to the church in Zion, on the site of the house in which the Savior appeared to the apostles after the resurrection, in the church on Olivet (one above the cave in which Christ usually taught the apostles and the other at the site of the ascension, called Inbomon), - the church in Gethsemane, - the church near Bethany, and to Bethlehem above the cave R.H. 618. The daily worship of the then Jerusalem Church, as described by the pilgrim, consisted of Matins, the sixth hour, the ninth hour and Vespers. Everyday Matins, not called by this name or anything else by the pilgrim, was all performed in the Church of the Resurrection. It began at night, “before the roosters crow”; but before dawn the less solemn part took place, performed without a bishop by alternate priests and deacons for monastics and virgins (monazintes et parthenae), as well as for the more zealous of the laity of both sexes (et laici praeterea - viri aut mulieres). This part of Matins (corresponding to our Midnight Office and the part of Matins before the Luminary) consisted of hymns, psalms and “antiphons”, and the singing of the psalms was responsorial, i.e. with the whole people singing along the final words of each part or each verse of the psalm (dicuntur ymni et psalmi responduntur, similiter et antiphonae), psalms and antiphons, the pilgrim notes elsewhere, at the service always corresponded in content to the time of day; at matins they were not the same as at vespers and the hours - “always so suitable, so meaningful (rationabiles) that they relate to what is happening” 619; “At every song (cata singulos ymnos),” the pilgrim continues his description of Matins, “there is a prayer said by the presbyter. When dawn comes, the morning songs begin; and then the bishop comes with the clergy and immediately (otherwise at vespers) enters inside the cave (the cave of the Holy Sepulcher, which served as an altar) and from inside the lattice (separating the cave from the church - corresponding to the iconostasis) first says a prayer for everyone and remembers the names of those whom he wishes, and then (sic) blesses the catechumens; then he says a prayer and blesses the faithful; when the bishop comes out from behind bars, everyone comes up to his hand, and he comes out and blesses everyone one by one, then at dawn there is a dismissal (fit missa) 620. At the sixth hour (at noon) everyone descends in the same way on Resurrection, psalms and antiphons are pronounced (dicuntur) until the bishop is notified: he also descends and does not sit down (otherwise at Vespers), but immediately enters inside the lattice (as at Matins) on Resurrection, i.e. where he was in the morning, and from there, in a similar way, first he says a prayer, then (sic) blesses the faithful, and when he comes out from behind bars, everyone approaches his hand in a similar way. “The same thing is done at the ninth hour as at the sixth” 621. Then the pilgrim describes the last service of the day - Vespers. Thus, the pilgrim does not talk about performing the liturgy on weekdays, unless the latter is indicated by the words missa fit (on Sunday - says) The difference between church services in the pilgrim’s description does not appear at all: the hours (6 and 9) of the day apparently have exactly the same composition as Matins (vespers, as we will see, was more complex than matins); if this was the case, if the similarity of the services here should not be attributed to the generality and inaccuracy of the description or insufficient observation, then the Jerusalem service of this era was similar to the later so-called song structure 622, which informed the hours, according to cr. i.e. in some cases (for example, during Holy Week or in general during Lent), the order is the same as Matins and Vespers: with singing, litanies, reading the Apostle and the Gospel, etc. But the pilgrim’s expression about the sixth hour does not allow us to completely identify its structure with Matins, so she does not mention (possibly due to the brevity of the description) the songs (ymni) and the accompanying prayers on the clock; The pilgrim does not mention the special prayer at the clock for the catechumens. The most important and central moment of each service is the prayer of the bishop inside the grating in the very cave of the Holy Sepulcher (the altar of the church) and, as it were, a blessing he carries out from there to the people. Thus, the bishop’s prayerful stay at each of the sacred hours in the church, of which the monument is from the 3rd century. The “Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ” only wishes 623 to be fulfilled here, although for this the number of prayer hours is reduced. A completely unique and most solemn service during the day was represented in the Jerusalem church of the 4th century, according to the testimony of the monument in question, vespers. This service was so solemn that it did not change its composition (and perhaps its content) both for the resurrection and for the greatest holidays (only on Passion Week and Easter did Vespers differ from the daily one in that it had a Gospel reading). “At the tenth hour, which is called licinicon (read. “λυχνικòν”), and we call vespers (lucernare), in the same way everyone gathers on the Resurrection, all the lamps and candles (candelae et cerei) are lit, and a great (infinitum) light is made. And fire is not brought from outside, but is given from the inside of the cave, i.e. from behind the bars, where the lamp burns day and night. Evening psalms and longer (than at Matins or Hours?) antiphons (selected verses of psalms?) are sung. Then they notify the bishop, who comes down and sits at the top (on the pulpit); The presbyters also sit down in their places (obviously to listen to the readings, which in later regulations were called “sitting above” or sitting below” 624). Songs and antiphons are sung (not psalms, as before). And when they are brought to the end (ad ubi perducti fuerint), the bishop rises and stands before the bars; and one of the deacons remembers everyone one by one, as is customary; and when the deacon pronounces the name of each, there are many boys (pisinni), who constantly answer kyrie eleyson... their voices are numerous 625... The bishop says a prayer and prays for everyone, after which everyone, both the faithful and the catechumens, prays together. Then the deacon calls for each of the catechumens to bow their head as they stand (quomodo stat), and the bishop, standing, pronounces a blessing over the catechumens. Then a prayer is read, and the deacon again exclaims (mittit vocem), so that each of the faithful, standing, bows his head, and the bishop blesses the faithful, after which there is a vacation (fit missa) in the Resurrection; and everyone begins to approach the bishop’s hand. And the field of this (walking) from the Resurrection to the cross sings a song (ymnus dicitur); the bishop goes along with all the people. When they arrive (as can be seen from what follows, to the courtyard “before the Cross”), the bishop first reads a prayer and blesses the faithful. After this, the bishop and all the people go behind the Cross (there should be a courtyard behind the church of the cross - by analogy with the previous one), where the same thing is done again as before the Cross (end of Vespers - for the third time). And in the same way they approach the bishop’s hand, as in the Resurrection; They do this both before the Cross and behind the Cross. Everywhere hangs many huge glass lamps (candelae vitreae ingentes plurimae) and many candlesticks (cereofala), both before the Resurrection, and before the Cross and behind the Cross. All this ends with twilight (cum crebris). Such a service (operatia) is performed daily for 6 days at the Cross and on the Resurrection” 627. Consequently, the difference between Vespers and Matins, which gave it greater solemnity, was: a) the sitting of the clergy, i.e., reading on it (proverbs); b) litany of the deacon and c) litany of the nearest priests. the area in which the last most important prayers and rites of Vespers were repeated, as if Vespers were being performed again in an abbreviated form. Proverbs and litias still constitute the main difference between Vespers. Litiya, characteristically called “exodus” by the ancient Slavic charters 628, is caused in the practice of this church, obviously, by the desire to pray in all places marked by the suffering of Christ, at the site of the crucifixion itself (which is why on holidays it is also sent to remote areas, outside the city), and the memories associated with them to warm up the prayerful inspiration. It is remarkable that the litia does not enter into another church (in the Martyrium), but is performed in front of it and behind it (as it is now in the vestibule). Sunday Worship for Sylvia Sunday Matins differed from weekday Matins primarily in that its first part, performed without a bishop, was celebrated not in the Church of the Resurrection, which on that day was opened no earlier than rooster crowing, but in the basilica near this church. The bishop did not appear for matins at dawn, as on weekdays, but at the first crowing of the roosters. As soon as he arrived, the Church of the Resurrection was opened to the people, abundantly illuminated, and Matins began in it, as it were, all over again (on weekdays the bishop only continued, or rather ended it with his prayers); Three psalms were sung responsibly - the first by the presbyter, the second by the deacon, the third by the cleric, each of which was followed by a prayer; At the third prayer, the remembrance of everyone was performed. Then the censers were brought in, and the church was filled with fragrance; the bishop, entering behind bars, took the Gospel and from the door (in the bars) read about the resurrection of the Lord. After the Gospel they walked with songs to the Cross, there a psalm was sung, a prayer was read, the bishop blessed the people and there was a vacation (missa fit), the bishop went home, but the service continued; the monastics, with successive presbyters and deacons and with the more zealous of the faithful, returned to the Resurrection, where psalms and antiphons were sung until dawn with a prayer after each of them 629. Those. On Sunday Matins, in comparison with weekday Matins, the reading of the Gospel and lithium was introduced. “At dawn in Martyrium,” the pilgrim continues, everything is done according to the custom observed everywhere on Sunday,” i.e. there is, as can be seen from its further description, liturgy (missa); since it is preceded by the teaching of several presbyters and a bishop, they last up to 4–5 hours (10–11 hours in our opinion). After the liturgy, the monastics accompany the bishop with songs to the Church of the Resurrection, where only the faithful without catechumens enter with him; the bishop goes behind bars; thanksgiving (aguntur gratiae) is performed to God, there is a prayer of adoration, the blessing of the bishop from inside the lattice, and everything ends (protraitur missa) at 5-6 (11-12). Vespers is celebrated daily (item et ad lucernares similiter fit juxta consuetudinem cotidianam) 630. Thus there appears to have been no clock on Sunday; as if in return their liturgy received at the end a special additional part - a litia for some of the faithful (since the catechumens did not remain until the end of the liturgy). The pilgrim notes the special crowd at Sunday morning and the tenderness with which the people listened to the Sunday Gospel 631. Comparing this liturgical practice with the practice of the Apostolic Constitutions and taking into account the intentional incompleteness noted above with which the latter is depicted, we find that the most important daily services - Matins and Vespers - have almost literally the same structure here and there. To speak of “psalms,” “hymns,” and “antiphons,” as we have seen, went beyond the scope of the Apostolic Constitutions; As for the priestly prayers, which formed the second and most important part of Vespers and Matins, in both monuments they follow the same order, close to our current one. The main difference between the Jerusalem practice (in the “Pilgrimage”) and the Syrian one (in the “Apostle Lent”) is that Matins is given less solemnity compared to Vespers (and this must have been a novelty and reform - cf. “Testament”), which is why the deacon’s litany is omitted in the first, and the lithium is added to the second, tripling the end of Vespers. A purely liturgically irrelevant difference is that the Jerusalem Church did not know such a complex gradation in the categories of worshipers as appears in the Apostolic Constitutions (catechumens, overwhelmed, enlightened, penitents), but simply divided them into full and incomplete pilgrims (catechumens and faithful); Subsequent practice removed this division from the rites of Vespers and Matins. A much more significant difference between the Jerusalem Rule and the Syrian one, or rather, a step forward of the first compared to the second, is the adaptation of the divine service to the holidays of the church year, about which both the “Testament” and the Apostolic Constitutions (not counting Easter) are silent. It is also characteristic that Apost. Regulation The depiction of the liturgical rite begins with Vespers, and the pilgrim with Matins. But the latter could speak here from her own, Roman-Western point of view: among Roman Catholics, the church day even now begins in the morning. (Did this not allow the pilgrim, who is not at all a deep observer of the divine service, to miss vespers on holidays?). Daily service for other writers of the 4th-5th centuries The liturgical practice depicted by the two monuments examined: the Apostolic Constitutions and the Pilgrimage attributed to Silvia of Aquitaine, can hardly be limited to the boundaries of the two churches where these monuments arose. and in the 3rd century. we observed a striking similarity between the most distant churches in liturgical rites. In the IV-V centuries. this similarity was bound to increase. Now the full possibility of close communication between churches has just opened up; This was the most flourishing period of councils and the beginning of centralization in church government. That the first of the monuments examined traces its practice to the apostles, this alone speaks for its comparative universality; the canonical part of the Apostolic Constitutions reflected the norms of the then general, universal law; the same should be expected from the liturgical sections of the monument. As for the liturgical practice of the Jerusalem Church of the 4th century, depicted in the Pilgrimage of Sylvia, the exceptional position that this church has always occupied in the Christian world does not allow us to give this practice a purely local significance. Indeed, if we compare with the rich liturgical material that these two monuments provide, the scant data on the worship of the 4th - 5th centuries, which can be found among the writers of these centuries, we will be convinced of the significant agreement of the various churches on this side of their life; just as the picture of worship given by the monuments will receive something of a replenishment from this. From the writers of the 4th century. We will first collect data about the days and hours of worship, then about the general structure, its order, and finally about its constituent parts, its elements: prayer, singing, readings and teaching. And in other churches there took place that daily celebration of worship, which is required by the Apostolic Constitutions, and which is stated in the Jerusalem Church by the Pilgrimage of the 4th century. By cr. m. morning and evening services were performed daily, if not in all churches, then in more significant ones - episcopal ones, and were attended carefully. St. John Chrysostom says about Psalm 140: “the fathers established to read this psalm every evening; therefore, one might say that everyone knows this psalm and sings it at any age... they sing it every day, but they don’t understand the meaning” 632. In the explanation of 1 Tim. 2 St. Chrysostom notes: “What does it mean “above all” (to make prayers...)? This means during daily worship. And those initiated into the sacraments know this, as happens with us every day, both in the evening and in the morning, as we say prayers for the whole world, for kings and for everyone who has been entrusted with power” 633. Cathedral of Agathensis (in southern Gaul) 506 Ave. 20 decrees: “Morning and evening hymns should be sung on all days, and at the conclusion of morning and evening misses, capitella (short readings) from the psalms should be read, and the people, after common (collecta) prayer, should be dismissed by the bishop with a blessing” 634. In addition to morning and evening, the prayer hours established by previous centuries were observed everywhere: 3, 6, 9, the beginning, middle and end (before dawn) of the night. They, too, were revered, if not by public worship, then by complex, specific prayer (prayer rule), at least among ascetics and in monasteries. St. Basil V. to the question: “what times are appropriate for prayer”? answers: “...we should not neglect the times of prayer established in brotherhoods, which (times) are chosen by us out of necessity, since each of them in a special way reminds us of the benefits given by God. So we should not neglect the morning, so that the first movements of the soul and mind are dedicated to God... so that the body is not brought into movement for action until we fulfill what has been said: “I will pray to you, Lord.” Tomorrow, hear my voice" 635... Then, at the third hour, one should stand for prayer and gather the brethren, if it happens that everyone is especially busy with their own business; remembering the gift of the Spirit given to the apostles at the 3rd hour, everyone must worship with one accord, so that they themselves become worthy of receiving sanctification and ask the Spirit for guidance and teaching for benefit, imitating the one who said: “Create in me a pure heart, O God, and a right spirit...” 636. At the 6th hour we recognized the need to pray in imitation of the saints who said: “evening and morning and noon we tell... 637 about the same thing that we need the 9th hour for prayer, was given to us by the apostles themselves in the book. Acts 638. And at the end of the day, we need both thanksgiving for what was given to us on this day... and confession of what we did not fulfill..., which is why it is said: “Whatever you say in your hearts, be moved on your beds” 639. Again, even when night falls, we need to ask that our rest be unbroken and free from dreams, reading at this hour the 90th Psalm. and that we need midnight for prayer, Paul and Silas betrayed this, as the history of Acts 640 tells us; and the psalmist says: “at midnight I rose to confess to You about the destinies of Your righteousness” 641. And again we must get up for prayer, anticipating the morning, so that the day does not find us in our sleep and on our bed, as has been said; “Previously prepare my eyes to learn Thy word in the morning” 642. - The meaning that St. Basil, for the monasticism of his and later times, makes it likely that the instructions given to him here regarding the honoring of each of the prayer hours were taken into account when forming the service for them: all the psalms from which he takes excerpts were included in these services, just as his expression was literally repeated in the prayer of Compline. (Hence the inscription of most prayers on clocks and other services with his name), According to the testimony of Rev. John Cassian, for the first time in his time, and precisely in the Bethlehem monastery, a special “morning service” (matutinam canonicam functionem) “at sunrise” was established, i.e. 1st hour, but, the monk notes, this service was not reintroduced, but was created through separation from the night vigils (nocturnarum vigiliarum), which took place after the roosters crowing until dawn (matins), the last part that followed 150 psalms - namely, psalms 50, 62, 89 (which are assigned to the 1st hour). This service was established, according to John Cassian, to keep the monks from long sleep in the period of time between the end of the vigil (Matins) and the 3rd hour 643. This is how, apparently, we need to understand Cassian’s unclear expression about this: “songs (hymnos, i.e. psalms, as can be seen from what follows), which in this country were borrowed (excepere) for the morning service (newly established, i.e. 1 hour), and hitherto are also sung at the end of night vigils, usually ending after the roosters crow until dawn, i.e. Psalm 148 and following; Psalms 50, 62 and 89 were assigned (deputatos - removed) for this new service, as we know. In Italy and now in all churches, at the end of the morning songs, the 50th Psalm is sung, which is undoubtedly borrowed from here.”644 The motivation for establishing a new service according to Cassian was the abuse of sleep on the part of some monks after the night service: at the end of it, they slept not only until dawn, but until the next service, which was the 3rd hour, making up for the hours spent on night prayer with daytime sleep 645. Everyday Matins according to Basil the Great As for the order of daily services in different churches of the 4th-5th centuries, brief indications of it are given in the above testimonies, and these instructions, for the most part, coincide with detailed, although also incomplete, data on the order of Syrian-Jerusalem worship in Lent. Apostle and Pilgrimage. A detailed description of the morning service is given by St. Vasily V. in a letter to the neo-Caesarean clergy: “The now established customs in all the churches of God are uniform and consistent. For our people greet the morning from the night ( èκ νοκτòς γάρ ὀρθρίζει ) in the house of prayer, confessing to God in labor, sorrow and tearful contrition; after which (τελευται ον), having risen (from their knees) from prayer, they stand for psalmody. And so, having divided into two parts, they sing alternately (ἀντιψάλλουσι ἀλλήλοις)... Then, in turn, leaving one to begin singing (του μέλους), the others sing along (ὑπυχου σι) and thus spending the night in a variety of psalmody, interspersed with prayers (μεταξύ προσευχόμενοι), at the dawn of the day, all together (κοινῇ), as if with one mouth and one heart, offer up a psalm of confession to the Lord, each doing repentance in his own words” 646. At this matins, which begins, like the Jerusalem one according to the “Pilgrimage,” also before dawn and therefore connects the Midnight Office and Matins, psalms are sung, as at that one, sometimes antiphonally, sometimes responsorally, and alternate with prayers. What is noteworthy in it is the repentant tone, in connection with which there is some kind of public or private?) confession of sins at the beginning of the service (corresponding to our sixth psalm, which, according to the Typikon, is supposed to be heard “praying for our sins” 647) and a single repentant prayer at the end of the service (corresponding to the current 12 bows with secret prayer). This is the first evidence of the use of 50 ps. for Matins. (cf. above by Cassian), which, according to the most ancient complete rules (for example, the Sophia of Constantinople of the 9th century) is the most important central part of Matins. Saturday vigil for Cassian Of the number of weekdays in liturgical terms, in addition to Sunday, at least in some places, Saturday stood out significantly. The morning service, which on other days, as starting deep at night, could be called a vigil in the proper sense, since it began in the evening on the eve of Saturday (ab vespera illuscente sabbato) and continued “all night”, and only not long before Cassian was it shortened by the “elders” (seniores) for the winter time so much that it ended at the fourth cockcrow and so that the remaining 2 hours before dawn could be slept 648. John Cassian traces the establishment of this vigil to the time of the “apostolic sermon” and explains that when “our Lord and Savior was crucified on the 6th day of the week, the disciples were so amazed by His suffering that had just taken place that they spent that entire night awake.” “For the sake of vigil work” on the Sabbath, Cassian adds, “it is not unjust for all Eastern churches to hold fast on the Sabbath day” 649. It is remarkable that Cassian does not talk about the vigil on Sunday, although he devotes a special chapter to the question “how Sunday worship differs from the service of other days.” Consequently, Sunday Matins (in the areas observed by Cassian) was so insignificantly longer than the weekday one, it began only a little earlier, as was the case in the Jerusalem Church according to the “Pilgrimage.” The Roman Catholic Church has preserved an echo of this practice, when the vigil is dedicated not to the holiday itself, but to its eve. – The Saturday vigil for Cassian has the following composition: “first, standing, three antiphons are chanted (concinuerunt); then, sitting on the ground or on low chairs, they perform responsorally (respondent) after one singer (uno modulante) three psalms, which, however, the brethren sing along in turn (qui tamen singuli a singulis fratribus vicissim succendentibus sibi praebentur 650; and sitting in the same calm position they add to all this three readings 651. In this rite, the absence of hymns and prayers is noteworthy; if the former are not meant by antiphons, then their absence is explained by the fact that this refers to monastic worship, which then generally (as we will see later) excluded hymnographic material from its composition, considering it to belong to secular churches. As for prayers, there were no priestly prayers because the service was performed without a priest, but ordinary prayers because they were exclusively of a penitential nature, and Saturday was celebrated almost differently from Sunday. St. often speaks about vigils. John Chrysostom, sometimes calling them “all-night vigils (παννυχ ί δες)” (maybe rhetorically); but for the most part, he means vigils in honor of martyrs or leaves it unknown which ones he means; He also tells us a little about the composition of the vigils. For example: “You turned night into day with your sacred all-night vigils” 652. Or: “Enter the church, look at the poor who remain here from midnight to day, look at the sacred vigils that connect day and night, look at the Christ-loving people, not afraid day or night, neither the tyranny of sleep, nor the needs of poverty.” “All-night and continuous standing” contrasts Chrysostom with daytime standing, interrupted and imperfect: “in them, imitating the angelic standing, we bring continuous hymn to the Creator. Oh wonderful are the gifts of Christ: in the highest the angelic armies sing glory; on earth people imitate this doxology with their ceremonies in churches; above, the seraphim cry out the trisagion; below, many people send her down; a common celebration is organized for earthly and heavenly; one thanksgiving, one rejoicing, one joyful rejoicing" 653. From this we can conclude that the angelic song: Glory to God in the highest and the seraphim: Holy, holy... was part of the vigil. Sunday service for Cassian It is possible, however, that local vigils were also held on Sundays. For this it can speak like what St. John Chrysostom they seem to be a very common and frequent occurrence, and so is the fact that at the beginning of the 6th century. We find them in the practice of not only the monastery of St. Savva. Nevertheless, John Cassian sets out as a feature of Sunday worship in the east (apparently, mainly in Palestinian and Mesopotamian monasteries) that “on Sunday before lunch there is only one meeting, at which, for the sake of communion of the Lord, with great solemnity and attention performing psalms and prayers, they combine the third and sixth hours; Thus, in the following prayers nothing is diminished; and yet, in honor of the Resurrection of the Lord, the brethren are given some relief and indulgence compared to other days” 654. According to this, in the Jerusalem church of the 4th century. (according to the Pilgrimage), in which there was no service at the 9th hour, after the liturgy a service was performed to replace the 6th and 9th hours 655. Days of Liturgy and Communion Liturgy in most churches was celebrated except Sunday only on Saturday. This was the case in Alexandria, according to the testimony of its archbishops, St. Athanasius and Timothy (380–385) 656, in neighboring churches and monasteries of Egypt and Thebaid according to the testimony of Socrates 657 and John Cassian 658, in Asia Minor according to the testimony of the Council of Laodicea 659, in Constantinople according to the testimony of Socrates 660. According to Basil the Great, “we receive communion 4 times every week - on Sunday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday, as well as on other days of the week, if the memory of a martyr occurs; but it is good and useful to commune and receive St. every day. Body and Blood of Christ" 661. From this last place it is clear that in the 4th century. Everyone communed at every liturgy. But some passages from Chrysostom’s conversation show that many, under the pretext of their unworthiness, not only stopped communing at every liturgy, but limited themselves to communion once or twice a year 662. So St. the father, not without irony, says that if they are unworthy, then there is no need to start visiting St. secrets 663. Rev. Macarius of Egypt says to a woman influenced by magic: “never stop attending church; never shy away from partaking of the mysteries of Christ; the misfortune happened to you because you have not approached the most pure mysteries of our Savior for five weeks already” 664. The custom of daily communion held stronger in the West. According to bl. Jerome, in his time this custom was in Rome and in Spain 665. But judging by the fact that to bl. Various persons addressed letters to Jerome and Augustine about the expediency of this custom 666; it was already close in the West, as in the East, to weakening. Pseudo-Ambrose says: “If daily bread (quotidianus), why do you take it every other year, as the Greeks were accustomed to do in the east? Take daily what you need daily” 667. The cessation of common communion at each liturgy had an influence on the development of the liturgical rules that raised Vespers and Matins to a height close to the liturgy, creating a view of them as just as necessary and obligatory services as the latter 668. Speaking about church services of the IV-V centuries. one cannot fail to mention the so-called litanies (λιτάνεια). These were solemn processions, religious processions from one church to another, or to the city square, or outside the city, which took place when the relics or other remains of a martyr were transferred, in memory of the martyrs, to the places of their suffering or to their churches from the main church, as well as on the occasion of public disasters. They began in the 3rd century; but at that time, a difficult time for Christians, these processions were limited to cases of transferring the remains of martyrdom and were carried out for the most part at night 669. Only in the 4th century. they became widely used and became open and more solemn. “A few days before this,” says St. Chrysostom, “on the occasion of heavy rains there were litanies and prayers, and our entire city, like a stream, rushed to the apostolic places; we begged, calling on St. Peter and blessed Andrew, these two apostles, as well as Paul and Timothy" 670. Vasily V. speaks of litanies as a new, but useful institution: “it was not with him,” those. under Gregory the Wonderworker († 270), bishop of Neo-Caesarea, he writes to the Neo-Caesareans, and “the litanies that you are performing now; and I’m not saying this as an accusation against you, because I would like you all to live in tears and incessant repentance” 671. About Tpiphanius, Bishop of Ticin (Ticiensis, in Italy) of the 4th century, his biography writer Ennodius (5th century) tells that he “decreed (censuit) to carry out processions (procendendum) in every epidemic (aeris errore)” 672. Emperor Theodosius Vel. before the war with Eugene, he arranged a litany through the city: in a hair shirt with the priests and people, he walked around all the places of prayer, lay prostrate before the tombs of the martyrs and apostles, asking the saints for help for himself 673. The imps did the same. Theodosius Jr. and Martian 674. Greek writer Mark the Deacon (5th century) in his biography of St. Porfiria, bishop Gazsky († 420), talks about a litany on the occasion of lack of rain: having taken the sign (signo) of the honorable cross that preceded us, we went out with hymns to the ancient church located to the west of the city. Porfiry himself followed (walked behind), carrying St. the Gospel and having a pious clergy around you”; Further, the author indicates the number of prayers at this litiya at different churches 675. Lithiums in honor of martyrs are also often mentioned. So Sidonius Apollinaris, bishop. Auvergne (Arvernorum, in Gaul) V century. speaks of the “pre-dawn procession” to the tomb of the torment. Justa 676. Few ritual details have been preserved about such litanies. Sozomen, speaking about the procession during the transfer of the remains of the martyr Meletius to Antioch, notes that it took place with “alternate singing of psalms” 677. Bl. Augustine says that in the procession when transferring the remains of St. Stephen's bishop walked in the middle of the people 678. thus lithium or litany in the 4th century, i.e. from its very origins it receives a dual character: on the one hand, it is a mournful and repentant prayer during public disasters or in warning of them, on the other hand, it is dedicated to the memory of saints. It has this character throughout all subsequent times, both in the Eastern and Western churches; she still bears such a seal among us today 679. At the same time, from its inception, the litany or lithium is something additional to the ancient church services, more honest to the vigil: it is performed after the vigil (as in the news of Mark the Deacon) or before it (as in Sidonius Apollinaris). Litiya now holds such a place in relation to church services. But in the practice of the Jerusalem Church of the 4th century. it, as we have seen, is already merging more closely with other church services (evening and matins), although it does not lose its main character - an addition to them. Elements of worship of the 4th-5th centuries So that the picture of worship in the 4th-5th centuries. was complete, it is necessary to characterize in more detail the constituent elements of the worship service of that time. those. prayer, singing, reading and teaching, for which it is necessary to collect news from the writers of this period concerning these elements of worship. These testimonies are also important because they introduce the practice of different churches (St. Basil V. - Asia Minor, St. Chrysostom - Antioch and Constantinople, Blessed Jerome - Roman, Blessed Augustine - African, etc.). As for prayer during services of the 4th and 5th centuries, the writers of the 4th and 5th centuries. we do not find anything that would significantly supplement the information about her given by the given full rites of the then divine service (in the “Apostolic Constitutions” and “Pilgrimage”). But this latest information is so complete that in this regard there is nothing more to wish for. We have there the very text of the prayers of that time, and detailed instructions on the place occupied either in worship, and on the manner of performing them. In comparison with later and present prayers, they are distinguished, of course, by greater brevity, but during the divine service they occupied a much more prominent and significant place than now: due to the fact that they were not, as now, secret, they should have taken up at least half of each church service, if not more: according to the “Pilgrimage” attributed to Sylvia, the first part of the service, before the arrival of the bishop, consists of interspersed psalms, hymns and prayers, the second half of the service - with the bishop - seems to consist entirely of prayers. In the service of the Apostolic Constitutions, prayers occupy such a dominant position that the author completely ignores other elements of the service. St. fathers of the 4th - 5th centuries Many of the prayers now in use are attributed. So there is a whole series of prayers at the present hour, as we see, including the prayers of Pentecost (some of which were previously used at every vespers, the so-called hymn service). Some morning and evening prayers, as well as prayers before and after communion, are attributed to St. Chrysostom, Macarius the Great. The prayer “Undefiled, unblasphemous” is attributed to St. Ephraim the Syrian 680. If these inscriptions are not always reliable (they often contradict each other in different monuments), then they, in any case, indicate that the 4th and 5th centuries. Since ancient times, they have been considered the most normative in relation to church prayers. Singing during worship IV-V centuries. compared to the 3rd century. got a lot more space. At Matins of the “Testament” it fills only a necessary break between two long rows of prayers; the services described by the pilgrim of the 4th century could have been given the name “song”. The singing part of the service was composed, as now, from biblical material and Christian hymns. The first, both in the monuments examined and among the writers of that period, is reduced almost exclusively to psalms. Of the other songs of Holy Scripture, it is mentioned, as we have seen, about the use of the song of the 3 Youths and Simeon the God-Receiver 681 during divine services. The use of the Psalter during divine services was no longer what it is today: “In our meetings,” says St. Chrysostom, “David the first, middle and last” 682. “Our David, Simonides, Pindar, Alcaeus, Flaccus, Catullus, Serenus,” says Bl. Jerome 683. from the church the Psalter penetrated into home use: according to Socrates, imp. Theodosius the Younger and his sisters performed psalmody 684 daily. According to bl. Jerome, “the farmer at his plow sings alleluia; the reaper, covered in sweat, consoles himself with psalms, and the vinedresser with a knife sings something of David’s 685. The choice of psalms for singing during the service still largely depended on the primate: “we prepared ourselves a short psalm, which we ordered the reader to sing,” says Bl. Augustine. 686. Types of psalmody. General singing As for the method of singing psalms, the responsorial and antiphonal method of singing psalms in replacement of the general one seems to be spreading more and more. The above passage from the letter of Vasily V. to the neo-Caesarean clergy 687 seems to make it clear that the neo-Caesareans considered the first two types of singing an innovation. From the words of St. Chrysostom: “once the whole assembly sang in one voice, as we now do” 688 one can also conclude that this was a primitive way of singing and that it has now begun to give way to others. Bl. Augustine also mentions this way of singing psalms: “We sang the psalm in one voice (una vice), encouraging each other, saying with one accord: “Come, let us rejoice”" 689. The opposite of this type of singing was when a psalm (or song, hymn) was sung only by a choir of singers or by one singer without the participation of those praying. It was noticed that St. Cyril of Jerusalem, referring to the sung psalms in his catechetical teachings, never expresses himself: “as we or you sang,” but always: “as you heard” 690. The Council of Laodicea even prohibits anyone other than “canonical singers” from singing in church 691 . According to John Cassian, among the Egyptian monks, the psalm was always sung by one of the brethren, while the others sat and listened 692. Characterizing this type of performance of psalms in more detail, John Cassian makes it clear that it was performed in an even chant (parili pronynciatione) in some monasteries without interruption, verse by verse (contiguis versibus) 693, in others with a division into two or three articles (intercisiones) with intermediate prayers to oneself 694. From the custom of continuous singing of a psalm by one singer, a method of performing psalms arose in the West, which acquired the somewhat later name psalmus tractns (tractim dicere - to speak without interruption) and which consisted in the fact that a psalm or its verse was sung by one singer, without a response from the choir (as defined by Amalarius, a writer of the 9th century) 695. From such singing of psalms arose our current reading from, which is actually recitative singing. Responsor or hypophonic singing Along with the continuous singing of a psalm by an entire people or one singer, writers of the 4th-5th centuries. Responsorial singing of a psalm is often mentioned. “The fathers established,” says St. Chrysostom, “so that the people, when they did not know the whole psalm, would sing along (ὑπηχει ν) a strong verse from the psalm, containing some high teaching, and from here extract the necessary instruction” 696. What a strong impression this singing made is shown by the famous case of St. Athanasius: when during the service soldiers entered the church to detain St. Athanasius, for presentation to the court (at the request of the Arians), he ordered to sing a psalm with the refrain: “For His mercy endures forever,” which was sung by all the people, and this helped St. Athanasius to hide from the soldiers 697. According to Sozomen, when the relics of St. much Babylon in Antioch, the people chanted to each verse of the psalm: “Let all who worship idols, who boast about idols, be ashamed” 698. Sometimes such choruses were very long, covering two verses from a psalm. So in the explanation of Psalm 18 bl. Augustine speaks of the singing of verses 13 and 14 by all the people: “Who understands the Fall? Cleanse me from my secrets” 699 ...The entire psalm with this method of execution must have been sung or read by one singer. “The singer (ὁψάλλων) sings (ψάλλει) alone, although everyone sings along (ὑνηχω σι), as if a voice rises from one mouth” 700. (About the reading of the psalms, St. Ambrose: “you heard today how it was read (lectum): “be angry and do not sin” 701 and St. Augustine: “best of all is what they said about the Alexandrian bishop Athanasius, that he so tuned the reader to sing the psalms that he seemed to be not so much singing as reading.” 702. “Pilgrimage” by Sylvia says, Apparently, mainly about the responsorial singing of psalms. The wide spread of this method of singing was facilitated, as we saw from the words of Chrysostom, by the people’s unsteady knowledge of the text of the psalms and, probably, by the rarity of their lists. From the responsorial singing of psalms our prokemenes and Roman Catholic responsorias 703 arose: instead of entire psalms, they began to take for singing with a chorus, first probably, certain sections of them. only a few verses (first 4, hence the great prokeimenon, and then 2). They also suggest the integral singing of a psalm with a chorus. Such singing of an entire psalm with a refrain for each verse is preserved by our current charter only for 135 psalms. and this is because the refrain (“For His mercy endures forever”) is placed here at every verse in the biblical text itself. The antiphonal method of singing was even more difficult. It is not known exactly what kind of singing was designated by this term in the 4th-5th centuries. Initially, this must have been the name given to the alternating singing of verses of a psalm between the two halves of the worshipers. If so, then the first reason for the introduction and spread of such singing could be an increase in the number of believers: the general singing of the psalm by everyone with an excessively large number of worshipers could interfere with the harmony of the singing. This is precisely the way of singing that St. indicates. Basil in the above passage from the letter to the neo-Caesarean clergy 704. Socrates, who, as stated above 705, traces the origin of antiphonal singing to Antioch and considering the presbyters Diodorus and Flavian (IV-V centuries) as its founders, speaks of singing in two choirs (then by singers, not by the people). The same term apparently denoted another slightly different method of singing, namely, when before or after a psalm, sung alternately by two choirs, one verse of this psalm or another was sung; This verse, close to the content of the psalm, was called an antiphon (echo, echo) 706. According to the definition of the aforementioned Amalarius: “before the symphony of the antiphon, the psalm is sung by two choirs, and at the antiphon itself the choirs unite” 707. Such antiphons must not only have been borrowed from the psalms and generally from Holy Scripture, but could also have been their own Christian composition. Sylvia, as we have seen, noticeably distinguishes them from psalms, but, incidentally, also from hymns. But Socrates expresses himself in the same place: ἀντιφ ώ νους ὕ μνους (“it must be said where the custom of antiphonal hymns in the church began” 708). Bl. Augustine, attributing to St. Ambrose, the introduction of the eastern method of singing in Milan apparently means antiphonal singing of precisely this latter kind, since responsor singing was generally widespread everywhere at that time, and antiphonal singing in the broad sense (the first of the above) did not differ significantly from it. “Then,” says Bl. Augustine on the bishopric of St. Ambrose in Mediolan, “singing was established according to the custom of eastern countries, so that the people would not languish in boredom” 709. Now, both in our country and in the Roman Catholic Church, antiphons are precisely special verses, not always from the psalms 710 and not always (in our country) combined with the singing of psalms; In our country, however, antiphons also denote the alternating singing of verses of a psalm (for example, parts of kathismas are called antiphons 711); The remnant of the antiphonal performance of the psalm by a whole assembly of worshipers is the singing of “Let him be corrected” at the Liturgy of the Presanctified 712. If the term “antiphon” had the meaning of an independent addition to a psalm at the beginning and end of it (or an addition to a well-known section of a psalm), then it constituted a transition from psalms to those songs and hymns that were already in the 3rd century. received a significant place in worship. As in the 3rd century. The revival of hymnographic activity in the church was facilitated by the attempts of some heretics to spread their teachings through hymns. This was done in Syria by the followers of Bardesan 713 with the name Arius, a collection of hymns was known under the title Θάλεια 714 (one of the muses), with the name Apollinaria “New Psalter”; 715; The Donatists also used hymns to spread their teachings 716. In the fight against this heretical hymnography, Sts. Athanasius V., Ephraim the Syrian, Gregory the Theologian and Chrysostom. But the first and last fought more by organizing worship. Tradition ascribes to St. Chrysostom the introduction of troparion-antiphons into the divine service 717, and this may only mean their transfer from Antioch to Constantinople 718. St. Ephraim and Gregory also became famous hymns. The Syrians and Copts attribute 12–14 thousand hymns to the first († 378); but most of these hymns bear traces of later composition and only imitate the original hymns of Ephraim 719. In the “Acts (Life) of St. Ephraim" it is said that "with his sublime and spiritual songs (odas), he taught the doctrine of the Nativity of Christ, baptism, fasting, suffering (of Christ), resurrection, ascension and other sacraments of this divine providence; here he added other hymns - about martyrs, about repentance, about the dead" 720. (Note that the range of holidays given in this list is quite suitable for the 4th century). Songs of St. Ephraim on holidays is very reminiscent in character of the later “stichera”; for example, the song on R.H. depicts the state of mind of the rights. Joseph at the sight of the Deities. Child: “who gave me the Son of the Most High as a son... my zeal for Mary was in vain... David, place a crown on His head...” 721. Some of the hymns of St. Ephraim is still used for holidays by the Maronites (Syrian Monothelites). St. About 50 songs in honor of the Mother of God are also attributed to Ephraim, most of which are also used today by the Maronites; there is news 722 that of these songs St. Ephraim Paul of Akmore (in the 11th-12th centuries) extracted his stichera to the Most Holy. Theotokos, laid out in our octoechon to the Lord, who cried out at Sunday Vespers, “where there is no menaion.” Hymns of St. Ephraim, despite the warmth of religious feeling, did not enter into our church use, probably because they were written in the Syrian language. Gregory the Theologian († 389), a fairly prolific poet, is credited with about 12 hymns, the best of which are: “Hymn to God,” which is quite close in content to “We praise You God,” 723, “Hymn to Christ after silence (Easter fasting,” which, however, glorifies not the resurrection, but the creative and providential activity of God and the incarnation. Hymns St. Gregory has somewhat abstract content and therefore was not accepted into worship (it cannot be argued that they were not used in worship in ancient times). Gregory was turned by later hymns into church songs (for example, “Christ is born”). The hymns of Synasius of Cyrene, somewhat imbued with Neoplatonism 724, are even more abstract. During this period, the West brought forward the more famous hymn writers Hilary of Pictavia (Poilesc. † 367), Pope Damasus († 384), St. Ambrose of Milan († 397), bl. Augustine († 430), Prudence (Aurelius Prudentius Clemens, born 318), Sedulius (Coilius Sedulius, first half of the 5th century), Fortunata (Venantius Fortunatus, † ca. 610). In the West, the hymn “We praise God” (Te Deum) belongs to the same era (judging by the mention of it among writers of the 6th century 725), inscribed in Roman Catholic liturgical books with the name of St. Ambrose and Augustine. According to one legend, it was written by St. Ambrose in gratitude for the final victory over Arianism. According to other legends, it was sung by inspiration (improvised) by St. Ambrose and Bl. Augustine at the time of the latter's baptism first, when they both stood in the spring; St. Ambrose sang one verse, bl. Augustine is another; the last verse: “in You, Lord, I trusted”... finished by the bl. Augustine 726. St. Ambrose and Blessed. This hymn cannot belong to Augustine, because it is not mentioned in their works (other hymns are mentioned) and differs from the undoubtedly authentic hymns. In hymnographic terms, the 4th and 5th centuries. consequently, the West was more fertile than the East: they contributed as much material to Roman Catholic worship as perhaps all subsequent centuries. Hence, Roman Catholic worship is proud of the antiquity of its songs, as well as their poetic form (the above-mentioned writings are mostly iambic without rhyme). But the Latin hymns of the 4th and 5th centuries, which served as models for subsequent Latin hymnography, in comparison with the later eastern “stichera” that entered our worship, are of a very abstract and general nature - are not confined to the sacred. memories of the day (reminiscent of the contemporary works of St. Gregory the Theologian and Synesius from eastern hymnography) 727. Such a development of hymn writing in the 4th-5th centuries. must have caused the decrees in the east of the Council of Laodicea against the use of “private psalms” (ἰδιωτικούς) and non-canonical books during worship 728, in the west of the Council of Toledo in 633, which allowed the use of hymns only of St. Hilary and Ambrose, as well as the small and great doxologies 729. If in the 3rd century. the melody of church songs attracted the concerns of pastors, then in the present period these concerns should have intensified. However, no reliable news on this point has survived from this period. There is news about St. Vasily V. († 379), that he applied the melody of Pindar's epinikia 730 to church songs. In the name of St. Ambrose is inscribed with the musical Antiphonary 731, which has a later origin. It contains 4 tunes based on four Greek musical modes: Dorian, Phrygian, Lydian and Mixolydian; the difference between these tunes was noticed in the fact that they began with different sounds of the octachord: 1st with D, 2nd E, 3rd F, 4th G, and therefore the dominant sound (dominant), confined to the 1st step of the octachord (in the second tune - to 6, since the 5th step has a variable “B”), were on different notes. This is how 4 voices turned out (later 4 more were added to them) 732. These voices are called Ambrosian; as part of the current Roman Catholic Osmoglas (Gregorian) they correspond to voices 1, 3, 5 and 7. Of our voices, they (the first three of them) are close to voices 1, 2 and 3. Liturgical reading in the IV-V centuries Liturgical reading in the 4th and 5th centuries. compared to the 3rd century. has undergone significant changes in relation to the volume of readings, the timing of readings to one and another divine service, and the selection of readings. In the first respect, a sharp boundary between canonical and non-canonical priests is finally established. books. Apparently, at the very beginning of the 4th century. there was still some hesitation in this regard, but from the second half of this century the canon of the priest. books everywhere received their current composition. So Eusebius († c. 337) still hesitates in recognizing the Apocalypse as a canonical book, as well as in the affiliation of the conciliar epistles James, Jude, 2 Pet., John. 2 and 3 to these apostles 733. St. Athanasius († 373) 734, as well as the councils of Laodicea (second half of the 4th century) 735 and Carthaginian (419) 736 know the canon already in its current form (the Council of Laodicea does not name, however, in the list of canonical books of the Apocalypse). The precise establishment of the canon could not but raise the authority of biblical writing, and strengthen, so to speak, the feeling of its divine inspiration and reverence for it. Reading sacred books during worship now finally receives the sacramental meaning that it partially acquired in the past (not without the influence of the synagogue). At the same time, compared to the 3rd century. -now the Old Testament is increasingly relegated to the background during liturgical reading. Number of readings from the Old and New Testaments At the beginning of this period, there was still some uniformity in the reading of both Testaments during worship. Thus, the Apostolic Constitutions appoint (for the liturgy, at which then there were only readings) two readings from the Old Testament 737: from the law and the prophets 738 and two or three New ones: from the Acts, the Epistles of Pal and the Gospels 739. Later, or in other churches, there appears to have been one reading from the Old Testament and two from the New. John Chrysostom, in conversations delivered in Constantinople, says: “Let us touch upon what is now read... And blessed David draws to himself our ministry and the apostolic word spoken to Timothy; and Isaiah speaks wisely about human nature; and the Master from Jesus talking with his disciples: “The harvest is plentiful” 740 ... “The reader begins: “Isain’s prophecy” and no one listens... Then he loudly proclaims: “This says the Lord” and no one listens” 741. “It was in vain that one prophet entered here, one apostle spoke with us, and about what?” 742 Basil the Great, in a conversation with those preparing for baptism, mentions reading that day after the psalms from Isa. Chapter 2, Acts Chapter 2. and Matt. 11,743. Another conversation mentions reading "at the morning hour" after the psalms from Proverbs, the Apostles and the Gospels 744. Wed. in the Armenian liturgy – lectio prophetica, Apostolus, Evangelium 745. This was the case in Western churches as well. Maxim, ep. Tours (Turin in Italy, in the 5th century), speaks of readings on one day from Isaiah, ev. Matt. and In. 746. Bl. Augustine sometimes speaks of readings only from the Epistles and Gospels 747 , but sometimes from the prophets, for example, Isaiah (57:13) 748 . The oldest lists of Western liturgies are Gallican 749, Mediolan, Mozarabic (in Spain) and the oldest lectionary of the Spanish church Liber comicus 750 (c. VI century) have the Old Testament reading (lectio) before the apostolic (epistola) and the Gospel (lectio s. evangelii) 751. On the contrary, the oldest lists of the Roman liturgy are in the Sacramentarium Gregorianum (attributed to St. Pope Gregory the Great, † 604) and the oldest, although not dating back beyond the 8th century. Gallican lectionaries (Comes ab Albino emendatus under Charlemagne and others) have only New Testament readings - Apostolus and Evangelium 752 From here they conclude that there were never Old Testament readings in the Roman liturgy 753. According to Walafrid Strabo († 849), Pope St. Celestine I (422–432) first introduced the Old Testament element into the liturgy, prefacing the apostolic and gospel reading with entrance antiphons (ad introitum): “before his time, only the reading of the apostle and the Gospel was read before the sacrifice” 754. (Cf. below the testimony of John Cassian). Perhaps, under the influence of Roman practice, the Old Testament readings were gradually abolished in Eastern liturgies. in the 6th century There are no longer Old Testament readings in the Greek liturgy: they are not mentioned in the acts of the Council of Constantinople in 526, in the life of St. Sava Sanctified, compiled by Cyril of Scythopolis, which talks about the liturgy and its readings 755. St. Sophronius Patr. Jerusalem, although he speaks in op. "Oh St. clothes and liturgy" about the "prophetic words" at the liturgy "after the first prayer" (litany), but by them he means antiphons 756. Other eastern liturgies, although they do not have their Old Testament readings in the most ancient lists, but in the fact that they have as many as 4 New Testament readings, one can see a trace of the former existence of the Old Testament readings. So the Coptic (Jacobite) and Ethiopian liturgies have readings from the “Apostle”, i.e. messages of the Ap. Paul, from “Cathedral”, i.e. conciliar epistles, from the Acts and Gospel 757. The Nestorian liturgy also has 4 readings and all from the New Testament; for example, for the Ascension State: 2 Cor. 2, 1–15 and Acts. 1, 1–14; then 1 Tim 1:8-11; 3, 4–16 and Luke. 24, 36–54 758. (Acts, like the Gospel, is preceded by the Apostle!). The Old Testament readings at this liturgy were abolished only in the 7th century. (Pat. Mar-Babeem c. 614 759). Consequently, one can think similarly about the Coptic-Ethiopian liturgy. The Old Testament readings removed from the liturgy, of course, were not abandoned altogether, but were timed to coincide with other services, namely Vespers, as a service that took the place of the former evening liturgy and therefore was closest to it in structure. But from the 4th and 5th centuries. there is no information about the existence of evening readings (except for the vague indication of Silvia's Pilgrimage 760). But there is news that the Old Testament readings were confined mainly to weekdays, on which, for the most part, the liturgy was not celebrated. So John Cassian says that in Egyptian monasteries at weekday services (which he does not indicate) there is one reading from the Old Testament, and one from the New Testament, and on Saturday and Sunday both readings from the New Testament (of course at the liturgy, since on both of these days the liturgy was celebrated almost everywhere, as we have seen, an indispensable part of which since the 2nd century were readings); also throughout Pentecost 761. Remarkable is the restriction that was made for weekdays in relation to the New Testament readings and an echo of which can be seen in the requirement of the Council of Laodicea that on Saturday “(and) the Gospel with (μετà) other scriptures” 762 should be read: the Gospel must not have been read on weekdays. Sylvia’s pilgrimage speaks of reading the Gospel only at Sunday matins and at the services of great holidays (and Holy Week), but more often speaks of “readings” in general 763. However, it should be noted that since reading has been associated with the liturgy since ancient times, there were no readings in places, on days when there was no liturgy. Cassian calls reading during everyday worship something “super-obligatory, only for those who wish” 764. As for the selection of readings, it is found in this period even more than in the 3rd century. 765, mentions of “pericopes”, “readings” (lectiones). But just like there, these pericopes were not timed to coincide with certain days of the year, but were read one after another during the service, excluding major holidays and partly Pentecost, for which there were special readings. “Your holiness remembers,” says Blessed. Augustine, “that we usually consider the Gospel of John in order of readings. But now the celebration of St. days on which certain readings from the Gospel are scheduled, and they are annual, so there cannot be others, then we will, of necessity, interrupt the accepted order, but will not abandon it completely” 766. Some places near St. Chrysostom sounds, however, as if the pericopes were already distributed between the liturgical days of the year, between Sundays. “We often indicate to you many days earlier the subject (ὑπόθεσις) of the conversation, so that in the meantime you pick up a book and look through the pericope” 767. “Everyone in a few days on some day of the week, at least on Saturday, should take and read at home in connection (συνεχω ς) the pericope of the Gospel that has to be read” 768. But Chrysostom could speak this way even if the pericopes were not timed to days, but followed in the order of the Gospel 769. The primates enjoyed some freedom in choosing the pericopes for reading. “That’s why we ordered (fecimus),” says Bl. Augustine, “read that very reading from the Gospel where the Lord was tempted by the words of the psalm that you just heard” 770. Sometimes the theme outlined by the preacher determined the selection of readings: “remember our promise,” says Bl. Augustine, “we are ordered to offer appropriate readings from the Gospel and the Apostle” 771. If the sermon had to be continued after the next service, then the reading was repeated at it: “Your love remembers that last Sunday we talked about spiritual rebirth; we ordered this reading to be read again in order to complete what was not said then” 772. From IV-V centuries. the experience of dividing the biblical New Testament text for liturgical use has been preserved, belonging to Euphaly, according to some manuscripts, a deacon (of Alexandria), according to others, a bishop of Σούλκης (an unknown place in Egypt), perhaps first a deacon, and later a bishop. In his “edition (ἔκθεσις)” of Acts 773, the epistles of the Apostle Paul and the conciliar epistles, Euphaly first of all divides the biblical text into verses, placing in each verse as many words as the reader is able to pronounce with one breath, but in accordance with the meaning; then he divides the text into 57 readings ( ἀναγνώσεις), indicating (in Ἀνακεφαλαίωσις), with which words the reading begins and how many chapters it contains (chapters of almost the current size, sometimes less); 3 readings, James, 1 Peter, 1 John, Gal., Eph., Philipp., Col., 1 Sol., 1 Tim., 2 readings each, the rest 1 each. (With regard to the epistles of the Apostle Paul, Euphaly used the division into chapters that existed before him. For each chapter, its quotations and parallels from other holy books and apocrypha are indicated and an overview of the content is given. Nowadays they dispute that this work as a whole belongs to one person and disagrees about determining the period of its life. By Athanasius, to whom the author devotes his work, some mean the famous archbishop. of Alexandria, other archbishops. Alex. Athanasius II (490–496). They find that the work could have occurred in the 4th century. (under Athanasius V.), but there is something in it, and by the way, the division into readings is a later layering, since it does not correspond to any division of the church year (the division, they think, meant private or monastic use) 774. If Euphaly directed his work to the Apostle, then, one might think, the Gospel already had a division into liturgical readings - although there were no experiments with such a division from the 4th-5th centuries. not preserved. All this news about the division of the biblical text for liturgical use and traces of such division show that in the present period the priest. books were read during the service without omission. This is also evidenced by the preserved homilies of the 4th and 5th centuries, mostly explaining the priesthood. the whole book, verse by verse. St. Chrysostom in one conversation says: “Whoever regularly goes to church, even if he did not read at home, but only listened to what was offered here, a year is enough for him to acquire rich knowledge; for we do not read here today alone, and tomorrow other scriptures, but always the same and continuously (διάπαντος)" 775. Since such readings, i.e., divine services with the reading of Holy Scripture took place for the most part, at least twice a week (on Saturday and Sunday), sometimes three 776 or every day, 777 then pericopes for ordinary reading should have been a little more than today, he conceived so that the entire New Testament could be read without omissions within a year 778. The Old Testament, of course, was not read in its entirety (as in the synagogue 779). If ordinary days and even Sundays of the year did not yet have certain pericopes, then the holidays, Lent and Pentecost in places according to the cr.m. already had from. At Lent, Genesis was read. Chrysostom says in one of the conversations about the statues that were read during Lenten times: “today I will consider the reading offered to us,” and explains Gen. 1, 1. 780. The second series of conversations on Genesis (numbering 67) was delivered on Lent of another year, and the 3rd (9 conversations) - on the 3rd year 781. And conversations of Vasily Vel. on the Sixth Day they were pronounced during Lent: at the bottom there is an indication that they were spoken in the spring of 782. The reason why Genesis was read at this time could be that the church year in some places began in the spring of 783. St. Ambrose, in his greeting to Easter, writes: “you heard how the book of Job was read, which was finished (est decursus) at a solemn service (munere) and at a solemn time” 784. Conversations on the book. Job, attributed to St. Chrysostom, begin: “The annual sufferer of humanity has come today” 785. St. Ambrose mentions reading the book during Holy Week. Jonah: “the next day the book of Jonah was read according to custom: it was the day on which the Lord gave himself for us, when in the church repentance (fasting) is weakened (relaxatur, - Great Thursday or Saturday)” 786. Sylvia’s pilgrimage, indicating for each day of Passion Week, starting with Lazarus Saturday, a specific Gospel reading, and for some days several such readings, also speaks “about readings in general on these days; for Good Friday, in addition to the Gospel, it indicates readings from the psalms, apostolic epistles and prophecies 787. The days of Passion Week and everywhere had strictly defined readings. The same bl. Augustine, who in ordinary times allowed himself such freedom in choosing readings 788, caused the displeasure of the people when, on Good Friday, the prescribed reading from St. Matthew ordered to add parallel passages from other Gospels (perhaps following the custom of another church) and had to return to the accepted order 789. The Acts were read equally in both the Eastern and Western churches on Pentecost. At St. Chrysostom has a special conversation explaining this establishment 790. Bl. Augustine says about the Acts that they are read “at the annual celebration (anniversaria solemnitate) of the passion of the Lord” 791, that their reading “begins from the week of Easter” 792. We do not find any mention of readings for other holidays in writers of the 4th-5th centuries, except for indications in Sylvia’s Pilgrimage of readings on Candlemas, the week of Vai, the week of Antipascha and Pentecost, the passages of the Gospel corresponding to the holidays (at Pentecost - from the Acts of the Descent of the Holy Spirit and the Gospel of the Ascension 793; passages about other fixed holidays except Candlemas were not preserved in the manuscript. On multi-day ones holidays, such as Easter, there was a special reading for each day. St. Augustine says in the words spoken on Easter: “On these days, according to custom, one reads from all the books of the Holy Gospel.” “We were still reading about the resurrection of the Lord, but from another book of the Gospel, namely from Luke, for first it was read from Matthew, yesterday from Mark, today from Luke; This is the order of the evangelists. Just as His passion is described by all the evangelists, so these 7 or 8 days provide space for reading about the resurrection of the Lord according to all the evangelists. Suffering, since it is read on one day, is usually read only according to Matthew” 795. It is unlikely that during this period there were written designations for holiday and Lenten pericopes in the biblical codices (at least in the codices of Holy Scripture preserved from the 4th and 5th centuries - Sinaiticus, Vaticanus and Alexandria, there are no such designations), especially anything similar to the later “Evangelistaries”, “Lectionaries”, “Festive Gospels”: the charter on the readings was preserved according to tradition. From this period we have news only of the first attempts at the Lectionaries. According to the testimony of Gennady, presbyter of Marseilles (Massiluensis), who lived at the end of the 5th century, Museum (Nusaeus), also a presbyter of Marseilles (c. 458), according to the conviction of St. Veneria (Venerii), extracted from the Holy Scripture readings for the holidays of the whole year, as well as responsor verses of the psalms, adapted to the times and readings (responsoria etiam psalmorum capitula temporibus et lectionibus apta) 796. The second news is also from Galia: Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Arverne in the 5th century. (mentioned above), in an epitaph to Claudian, the brother of Claudian Mamert 797, says that he “prepared (paravit) for the annual holidays (solemnibus) readings suitable for each time” 798. The ceremonial side of the readings More than for the distribution of readings according to the church year, this was done in the 4th-5th centuries, apparently, to develop the ceremonial side of the liturgical reading. By cr. From these centuries we find only the first news about the preparatory and final rites and exclamations for liturgical readings, but most of these rites and exclamations have been preserved unchanged and even in an unincreased form to this day. First of all, more precise regulation was introduced regarding those who read. It is the reading of the Gospel that is almost universally taught to the highest ranks of the clergy, starting from the deacon, not excluding the bishop. Whereas in the 2nd century. - at Iutin Much. The bishop’s job is to preach after reading 799, performed by the reader, according to the “Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ” 800 and Apostle. Decrees 801 The Gospel is read by the deacon and the presbyter, Sylvia’s “Pilgrimage” learns the reading of the Gospel often to the bishop 802. Elsewhere, ch. Fr., apparently, in the Western Church, reading the Gospel was considered the prerogative of the deacon (as it is now in the Roman Church and partly with us): Bl. Jerome reminds Deacon Sabinian that he “as (quasi) deacon constantly read (lectitabas) the Gospel” 803. Socrates talks about the reading of the Gospel by the deacon (Sabbatius) at every service. meeting 804. According to Sozomen, in Alexandria the Gospel was read only by the archdeacon, in other places by deacons, in many places only by presbyters, and in some places on major holidays by bishops, for example, in Constantinople on the 1st day of Easter 805. In rare places, the reader’s former right to read all of Holy Scripture, not excluding the Gospel, was retained, as can be concluded from the resolution of the First Council of Toledo in 400: “let penitents not be admitted to the clergy, unless out of necessity and for the benefit of the cause, and in this case let them be counted among the readers, (but) so that (ita ut) they do not read the Gospels and Epistles” 806. The reading of Holy Scripture was preceded by a number of exclamations, and first of all with the exclamation: “Peace to all.” However, this exclamation was learned not only through reading, but every new sacred rite, every part of the service was revealed to them. SV speaks about him especially often. Chrysostom: “When the head of the church enters, he immediately says: peace to all; when he teaches (ὁμιλη), - peace to all; when he blesses, peace to all; when he commands greetings, peace to all; when the sacrifice is completed, peace to all" 807. If the reading of Holy Scripture is not mentioned in this enumeration, it is because it was performed immediately upon the primate’s entry into the church, as can be seen from the fact that the second teaching of the world is indicated before the teaching that followed the reading, and as the following passage shows in Bl. Augustine: “We went out to the people, the church was full, joyful voices were heard: “Thanks be to God, glory to God” (Deo grattias Deo laundes); no one was silent; here and here they exclaimed; I greeted the people and again they shouted (clamabant) in the same ardent voice; when silence has finally settled, a solemn reading of the divine scriptures takes place” 808. That this “greeting” of the bishop to the people upon entering the church before the reading consisted of a teaching of peace is evident, in addition to the passage cited by Chrysostom, and from several other places in his conversations, which also indicate the people’s response to the greeting: “Having entered the church, we immediately, according to this law (in accordance with the commandment of the Savior and reconciliation with our neighbors before prayer), say: “peace be with you,” and you answer: “and with your spirit” 809. “What is more perverse and reckless,” denounces Bl. Augustine of the Donatists, “how to say to the readers and those who read the epistles peace (pax tecum), and to separate themselves from the world of those churches to which these epistles are written” 810. At the same time, it is clear from these places that the practice of the Eastern and Western churches on this point was the same: here and there the reading was preceded by the teaching of the world; the formula, apparently, was not yet firmly established and was uniform everywhere. The leader of the meeting taught peace. those. mostly, bishop. But from the fact that the Council of Carthage in 419 prohibits readers from “greeting (salutent) the people” 811, we can conclude that initially this peaceful greeting was pronounced by the reader himself 812, and only when the sacramental and prayerful meaning was acquired by him, the right to it was transferred to the bishop or presbyter. St. Chrysostom mentions the exclamation “Let us attend” before the reading: “The deacon, the general minister, stands, loudly exclaiming and saying: “Let us attend”; and this is often... after it the reader begins: “the prophecy of Isaiah”; then he pronounces loudly (εἰς ἐπήκοον): “This saith the Lord” 813, and the standing deacon blocks his lips with all the imposition of silence (obviously with the exclamation: Let us hear), then he says this, showing honor not to the reader, but to Him who speaks to everyone through him” 814. This imposition of silence is also mentioned by St. Ambrose 815 et al. Augustine 816. About exclamations after readings, even after reading the Gospels, monuments of the 4th and 5th centuries. do not mention 817. The fact that all these exclamations arose speaks of the reverence that was aroused by the reading of Holy Scripture during the divine service 818 The same reverence is evidenced by the setting in which the reading took place. Here, first of all, it is necessary to note the widespread custom of standing while reading the Holy Scriptures (as opposed to sitting in the synagogue), first noted by monuments of the 4th-5th centuries, 819 but still struggling with the custom of sitting at these readings. The struggle was resolved by the fact that standing was adopted by the Gospel reading, and sitting by the rest. Already the “Apostolic Constitutions” prescribe: “When the Gospel is read, let all the elders, deacons and all the people stand in complete silence” 820. But St. Cassian says that the Egyptian monks usually sat on low benches during the readings, and he does not note any difference in this regard for the New Testament readings 821. Sozomen notes as something strange (ξένον) in the Alexandrian Church, which he does not know and has not heard of others, that the bishop does not stand up to read the Gospel 822. Philostorgius (IV-V centuries) tells about Theophilus, Bishop of Arian, that he, having come to India, “corrected many things that were not done according to order (οὐκ εὐαγω ς), for there they sat and listened to the Gospel reading and something else was allowed that was not permitted by the divine law (ὧ ν μὴ θει ος θεςμòς ἐπεστάτει )" 823. In the life of St. Anastasius I, n. of Rome 398–402, it is said that he established that “every time the Gospel is read, the priests should not sit, but stand bent (curvi)" 824. In response to the reproach of Presbyter Vigilantius, who fought against the veneration of martyrs, that the church allows lamps to be lit in daylight at the tombs of martyrs, Bl. Jerome notes: “and in addition to the relics of the martyrs, in all the churches of the East, when the Gospel is to be read, lamps (luminaria) are lit, even in the light of the sun, so that under the image of material light the light about which in the Psalter we read: “the lamp of my feet is your law and the light of my paths” 825 yu Trace this custom was not yet widespread, but hardly new: it was preserved from the time when The Gospel was always read in the evening or at night - at the liturgy, which in ancient times was performed in the evening with agape, and later (from the 2nd century) in the deep morning, and its preparatory part merged with the pre-dawn matins 826. Reading non-canonical books Along with the canonical books of Holy Scripture, during divine services in the 4th and 5th centuries. other respected scriptures were also read. But the final establishment or definition of the canon put a sharp distinction between these readings and those, and was also the reason that the second kind of readings had a limited scope. These included primarily the so-called. non-canonical books of the Old Testament, now placed in Greek. and Slavic Bible. How high the view was on them at this time is evident from the fact that the Cathedral of Carthage, bl. Augustine and Pope St. Innocent I (402–417) classifies some of these books as canonical: the first is the Wisdom of Solomon, Tobit and Judith 827, the second is all 828, the third is Tobit, Judith and the Maccabees 829. But the majority of writers of this period, sharply separating these books from the canonical ones, speak only of the great respect the church had for them and of reading them in it. So bl. Jerome says about the books of Solomon that “just as the church reads Judith, Tobit and the books of the Maccabees, but does not accept them among the canonical writings, so she reads these two books (Wisdom and Ecclesiastes) for the edification of the people (ad aedificationem plobis), but not for establishing the authority of church dogmas” 830. Other writers of this period speak in a similar way about these books, ranking with them some of the writings of the apostolic men and ancient Christian works as non-canonical books of the New Testament. St. Athanasius, having listed the canonical books of V. and the New Testament, notes: “but for greater accuracy, writing this also out of necessity, I add that besides these there are others not included in the canon, which, however, were established by the fathers to be read by those who come again (ἀναγινώσκεσθαι τοι ς ἄρτι προσερχομένος ) and those who wish to make themselves known in the word of piety. these are: the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach, Esther, Judith, Tobias, the so-called Teaching (Διδαχή) of the apostles and the Shepherd” 831. According to Rufinus (presbyter of Aquileia, † 410) “there are other books that the ancestors called not canonical, but church (ecclesiastici), such as the Wisdom of Solomon and another Wisdom called the son of Sirach; of the same category is the book of Tobias and Judith and the books of the Maccabees; in the New Testament there is a book called the Shepherd or Hermas, called the Two Ways or the Decree of Peter (Due Viae sive Judicium Petri “Teaching of the 12th App.”, which begins with the words: “Two Ways...”); all these books are appointed for reading in churches (quae omnia legi quidem in ecclesiis voluerunt), but not for proving faith from them” 832. Eusebius also mentions the reading of “The Shepherd” in churches: “it, as we know, was read publicly in churches (ἐν ἐκκλησίαις ἰσμèν αὐτό δεδημοσιευμένον)". In addition, he talks about church reading and the epistles of St. Clement, bishop Rimsky: “it is known that it was read publicly (ἐπì του κοινου δεδημοσοιευμένην) both in antiquity and now among ourselves” 833. When the canon was finally determined, the reading of these books during worship had to either stop or take on a different character than the reading of canonical books. In some churches the former appears to have been the case. So St. Cyril of Jerusalem exhorted: “there should be nothing in common with the apocrypha (as he calls all non-canonical books); then we just need to study what we read openly (μετà πα ῤῥ ησίας) in church... and what is not read in church, then don’t read it in your own home” 834. Nevertheless, Sozomen speaks (disapprovingly) of the reading in certain Palestinian churches of the apocryphal Apocalypse of Peter (on Good Friday) 835 . In the majority of churches, not only continued, as the above evidence shows, the reading of non-canonical books even after they were decisively recognized as non-canonical, but, following their example, they began to read the writings of later teachers of the church, and only a sharp line was established between the readings of the divinely inspired writings and these latter. Limiting liturgical reading to canonical scriptures, the Council of Carthage prohibits the reading of other books not unconditionally, but “under the name of divine scriptures” 836. Bl. Jerome spoke of St. Ephraim the Syrian: “Ephraim the deacon of the Church of Edessa wrote a lot in Syriac and achieved such fame that in some churches his works are read publicly after the reading of the scriptures” 837. “If a presbyter,” decreed the Council of Vaison (in Gaul) in 529, “due to some infirmity he cannot preach himself, let the deacons read the homilies of St. fathers" 838. The biography writer puts into the mouth of Caesar, bishop. Arles (IV century), the following words: “if the words of the Lord of the prophets and apostles are read by presbyters and deacons, why not the presbyters and deacons read the words of Ambrose, Augustine, or my poverty, or each of the saints?” 839. The custom of reading acts of martyrdom during divine services, which began perhaps as early as the 2nd-3rd centuries. 840, has now become widespread, although in some places it caused legislative restrictions and prohibitions due to the malfunction of these acts. Eusebius (of Caesarea) refers to “notes about the martyrs” and to the “book about martyrs” or “collection of martyrdoms” (ἡ τω ς μαοτύρων συναγωγὴ) compiled by him 841. Bl. Augustine repeatedly mentions readings of this kind during the divine service: “in the suffering that was read to us today” 842. The Council of Carthage in 397 decrees: “let the sufferings of the martyrs continue to be read (liceat etiam legi) when their annual commemorations (dies) are celebrated” 843. Only in the Roman Church, by a decree of Pope Gelasius at a council of 70 bishops in 494, the reading of acts of martyrdom was prohibited, which “out of special caution, according to ancient custom, are not read in St. the Roman Church, because the names of those who wrote them for the most part are not known, (and in them, they think, many superfluous and incongruous things were written in them by unfaithful simpletons (idiotis), such as, for example, the sufferings of a certain Cyric and Julitta, as well as Gregory and others, clearly compiled by heretics" 844. Nevertheless, the same decree mentions the reading in many Roman churches, but not in the Lateran, of the acts of St. Papa Sylvester. It was customary to read the decrees of councils in church and, of course, during divine services. Bl. Augustine says that in many African churches it was customary every year during the days of fasting, i.e. on Lent before Easter, when the strictly fasting people have more leisure, read the acts of the Council of Carthage (eadem gesta collationis) all from beginning to end in order 845. Since the rite of the liturgy given by the Apostolic Constitutions, 846 as well as in all the so-called apostolic liturgies, in their foundations dating back to the 4th century and earlier, 847 indicates reading only from canonical books (law, prophets, Gospels, Acts, epistles), then all other readings should have taken place at other services, as now. If so, then back in the 4th century. got the beginning of the so-called. statutory readings for evening and morning. Sermon during worship in the 4th-5th centuries. occupied no less significant place than in previous centuries, thanks to the liveliness of theological debates and the increase in the general level of education in the clergy (many church leaders of the 4th-5th centuries were educated in the best secular schools of that time). Hardly any period produced a longer series of famous preachers and provided more material for the current statutory readings. In the east they became famous: Eusebius of Caesarea. St. Athanasius Vel., Vasily Vel., Gregory the Theologian. Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nyssa, Macarius the Great, Ephraim the Syrian, John Chrysostom, Proclus Patr. Constantinople, Cyril of Alexandria, Epiphanius of Cyprus and Bl. Theodorite; in the west: St. Ambrose, bl. Augustine, Peter Chrysologus, Leo the Great, Caesarius, bishop. Arles. Most of the sermons preserved from this period are expositions of Holy Scripture; a significant amount is devoted to dogmatic disputes; less purely edifying in nature and a relatively small circle are holiday sermons. Of the sermons of the first kind, the conversations of St. have entered into our current worship services in the widest range. Chrysostom, partly Basil the Great; the second type of sermons of this time, being of a temporary nature, did not enter our worship service at all. From the third hearth came the conversations of St. Ephraim; from the fourth - most of the few works of this pod. Preachers of this period often note the zeal with which their teachings were attended and were sometimes forced to struggle even with an exaggerated assessment of the place and significance of the sermon as part of the divine service. “Sermon,” says St. Chrysostom, “Everything is for you. You say what to do in church if there is no sermon? This is a completely wrong view. What need is there for a preacher? Actually, it became necessary because of you. Why preach? Everything is clear from Holy Scripture” 848. “Often in that sacred hour (Eucharist) I looked for such a large gathering as has now formed here, and did not find it anywhere, and I sighed deeply that you listen to your fellow servant speaking to you with such zeal, and when Christ appears on St. supper, the church is empty" 849. But this was not the case everywhere and not always during this period, perhaps only among such heroes as Chrysostom. The Council of Carthage in 399 decrees: “Whoever leaves the assembly (de auditorio) while the priest is holding his word in the church, shall be excommunicated” 850. Caesarius of Arles (beg. VI century) after fruitless convictions not to leave the sermon, he ordered the church doors to be locked during the sermon 851. In general, in the east, preaching during divine services occupied much more space than in the west, as can be seen from these latest testimonies, and from the list of preachers here and here, and finally, from the clearly exaggerated but characteristic testimony of Sozomen that in Rome “neither a bishop nor anyone else teaches in the church” 852. The main point for the sermon was still the liturgy, and it was its preparatory part, the liturgy of the catechumens, as shown by a number of conversations of St. Chrysostom and others, often reminding listeners of the liturgical exclamations and prayers they had just heard. But sometimes, in some places, the sermon was also held at other services. So the conversations on the six days of St. Basil were recited two times a day - during the morning service and the evening service (“when you were at a short morning (ἕ ωθεν) conversation, we came across such a hidden depth of thought that we despaired of further, etc.” 853. According to Socrates, “in Caesarea Cappadocia and in Cyprus on the Sabbath and weekdays, always in the evening with the lighting of lamps (μετà της λυχναψίας) presbyters and bishops explain the Scriptures" 854. St. Chrysostom's discourses on Genesis were delivered in the evening (“we expound to you the Scriptures, and you, turning your eyes away from us, turned your attention to the lamps, to the one who lit the lamps.” 855. “Pay attention). to the continuation of the psalm that we talked about at Matins,” Blessed Augustine invites his listeners 856. Since the sermon was considered an indispensable part of the liturgy, 857 it must have taken place on the days when the liturgy was celebrated and as often as the latter was celebrated anywhere. But on Lent and Pentecost, especially on the first, in view of the catechumens, they preached for the most part daily. So in the conversation of St. Chrysostom on Genesis and “about statues”, as well as in the words of Bl. Augustine’s psalms constantly contain references to “yesterday’s” conversation. In the monastic communities, at least some, as we will see, the abba taught the brethren every day for a whole year. As for the persons who preached, following the example of the apostles and the practice of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, 858 the bishop was considered the real minister of the word. “The proper duty (proprium munus) of a bishop is to teach the people” 859. According to St. For Chrysostom, the ability to teach in a bishop “must be first of all” 860. Preaching talent then most nominated persons to episcopal sees, as the examples of Eusebius of Caesarea, St. Gregory the Theologian, Chrysostom and Blessed. Augustine. But elders also take part in church teaching much more recently. Back in the 3rd century. such a famous preacher as Origen was only a presbyter. The Apostolic Constitutions prescribe: after the readings, and in particular after the Gospel, “let the elders one by one, and not all at once, exhort the people, and after all of them the bishop, who is like a helmsman” 861. According to this, in the Jerusalem church, according to the description of the Pilgrimage, it was added. Sylvia, on Sunday “out of all the elders sitting, whoever he wishes preaches, and after all of them the bishop preaches” 862. St. It was in the rank of presbyter that Chrysostom preached in Antioch in the presence of his bishop Flavian, who sometimes added his admonition to his sermon 863. Bl. Augustine, when he was a presbyter, was entrusted with preaching in the church by his elderly bishop Valerius, who had poor command of the Latin language of his flock, and when the bishop was reproached for this, he referred to an Eastern custom of this kind 864 . Consequently, in the West, until that time, preaching was the prerogative of one bishop. But already bl. Jerome says about this: “it is a very bad custom that in some churches the elders remain silent and do not speak in the presence of bishops, as if they were jealous of them and did not deign to listen to them” 865. in cases of necessity or exceptional cases, deacons were also allowed to preach. Back in the 3rd century. according to the testimony of St. Cyprian, during persecutions, which sometimes deprived the church of elders, the right to preach was also granted to deacons 866. One of the most famous preachers of the 4th century. St. Ephraim only had the rank of deacon. St. Pope Gregory the Great († 604) during his illness instructed deacons to read his sermons 867. We saw above that the deacons were entrusted with reading the homilies of St. fathers 868. Even laymen were allowed to preach, but only in the most exceptional cases. This was the case back in the 3rd century. According to Eusebius, when Origen retired from Alexandria to Caesarea in Palestine, “here the local bishops (Alexander of Jerusalem and Theoktist of Caesarea) asked him to talk and explain the Holy Scripture publicly in the church, despite the fact that at that time he was not yet ordained a presbyter” and to the reproach of Demetrius, bishop. of Alexandria, “which has never been heard of and is now not the custom for a layman to preach in the presence of a bishop,” referred to a number of previous examples in different countries. 869. But from the 4th and 5th centuries. such examples are no longer known, except for the speech of the imp. Constantine V. to the first ecumenical council. On the contrary, when some monks in the east began to arrogate to themselves the right of church preaching, Pope Leo I the Great (440–461), for whom m.b. The presbyter’s sermon in church was also strange, Bishop wrote against this to Maxim. Antioch, and Theodoret, bishop. Eirsky, saying in the first letter: “except for the priests of the Lord, no one dares to preach, whether a monk or a layman, no matter how famous he is for learning (cujus libet scientiae nomine)” 870. But the Council of Carthage in 399 decrees: “a layman (laicus) does not dare to teach in the presence of clergy unless they themselves ask him to do so” 871. Only a woman, as always, since apostolic times 872, was certainly prohibited from preaching. The same council decrees: “Let a woman, even a learned and holy one, not arrogate to herself the right (non prasesumat) to teach men in the assembly” 873. In the Eastern churches, however, deaconesses were allowed to engage in the catechumen of women preparing for baptism, but not publicly, but privately 874. In this respect, some heretical communities differed sharply from the Catholic Church, not only allowing the preaching of women, but also having prophetesses, as the Montanists had Prisca and Maximilla, and elevating women to the rank of bishop and presbyterate, as they had Quintilla and Priscilla 875 . The same thing happened among the Kolliridinans of the 4th century, among whom women performed sacred actions in honor of the Holy One. Virgin Mary, like the Catafrigs 876. Shouts and rituals accompanying the sermon Since the sermon, which served as an explanation of the Holy Scripture and was entirely based on us, was also looked upon as the word of God in some way, the sermon was furnished with rituals and exclamations almost the same as the reading of the Holy Scripture. So, before the sermon, the deacon invited those present to silence and attention 877, maybe. with the exclamation “Let’s get out.” Before teaching, the preacher prayed, probably secretly 878. Before teaching, it was customary for the people to greet the preacher in the name of God 879. This greeting was usually expressed by exclamations: “Peace be with you” 880 or: “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God the Father and the communion of the Holy Spirit be with you all” with the answer “And with your spirit” 881. The sermon began with various prayer exclamations, for example, “Blessed be God” (Εὐλογησòς ὁ Ξεός) 882. The conclusion of the sermon was usually a doxology to the Holy Trinity 883. As for the position of the body in which the sermon was delivered and listened to, at least the bishop usually delivered the sermon while sitting on his pulpit 884, which could have been borrowed from the synagogue and was based on the example of the Savior 885. But at St. Chrysostom also indicates the standing of the preacher 886. The listeners always stood. Bl. Augustine says: so as not to keep you for a long time, since I am speaking while sitting, and it is difficult for you to stand...” 887 And Constantine the Great did not want to sit down during the long sermons of Eusebius of Caesarea 888 . Augustine allowed only weak and sick listeners to sit down 889. The liturgical forms of the 4th-5th centuries, which had so much in common among different churches, could not help but receive that desire for even greater uniformity, which was then so strongly reflected in all religious consciousness and doctrine - this internal basis of the cult. This natural tendency of the then Christian world towards ritual unification was put in a certain obstacle and temporary delay by the emergence in the depths of the church of a special type of worship, which almost refused to take into account everything that had been developed so far in this regard and tried to create new forms for itself. It was monastic worship, which arose as something independent in the 4th century. and at least during this and the 5th century. which had very little in common with cathedral-parish services. Only from the 6th century. Attempts to unite both services begin, which were fully completed only by the 13th-14th centuries. Monasticism in the church appeared much earlier than the 4th century. From her first days there was always something in her that corresponded to this institution. Not to mention the great asceticism of John the Baptist, which actually opened the era of the New Testament, both the Savior and the apostles assumed and sanctioned ascetic inclinations in some Christians 890. Writers of the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Increasingly, there are indications of the existence in the church of a whole class of people who have set abstinence as their goal in life 891 . In the 3rd century. Such ascetics already make up entire communities. By cr. There is news of communities of virgins from this time; to one of these communities (εἰς παρθενω να) Rev. Anthony placed his only sister before leaving for the desert 892. Virgins differ in appearance and clothing from ordinary Christians 893. A number of writers of the 3rd century. deals with the issue of them, writes messages to them and essays about them, mostly praising their abstinence 894, but sometimes denouncing their shortcomings 895. From the 2nd century. There are also examples of removal for more or less long periods of time to secluded places for ascetic purposes 896, sometimes for external reasons, for example, due to persecution of Christians 897, but often exclusively for feats of abstinence. The latter phenomenon is known at least in Egypt, where before Rev. Anthony, hermits were not uncommon, but they labored near their villages, so that “the monk did not yet know the great desert” 898. All these hermits and even their communities, due to their small numbers, their little-known nature, and because they did not completely break with the previous way of life, did not influence the development of divine services. This influence from asceticism began when, with the further development of the latter, some of the hermits achieved general church glory, when their way of life (modus vivendi) and prayerful feats began to be imitated by many. The first ascetic of this kind was St. Paul of Thebes, about whom St. It was revealed to Anthony that he was superior to him. Originally an Egyptian, he retired to the desert 899 15 years ago. during one of the persecutions of Christians, fearing the betrayal of his son-in-law, St. Paul lived there hopelessly for about 100 years (he died at 113 years old in 341, when St. Anthony was 90 years old), without seeing a human face; he lived in a cave near a spring where a date palm grew; its fruits served him as food, and from its leaves he made clothing for himself. This was discovered by ascetics only a few days before his death, St. Anthony 900. But all this was done so that such a life would not pass without a deep influence on the church. Perhaps the significance of Anthony himself in the development of monasticism was only broader and more noticeable. What was important here for the history of the divine service was that the ascetic completely rejected the consolation offered by the divine service and replaced it with his own prayer. This laid the foundation for the development of a new type of worship. Eusebius Pamphilus. The word imp. Constant. V., inscribed “to the society (συλλόγ ῳ) of saints,” ch. 13, Migne, Patr. s. gr. 20, 1272. Juliani imp. Fragmentum epistolae. Opp. recens. Gertlein T. Lips. 1875, I, 291. I. Zlat. A word of praise. much Julian. Bl. Augustine, Confessions VI, 2. Bl. Augustine, Pis. 22 to Aurelius, 4. 3 Carth. personal Ave. 30, in the Carthage collection. personal pr. 42, on friend. 51. Arelat. personal Ave. 49. Mansi I. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et ampliss. collectio, Flor. 1762, t. VII, p. 884. Subsequently, they were banned by the Council of Littych in 743, and the Council of Aachen in 846. Pope Eugene in 862 still complained of unrest under Agape. The Council of Wützburg in 1298 further prohibits it. And in the east, the Council of Trullo (692) had to repeat the rule of the Council of Laodicea against agape with a reprimand: “Let those who dare do this either stop or be excommunicated” (pr. 74). Agape in connection with the Eucharist now exists in Abyssinia; the Herrnhuters and Methodists have something similar to them (Sokolov, Agapy 160–161). Socrates, Church. history V, 22. Happy Thursday. An exception should be made in view of the fact that on this day, under the same conditions, Christ and the apostles celebrated the Eucharist. 3 Carth. personal Ave. 9 (in the collection of Carthage cathedrals, Ave. 41, according to others 50.). This is the rule of Carthage. Cathedral was canceled 29 Ave. Trullo Cathedral, and it was noted about it: “St. These fathers, perhaps for some local reasons useful for the church, made such an order.” Apostolic Constitutions. II, 59. Ps.-Athanasius. De virginitate, c. 22. Cassian, On the lips. Kinov. III 3. 6. Benedict, Rules ch. 12, 18. The text of these prayers will be given in the explanation of the corresponding places of the Typikon: Lord grant both great praise at the vigil and the rite of panagia (2nd chapter. Typik.). Ps.-Athanasius De virgin. c. 20. These “overwhelmed” in the rite of the liturgy of Apostle. Fast. (VIII, 6) are more accurately called “those possessed (ἐνερδούμενοι) by unclean spirits.” In the era of the monument, therefore, the phenomenon of “possession” was quite widespread, unless prayers for the “possessed” were then such a relic of antiquity as prayers for the catechumens are now. The place that this class of pilgrims occupies is characteristic: between the catechumens and the enlightened; the catechumens before the spell were also considered under the influence of unclean spirits, like all pagans. Will be given an explanation. Chapter 2 Type. - pleading Litany. Wed. We have the same exclamation at Vespers of Pentecost. The monument was discovered by the Italian archaeologist Gammurini in 1884 in a Latin manuscript c. XII century Confraternity of S. Maria in Arezzo. The initial pages of the work have been lost, which is why neither the title of the work nor the name of the author have been preserved. In the margins of the manuscript in two places there are letters PE in the corner, which is considered an abbreviation of the title. Indirect data in the work point to the end of the 4th century as the time of origin of the “Journey”: Jerusalem buildings are described in such a way that they can be recognized as Constantinian buildings; mention is made of a church recently built in Edessa, which happened in 372 under the emperor. Valente; about the ownership of the left bank of the Tigris by the Persians, which was ceded to them by the emperor. Jovian in 363; about the Thebaid ascetics (of which St. Anthony † 356, Pachomius † 340); on the other hand, the traveler does not know Jerome’s translation of the Holy Scriptures, the decree of Pope Gelasius in 494 against the reading of the apocrypha - the letters of Abgar, the Acts of the Apostle. Thomas and MC. Thekla; Justinian's buildings in Sinai and Constantinople are not mentioned. The traveler came to St. land de extremis porro terros (from the far ends of the earth); judging by the fact that she compares the Euphrates with the Rhone (Rhodamus), she must be from Galia; she is an educated and well-read woman; travels like a noble person; - with a retinue; she is given a military escort; the bishops meet and see her off. She stayed in Palestine for 3 years, living in Jerusalem and making excursions from there. Returning to Constantinople, she described her journey to the “sisters” (relatives or nuns?). The identification of the traveler by some with Galla Placidia, the daughter of Theodosius Vel., by others with Sylvia, the sister of the prefect of Constantinople Rufinus (Aquitanian) is quite arbitrary. The monument, of course, is of invaluable liturgical importance, but one cannot help but regret that it belongs to a foreigner and a woman: the traveler only watches the ceremonies, litias, how they approach the bishop’s hand, etc., and about the content of the service she limits herself to remarks: “psalms and songs were sung,” “prayers were read.” However, the order of worship is presented quite clearly. The monument was published in Orthodox. Palest. Collection, 20 issue. 1889 from a list made from the manuscript itself, and supplied with Russian. translation and preface (by Mr. Pomyalovsky), from which the present information about him is taken (pp. I-IX). Pilgrim § 37 “Ante crucem... This place is open (subdivanus) i.e. like a very large and quite beautiful courtyard (atrium), located between the Cross and the Resurrection.” In ecclesia majore, quae apellatur Martyrio, quae in Golgotha ​​post crucem (Pilgrim §27). Pilgrim §30. What differs from it is the post crucem area: “after dismissal in Martyria they go for the cross” (§ 35). All these churches were built and richly decorated by Emperor Constantine (§ 25). Pilgrim § 25 and d. Krasnoseltsev N. Divine service in the Jerusalem church at the end of the 4th century. Orthodox Social security 1888, 11, 355. It is not known whether missa means dismissal or liturgy, which is sometimes designated among pilgrims as oblatio, offertur, rarely sacramentum. The name missa for the liturgy was adopted in the West either from the solemn formula of dismissal in it: “ite, missa est,” or from the fact that it takes place after the dismissal of the catechumens and constitutes the conclusion of long church services. If the pilgrim’s missa means liturgy, then every day in the Jerusalem church two liturgies were served - one after Matins, and the other after Vespers (from Holy Thursday and Saturday, the pilgrim clearly indicates 2 liturgies - oblatio - morning and evening, but in different churches. Pilgrim. §§ 35. 38), since the pilgrim’s description of Vespers also ends with the words missa fit (an opinion about two liturgies was expressed Gamurrini G. Hilarii tractatus de mysteriis et hymni et S. Silviae Aquitanae peregrinatio, Romae 1887, p. If missa here means dismissal, then there was no liturgy on weekdays (Waal thinks so, Die Feste des Kirchenjahres zu Jerusalem gegen Ende d. IV Jahrhund. Römische Quartalshr. fük christl. Alterthumskundeu. f. Kirchengesch. 1887, H. 4. S. 313. Krasnoseltsev N. Divine service Jerusalem. churches at the end of the 4th century. Sobes. 1888, 11, 351. Neither the description of the Pilgrimage, which is very general and rather superficial, nor a significant period of time gives the right to draw this service too closely together with the later (9th century etc.) song sequence. half a millennium separating this practice from that one. It should depend on whether the clergy sat on a high place or in the middle part of the church. Dmitrievsky A. Divine services of Passion and Easter weeks in St. Jerusalem IX-X centuries. Kaz. 1894, build. 319. Mansvetov I. Church Charter (Typik), its formation and fate in Greek Russian. churches. M. 1885, p. 154. Wed. Apostolic Constitutions. VIII, 6 about the liturgy: “to each of the deacon’s exclamations let the people say: “Lord have mercy,” and first of all the youths (παιδία).” If one can translate (with Krasnoseltsev) “rising,” then this would be more consistent with the ancient custom of kneeling during all the prayers of the clergy, hence the usual exclamation of the deacon at the litany: “rising,” “rise up, Lord”: Apostolic Constitutions. VIII, 6. 8. 10. 36. 37; Wed Will 1, 35. See above, p. 90. Manuscript Moscow. Synod. bib. No. 328/383 ChShM v.l. 47 rev. and many more etc. Pilgrim § 24: for Sunday Matins, “before the roosters crow, all the multitude of people that can be in this place gathers, as if on Easter.” “When the reading of the Gospel begins, everyone raises such a cry and groan, so many tears are shed that even the most insensitive person cannot help but be moved to tears, remembering that the Lord endured so much suffering for us.” A similar resolution was made by the Spanish cathedrals in Tarragona 516 pr. 7 and in Barcelona 540 pr. 2. Ps. 118, 148. Vasil. IN . The rules are extensive, vopr. 37. Cass. About the mouth of the kin. III, 4. 6. Cass. About mouth Kinov. III, 6. Vasil. IN . Pis. to neokes. clergy. 63, according to friend. 307. Typical, Monday 1st week led post. Cassian, About lips. Kinov. III, 8. Cassian, About lips. Kinov. III, 9. According to the translation of ep. Feofana: “one after another they alternately answer the given verse” (Ancient monastic statutes, M. 1892, p. 532). Cassian, About lips. kin, III, 9. Zlat. Demon. 49, O martyr. Zlat. Demon. 4 on the words of Isaiah. Cassian, About lips. Kinov. III, 11. Afan. IN . Hom. de semente, Timof. Epist. canon. XIII according to Bingham Originum sine antiquitatum ecclesiasticarum I, XIII, p. 285. Abbr. Church history. V, 22. Cassian, On the lips. Kinov. III, 2. This is evident from its 49th Ave., which prohibits the celebration of the Eucharist on Lent, with the exception of its Saturdays and Sundays, and its 51st Ave., which prescribes the memory of the martyrs falling on Lent to be celebrated only on its Saturdays and Sundays (these commemorations required the celebration of the Eucharist). This can be deduced from the remark of Socrates (Ecclesiastical History. VI, 8) that there Saturday and Sunday were holidays, and on these days divine services were performed every week. Vasil. IN . Letter to Caesarea (289 according to Bingham's Origin. III, 284). Zlat. On the last Heb. demon 17. Palladium ep. Elenop. , Lavsaik, ch. 18. Bl. Hieron. Pis. 28 to Lucinius Boeticus. Pis. 50 to Pammachius prot. Iovine. Ch. 6. Bl. Hieron. right there. Bl. August. pis. 118, to Iannuar. Chapter 3. Ps.-Ambr. On the mysteries (De mysteroos) V, 4. In the Roman Catholic Church, even today, the daily celebration of the Liturgy is considered obligatory for every priest; if there are several priests at the church, the liturgy is celebrated daily by each at different hours of the day. In the Roman Catholic Church, all services, except the liturgy, are considered obligatory only for the clergy and are not performed in most churches. SVM body. Cyprian, bishop Carthage († 258) was carried at night in a solemn procession with lamps from the place of his trial to the house of Macrobius (Acta proconsularoa S. Cypriami § 5. Ruinart Acta martyrum). When in 290 the body of the martyr Boniface, who had recently suffered, was brought from Tarsus to Rome, the Roman matron Aglaia, to whom he was a slave, came out to meet him in a solemn procession with many clergy and believers with the solemn singing of hymns (Acta S, Bonifacii § 16. ibid. Binterum A. Die vorzüglichstem Denwürdigkeiten der Christ-katolischen Kirche, Mainz 1827, IV, 562.) Zlat. The word about games and spectacles. Vasil. IN . Pis. 63 (207) to neokes. clergy. Ennodius, Vita Epiph. Binterim, Denkw. 360. Rufinus, Ecclesiastical History. II, 33 (Migne, Patrol. s. 1. t. 21). Nikif. Calistus, Ecclesiastical History. XIV, 3. Mark D. Life of Porf. III, 19–20 (Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 65). Sidon. Apol. book 5, writing. 17 (Migne, Patrol. s. 1. t. 68.). Sozomen, Ecclesiastical history. I, 16. Bl. Augustine, On the city B. XXII, 8. As will be shown in the explanation of Chapter II. Typikon, where a historical outline of the rite of litia will be given. S. Ephraemi. Opera gr.-lat., ed. Asscmani, Bibl. orient, t. III, p. 577. Filaret arch. East. review song 101. Zlat. Demon 6, about repentance. Hieron. Pis. 50 (103) to Pavel. Abbr. Church history. VII, 22. Hieron. Pis. to Marcella, 17 (44). August. Demon. on ps. 138. Zlat. On 1 Cor. demon 36. August. Explained on ps. 91. Binterim Die vorz. Denkwürd d. Chr.-kath. Kirche, IV, 327. Cassian, On the lips of the Cynes. II, 8. Amalarius, De divino officio III, 12 (Migne Patrol., s, t. t. 99). Nowadays in the Roman Catholic Mass, tractus is a verse of the psalm sung during Lent instead of alleluia. Zlat. Demon. on ps. 17. Wed. in demon. 11 on Matthew: “if you sang along (ὑπηχήσαντες) to 2 or 3 psalms”... In demon. on ps. 17 Zlat. says that the people usually sing along (ὑποψάλλειν) the verse “this is the day of the Lord.” Church history: Abbr. II, 12. Sozom. III, 6. Bl. Feud. II, 13. Sozom. V, 19. Bl. Feud. III, 6. Bl. August. Explained on ps. 138. Ambr. Ob obliged. III, 13. Bl. August. Confession X, 34. Example of responsorship for r.-cat. Divine service: at Matins, according to the usual beginning, pronounced in secret, “the verse (versiculum) is said loudly: Lord, open my lips. Responsory: And my mouth will proclaim Your praise (Ps. 50:16). Verse: God help you. Responsory: Lord help me (Ps. 69:2). Glory to the Father... (Breviarium, 2). The verse is pronounced by the priest, and the responsor is the singer or choir. Amalarius, De divimo otfic. I, 4. An example of antiphons in the Roman Catholic Church: at Sunday Matins at the beginning of the 1st part, before the section of the first 6 psalms, the antiphon: “Work for the Lord”; after this section of psalms: 1st antiphon “Work for the Lord with fear and rejoice in Him with trembling”; 2nd ant.: “God is a righteous judge.” On holidays and fasts - others (Breviarium, 3). Such antiphons occupy as wide a place in Roman Catholic worship as stichera and canons do in our country, and they mainly adapt the service to the holidays; There are very few Christian songs (hymns) there: 3-4 for each holiday. Type. Ch. 49, Wednesday 1st week led post. Ephraim Sir. Hymn 53. Sozomen, Church history. III, 16. Bl. Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History. IV, 29. Afan. IN . Prot. ar. sl. 1. Goar. Iac. , Εὐχολόγιον sive Rituale graecorum, Venet. 1730, p.352. Pitra I. Hymnographie de Peglise grecque, Rome 1867, p. 45. Asscmani, Bibliotheca orientalis, Romae 1710–21, t. I, p. 59. Asscmani, Bibliotheca orient. I, 47. Kayser L. Beiträge zur Geschichte und Erklärung der ältest. Kirchen Hymnen, Paderb. 1881. 5. 40. Western researchers reproach the hymns of St. Ephraim in sensual coloring and symbolism, explaining this by the Syrian origin of the author (ibid., 39); but the example given shows that such reproaches can be made to these hymns only in comparison with the abstract Roman Catholic. church poetry. Reported by Arch Philarem, Histor. review of hymns, p. 101 without citation. Filaret arch. Histor. review of hymns, 127. 135. Hauck. Reakencyklopädie für pritestant. Thelogie und Kirche, Leipz. 1901, X, 403 (Tietschek G., Kirchenlieder der alten Kirce). Benedictus, Regula, c. 11 (Migne, Patrol. s.1. t. 66), etc. Vita S. Ambrosii ab incerto, ed. 18832. Kilion p. 35–38. Chron. Dacii (XI century) VI, 8. Filaret arch. East obz. song 134. See, for example, the hymn of St. Ambrose "Aeterne rerum conditor", the best of the then and even all Roman Catholic hymns. Given in our explanation. Chapter II Typical, end of Matins. Hauck, Reakencyklop. X, 450. Published by the Benedictines of Solesmess, hand-written. XII century in Paleographie musical, t. V. Vacant-Mangenot, Dictionaire de Theol. catolique, Par. 1903, I, 955. Razumovsky, Church. singing in Russia, 15–16. Evs. Church East. III, 24. Afan. IN . 39th holiday last Carthage. personal pr. 25 (33). Apostolic Constitutions. II, 57. Apostle Lent II, 57, VIII, 5. It is not clear whether there was a special reading from Acts and a special reading from the Epistles each time, or one of one or the other. Zlat. demon 10. Filaret arch. East. obz song 150. Vasily V. Demon. about baptism 13. Pseudo-Vasily V. Homilia in Lacizis. Bingham Orig. s. ant. eccl. XIV, p. 60. Daniel Codex liturgicus ecclesiae universae, Lips. 1853, IV, 456 f. Wed. above, p. 21 Maximus Turonens. ,Hom. IV in Epiph. (Migne, Patril. s. 1, t. 57). So word 180 begins: “the first reading that is offered to us today is from St. James (5:12)." August, Sl. 45. 237 by Bingham, Prig. XIV, p. 61. Mabillon I. De liturgia gallicana, Paris 1685, I, 4, 4. Comicus from comes, companion, - books intended to serve as the inseparable companion of the priest. Hauck Realrncykl. XV, 139 (Caspari W. Perikopen) Luft, Liturgik, II, 308. Walafridus Strabus, De reb. eccles. c. 22 (Migne, Patrol. s. 1. t. 113). Cotelerius I. Ecclesiae graecae monumenta, Par. 1677, III, 264. 350. Mai A., Spicilegium romanum, Rom. 1839–1844. IV, 40. Bringhtman F. Liturgies eastern and western, Oxf. 1896; 152 f. Bringhtman Liturgies, 256. Renaudotius, Liturgiarum orientalium collectii, Par. 1715, II, 599. Cf. above, p. 91. Assemani, Bibl. orient. III, 479, 488. 615. Cassian, Ob stan. Kinov. II, 6. Pilgrim § 24. 25. 27. 29–37. Bl. Augustine. Explained (Enarratio) on John., preface. Zlat. Demon. about Lazarus 3, 1. Zlat. On John. demon 10, 1. Hauck, Realencykl. XV, 134. See, however, below p. 184, approx. 3. Bl. August. On ps. 90 word 2. Bl. August. Word 121; sl. 28 about the words of the Lord from Matt. by Bing. Orig. XIV, 72. Bl. August. On John. tract. 12. Euphaly's work was published by Zaccagmi L. Collectanea monumentorum veterum ecclesiae graece et latinae, Rom. 1698, 401–708, incomplete Migne 'em Patrok. s. gr. t. 85, 619–790. Hauck, Reakencykl. V, 631 (v. Dobschüz, Evthalius). Zlat. in EUR demon 8: “Every week these scriptures are read to you three times. The reader ascends and speaks first from whom the reading is from, for example, from such and such a prophet, apostle or evangelist, and then reads what follows.” Cassian, Ob ​​stan. kin. II, 6. See above, p. 179. The reading of the Apocalypse is definitely indicated only in relation to the Gallican and Spanish churches. Sob. Toledo. IV, pr. 16. Zlat. About statues demon. 7, ch. 1. Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 53, hom. 1, p. 1; t. 65, hom. 1, 1. Vasily V. On the Sixth Day Demon. 2, 1. Apostolic Constitutions. V, 13. December is called the 9th month, and January is the 10th month. Hauck, XV, 134. Ambros. To Marcel. pis. 20, ch. 19. Ambros. To Marcel. pis. 20, ch. 25. August. Sl. about times. Hauck, XV, 135. Bl August. On John. tract. 6, ch. 18. Pilgrim § 26, 31, 39, 43. Gemmadies Massil. De script. eccles. c. 79. Migne, Patrol. s. 1.t. 58. Sidonuus Apollo. Epist. IV, 11. Migne, Patrol. s. 1.t. 58. From the fact that the Gospel readings for Sundays in the Roman Church have abstinence ch. O . miracles of Christ, conclude that these readings were selected during the period of Arian disputes, i.e. in the 4th century Luft, Liturgik II, 316. Pilgrim § 24, 27, 33, 34; to the presbyter – § 29; for the most part, it is not indicated by whom it is read - § 31, 35, etc. Judging by the expression “the bishop himself reads” - § 24, this was not particularly common. Bl. Hieron. Pis. to Sabine. Sozom. Church East VII, 19. In connection with this and all, as it were, elevated view of the Gospel, there is a custom that arose in some Western churches, not to allow catechumens to hear the Gospel, to release them before reading it, a custom prohibited by the Councils of Orange (Arausicanum) I in Galia 441 (pr. 18) and Valens (Valentinum) in Spain Paul. VI century (ex. 1). Augus. About the city of God. XXII, 8. 3 Carth. personal 419 pr. 1. This is also indicated in the following words of St. Cyprian about the newly installed reader: “he spoke peace, declaring the reading” (auspicatus est pacem. dum dedicat lectionem). Letter to the clergy. Carthage 33 (38). Wed. before the Prokeme of Great Vespers: “Let us take in. Peace to all. Wisdom. Let's remember." Ambr. Preface to the psalms. August. About the city B. XXII, 8. About the exclamation “Glory to you, Lord” before reading the Gospel from the 4th-5th centuries. there is no reliable news. In the homily about the circus or hippodrome, previously attributed to St. Chrysostom says: “When the deacon begins the circle (δρ ό μου) of readings, we immediately stand up, exclaiming: “Glory to you, Lord.” In the Mozarab liturgy (the rite of which has been preserved more or less unchanged from the 6th-7th centuries), when the prophecy and message are named, the people respond: “Thanks be to God” (Deo gratias). Thus, initially and in places the cry was “Glory to Thee, Lord, or the like.” accompanied the reading of scriptures other than the Gospel. In the Mozarabic liturgy and in the rules of St. Benedict VI century. (chapter 11) after reading the Gospel, the people say “Amen”, which, according to other interpreters, has the meaning here: “may God grant us to remain firmly in the teaching of the Gospel.” (Bingham, Orig. xiv, 82). Of all the writers of the 3rd century. St. points to him in passing. Cyprian: “Know that they (the confessors) were appointed as readers, since it was necessary to place a lamp on the candlestick, from where it would shine for everyone, and to place honest persons in an elevated place (ambo), where they, visible to the people standing around (circumstante), would provide those who see with an incentive to glory” (Pis. 34, according to other 39.). Cassian, Ob ​​stan. Kinov. II, 12. Sozomen, Church history. VII, 19. Philostorgius, Church. East. III, S (Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 65.). Pontificalis, Vita Anast. Bingham, Orig. XIV, 81. In a letter, adding. St. To Isidore Pelusiot (†436), it is said about the reading of the Gospel: “when the true Shepherd himself appears through the opening of the book of the Gospel, then the bishop stands up and takes off his robe of imitation (τò σχη μα τη ς μιμήσεος - rational omophorion), thereby signifying that the Lord himself, the leader, is present shepherds, God and Master" (lib. I, ep, CXXXVI. Bingham, Orig. XIV, 80). Hieron. Book of the prot. Vigilance, ch. 4 Sob. Karf. 397 pr. 24 (33). Ipponsk. sob 353, pr. 36. August. About the scientist Christ (De doctrina christ.) II, 8. Innocent, ep. 3 ad. Exuper., p. 3 (Bingham, Orig. xiv, 94.). Hieron. Preface to the point on books by Solom. Afan. IN . 39 holidays last Rufin, Comment. in symb apost. § 38. Evs. Church history. III, 16. Wed. IV, 23. Kir. Jer. Publicity sl. IV, 22. Sozom. Church history. VII, 19. Carthage. personal 397 pr. 24 (33) (Ipponsky sob. 393 pr. 36.). Hieron. Oh famous. husband. Ch. 115. Sob. 2 Vinson. (Vasensis), pr. 2. Cyprianus Cassinens (VI-VII centuries) De vita Caesarii, Migne Patrol., s. 1.t. 89. Evs. Church history. IV, 15. August. sl. 12, about the saints, 45, 63, 93, 101, 102, 103, 109, according to Bingham's Orig. XIV, 88. In the conversation there should be the same epic attributed to Bl. Augustine or Caesar of Arles, it is said: “when extensive passions (passiones) or any very long readings are read, whoever cannot stand it, let him sit modestly and quietly, with pricked ears, listen to what is read” Bingh, Orig. XIV, 86. Carthage. personal pr. 24 (33) (Ippon. sob. 393, pr. 36.). Gelasius, Decret, (Migne, Patrol. s. 1. t. 59. August. De gestis cum Emerito. Bingham, Orig. XIV, 90. Apostolic Constitutions. II, 57. VIII, 5. See above, p. 91 and 176–178. Zlat. Demon. 3 about the incomprehensible. Caesar, Arel. Hom. 12. (Migne, Patrol. s. 1.67), Cyprianus Cassinens, De vita Caesar. Sozom. Church history. VII, 17. Vasil. V. Demon. on six days 2. Wed. 7 and 9. August. On ps. 88, words. 2. Apostolic Constitutions. II, 57, see below “Preachers.” See above, p. 52, 62 and 89. Zlat. About the words of Isaiah demon. 2 and 3. Palladium ep. Elenopol. (V century) Conversation about the life of Chrysostom § 5. Possidius (5th century). Vita August. August. On ps. 94 and 95. Hieron. Pis. 2 to Nepot.; Wed pis. 61 to Pamm. Cyprus. Letters. 2 to March. and confession Gregorii M. Praefatio ad XL hom. in evang. Joannis diac. Vita Greg. M.II. 18. Evs. Church history IV, 19. In the Life of Constantine, Eusebius says that this emperor often makes speeches on religious issues before large numbers of people (IV, 29-34). Leo I p. Pis. 70 (72) and 71 (73). Karf. personal 399, pr. 98. 1 Cor. 14. 34–35. 1 Tim. 2.11, 1.12. Karf. personal 399, pr. 99. Epiphanius Cyprus. Anchor 49th Augustine. Against heresy. 27. Epiphanius Cyprus. Anchor 78, 79. Firmilianus Ep. 75 ad. Cyprian. August. About the science of Christ. IV, 15. Zlat. O incomprehensible. demon 3. Optat Milev. Prot. Donatists 3 (7). Zlat. To Kolos. demon 2, on 1 Cor. 36, etc. Apostolic Constitutions. VIII, 5. Zlat. Demon. to Antnar 4, 11. 12, 13. 20. Demon upon return. This is how the conversations of Chrysostom and others usually end. Sozom. Church history. VI, 5. Zlat. Oh repentant. demon 1. Gregory Nis. About the Lord's prayer. demon 5. Matt. 23, 2; Wed 5. 1. Even today among Roman Catholics the bishop has the right to preach while sitting. Ceremoniale episc I, 7, 4, Luft, Liturgik II, 367. Zlat. To antion. demon 16, on Matt. demon 23. August. Hom. 49 de diversis (Bingham, Origin. xiv, 179). Evs. Life of Knst. IV, 33. Matt. 19, 11, 1 Cor. 7, 7. 32–35. Apoc. 14, 1–5. Ignatius the God-Bearer: “Whoever can abide in purity in honor of the flesh of the Lord, let him abide without vanity; if he becomes vainglorious, he is lost” (Pol. 5). Clement of Rome writes epistles to virgins and virgins (Epiph. Anchor 15. Jerome. St. Jobin. 1). Clement of Alexandria knows among Christians, these “chosen ones” of God, also “special chosen ones” (ἐκλεκτω ἐκλεκτòτεροι. Which rich man will be saved? §36). Afanisy V. Life of Anthony, § 3. Some object to the affiliation of St. Athanasius of this essay. Tertullian. About the veil of virgins (De velandis virginibus.). Cyprian. About the clothes of virgins. Cyprian. On the behavior of virgins (esp. § 1–3). Methodius of Patara. Feast of the virgins Cyprian. Letter to Pomponia about virgins. So Narcissus of Jerusalem, “out of love for the wise life,” although primarily because of slander against him, “left his church (c. 196) and, hiding in empty and unknown places, lived there for many years,” during which three bishops changed in his see; at the last of them, “as if Narcissus appeared from the other world (c. 212) and was immediately called by the brethren to preside” (Evs. Church history. VI, 9–10) So Gregory of Neocaesarea, in persecution of Decius, went into the desert with all his small flock. Afanasy V. Life of Anthony, § 3. Place of the exploits of St. Paul (a cave at the foot of the mountain) was two days' journey from the last residence of St. Anthony, see below. Jerome. Life of Paul the Hermit. You might be interested in: