IV-V века. (продолжение)

St. Anthony the Great († 356) retired to the desert solely for ascetic reasons and spent his entire 105-year life in it from the year 20. He first settled in a tomb cave near his native village in lower Egypt near the city of Heraclea. and the Thebaid desert on the western bank of the Nile, then in the deserted fortification of the eastern desert (between the Nile and the Red Sea), and finally, in the depths of the same desert on a mountain, in a cell carved into the rock, the length and width of a man 901. St. Petersburg ate Anthony at first received only bread and salt, which was delivered to him twice a year 902; in his old age, partly in order to save those who brought him bread from labor, he began to sow a fertile place in the desert and, at the request of his disciples, began to eat olives and butter; St. took food Anthony once a day at sunset, remaining without food for 2 days or more, until 4 or 5 903, often spent the whole night without sleep; slept on bare ground, sometimes on matting 904. What especially surprised everyone (and enhanced the attractive power of his exploits) was that during such a life “his body retained its former appearance, did not become fat from lack of movement, did not wither from fasting” 905. Constant occupation of St. Anthony had prayer and contemplation of God, and at first he had to endure a difficult struggle with thoughts and ghosts that confused him (φαντασίαι καί σχηματισμο ί) 906. With the last rev. Anthony, knowing their last source (demons), fought with the grace-filled power of Holy Scripture, which he, having decisively refused in childhood (despite his intelligent origins) from learning to read and write, could not read, but remembered from readings in the church 907; In this struggle he especially used some passages of the Psalms, for example, Ps. 117, 7: “The Lord is my helper, and I will look upon my enemies,” Ps. 26:3: “Even if an army gathers against me, my heart will not fear,” Ps. 67, 2: “May God rise again, and may His enemies be scattered, and may those who hate Him flee from His presence.” This generally indicates the widespread use of the psalms of St. Anthony at prayer. In addition, this is a circumstance from the life of St. Anthony and other ascetics, could have contributed to the appearance in the liturgical charter of prokymnons, versicula, capitula, etc., of which the 4th-5th centuries. didn't know yet. Very early Rev. Anthony realized the need to add manual labor to prayer, the idea of ​​which, as very important and new, according to legend, was inspired by the monk with a special vision (which was already in the second place of his exploits) - an angel in monastic clothes, weaving a rope from palm leaves in the intervals between prayers 908. From that time until the end of his life, he interspersed his prayers with basket weaving and matting made from palm leaves. In Lavsaik’s story about the trial to which St. Anthony St. Paul Prostago, before admitting him to his disciples, describes in part the prayerful and ascetic day of the saint himself. Antonia. After work Rev. Paul (over weaving a rope) lasting until 9 o'clock, St. Anthony apparently wants to offer him food; but for testing purposes he postpones it until sunset. Then “Antony brought and put on the table four dry loaves of bread, 6 ounces each, and soaked one for himself and three for him, then he began to sing a psalm that he knew and chanted it twelve times, praying the same number of times in order to test Paul in this too (to delay the time of eating). After 12 prayers, Anthony told him: go eat. Having forbidden him to eat, however, the monk “said to him: get up, pray and go to bed. At midnight, Anthony woke him up to pray,” and continued to pray until the ninth hour of the day. After the meal, which was late in the evening, Anthony read 12 prayers and sang 12 psalms. After the prayer they fell into their first sleep; then they got up again and sang psalms from midnight until the day" 909. Thus, in prayer with St. Anthony there is a certain order (rank) both in relation to her hours and quantity. Further recluse. St. Sisoy the Great Once it appeared, asceticism could not help but develop and grow not only in volume, but also in degree and strength. Indeed, the hermits who followed Anthony the Great developed in particular and improved asceticism and monasticism to the possible limits. If they do not surpass the pioneers of monasticism, they evoke greater amazement with their exploits, and therefore have a more irresistible influence on the entire structure of church life. These were living statutes of fasting and prayer, of which the written statutes were weak copies and to which, in any case, our Typikon owes more than to all the later statutes, ktitor’s and others. What incredible results these younger generation of Egyptian ascetics achieved, some features from the life of St. Sisoy the Great († 429) can give an approximate idea of ​​this. The brother asked Sisoy why he, having left the Skete (a monastery founded by the younger contemporaries of St. Anthony in the Thebaid desert), settled here (in the desert). The elder answered: “When the Skete began to become much more crowded, and I heard that Abba Anthony had fallen asleep, I got up and went to this mountain; Finding this place calm, I settled here for some time.” - How long have you been living here, Abba? - asked the brother, “72 years old,” answered 910. Abba Sisoya’s disciple often said: “Abba, get up, let’s eat.” The elder said: “Have we not eaten yet, my son?” “We didn’t eat, father,” the student answered. Then the elder said: “If you haven’t eaten, let’s eat” 911. We ate no more than once a day - in the evening. They said about Abba Sisoes: “he did not eat bread (but only raw vegetables). On Easter, the brethren begged him to allow him to have a meal with them. The elder told them: I can do only one thing: I will eat either the bread or the dishes you have prepared. They told him, “Eat only bread.” So he did" 912. “One father told about Sisoy: one day, wanting to defeat sleep, he hung himself to a cliff in a cave. An angel came, took him down and forbade him to repeat it, so as not to set an example for others” 913. “They talked about Abba Pimen. When some elders visited him and, talking about the elders, mentioned Abba Sisoes, Pimen said: stop talking about Abba Sisoes; for his deeds are above the story" 914. The influence of Egyptian hermits on monastic rules. a) Post In general, the life of the Egyptian ascetics of this era outlined an ideal for all aspects of the monastic system affected by written regulations. Most of all, of course, was done in relation to fasting. Well-known norms, rules, minimum requirements, and very difficult ones, were established by themselves, both regarding the type of food for the ascetic, and regarding the time of taking it and the timing of fasting. Meat, of course, was certainly not consumed 915, but eating it out of need was not considered a violation of the vow 916. Dairy products were apparently sometimes allowed 917, fish more often 918. Wine was allowed in principle 919, but many did not drink it 920 or anything other than water 921. The usual food for most Egyptian hermits apparently consisted of just bread and salt, abstaining from everything else 922; others ate only raw vegetables for decades, denying themselves bread 923; but many allowed themselves all kinds of food, only the simplest plant foods, even at times (for example, on holidays) oil 924. As for the time of eating, before 9 o'clock (3 o'clock in the afternoon) they did not eat at all 925; but the most zealous ascetics could boast that “the sun never saw them eating” 926, and the disciples were required to eat food not at the 9th hour, but in the evening 927. With regard to long-term complete non-eating, the norm for a good ascetic was considered to be eating after two days 928; Some hermits also advised this to their disciples 929. Others did not eat food for 5 days 930 or ate once a week 931. As exceptional cases, experiences of non-eating for 40 days 932 and more 933 are noted. Through long practice of such fasting, some hermits apparently achieved that after two days of not eating they did not feel hunger at all 934. But over time, asceticism however came to the conclusion that not eating for more than one should be dangerous, since it is not feasible for everyone, and they did not recommend it 935. With such fasting, in which the whole life of the hermit turned, it was nevertheless recognized as necessary to honor the general church fasts, to distinguish them from a number of similar fasts and, of course, to strengthen abstinence, although other hermits, apparently, had nowhere to go further. These were thus posts of posts. Before Pentecost St. Macarius Alex., “having broken a large number of palm branches (for needlework), stood in the corner and throughout the entire Pentecost, until Easter, did not take bread, did not touch water, did not kneel, did not sit, did not lie down and did not eat anything except a few leaves of dry cabbage; Before them, he ate only on Sundays and then so that he could see what he was and so that he himself would not fall into conceit; and if when he left his cell for any need, he returned as soon as possible and got to work; without opening his lips or saying a word, he stood in silence; his whole occupation consisted in heartfelt prayer and weaving branches that were in his hands” 936. St. Paul. The great Galatian “spent the entire Lent Day with a small measure of lentils and a mug of water and was in seclusion until the very holiday” 937. The ascetics also honored the fast of Wednesday and Friday. “It is not permissible,” said St. Apollos of Hermopolis (beginning of the 5th century), to break without any need (nisi grandis aliqua necessitas fieret) the general (καθολικàς, legitima) fasts (Wednesdays and Fridays), for on Wednesday the Savior was betrayed, and on Friday he was crucified; Therefore, whoever breaks this fast betrays and crucifies the Savior together with his enemies. If a brother comes to you during Lent and needs reassurance (according to Rufinus: and before 9 o’clock he wants to refresh himself for the road), offer the meal to him alone; if he does not please, do not force him; for we all have a common tradition about fasting” 938. Having composed in their lives a chapter on fasting for later monastic rules, the hermits had an influence on these rules in other aspects of their lives, namely in their attitude to sleep and clothing. The ascetics considered sleep to be as dangerous an enemy as the womb. Many of them slept no more than an hour a day, and then not lying down, but sitting 939. The hermits sometimes wore clothes made from palm leaves or from disrepair, completely unfit for use 940. Needless to say, what influence this practice had on the order of the day prescribed by the monastic charters (most services were at night; other charters, as we will see, had services for 12 “night hours”) and on the chapter in them “on robes and vows.” Hermits of the IV-V centuries. laid the foundations for the development of the monastic rules of prayer and psalmody. Our charter inherited from them the widespread use of the Psalter. “The love of psalmody gave birth to monasteries,” says Blessed. Augustine 941. Tales about the life of hermits are replete with references to the Psalter and references to it in their sayings. Very early on, ascetics established special rules for the prayerful use of the Psalter. The oldest rule of this kind was probably to read the entire Psalter at once as a day or night prayer. “One elder came to another; he, having boiled a few lentils, said: let’s perform a small prayer (σύναξιν), - and one of them read the entire Psalter, and the other read the two great prophets by heart. When morning came, the old man who had come left; they forgot about food" 942. “Abba Serapion († c. 358) was once walking through an Egyptian village, and when he saw a harlot standing at her upper room, he said to her: expect me in the evening; I will come to you and spend the night with you. “Okay, Abba,” answered the harlot. And so she got ready and laid out the bed. In the evening the elder locked the door and said to her: wait a little; I will only fulfill our usual rule (ἐππειδὴ ν ο μ ο ν ἔχομ ν, ἕ ως οὐ ποίήσω αὐτόν). And the elder began his prayer (τη ς συνάξεως). Having started the Psalter, he said a prayer (εὐχὴν) for her on (κατà) every psalm, asking God to grant her repentance and salvation - and God heard him. The harlot stood trembling and prayed next to the elder. When the elder finished the entire Psalter, it fell to the ground. The elder took the Apostle, read a lot from it and finished his prayer (σύναξιν)" 943. This harlot subsequently surpassed, apparently, all the hermits in fasting (she did not eat for more than 40 days). This case is characteristic of the view held in it on the grace-filled power of the prayer rule. Gradually they began to reduce such a very large “rule” (all Psalter). Perhaps Eron (mentioned above) also followed the rule, when, walking with the author of Lavsaik and others through the desert, on the way he read 15 psalms (1/10 part of the Psalter), then the great psalm (118?), then the Epistle to the Hebrews, then Isaiah and part of the prophet Jeremiah, then Luke the Evangelist and Proverbs” 944. There are repeated indications that hermits use 12 psalms as a prayer rule. Two hermits chose St. Rev. as their leader. Macarius of Egypt, when he visited them and spent the night with them, in the morning they offer him: “Do you want us to sing (βάλωμεν, recitemus) twelve psalms? “Okay,” I answered,” Macarius tells about this. “Then the younger one sang (ψάλλει) 5 psalms and after (ἀπò) every 6 verses he sang one alleluia (lit.: by, ἀπò, 6 verses and 1 alleluia). And at each verse a fiery ray came out of his mouth and ascended into the sky. In the same way, when the elder opened his lips to sing, a fiery rope came out of them and reached the sky. And I also spoke (ε ἷ πον) a little by heart” 945. When some great Egyptian ascetic visited a Roman ascetic in the monastery (Skete), at nightfall they “read (ἔβαλον) 12 psalms and lay down. They did the same at night,” and again they lay down 946. The same ascetic describes his prayer rule this way: “instead of music and singing, I read (λέγω) 12 psalms (day or evening); in the same way, at night, for the sins that I have committed, immediately with repose (ἄρτι μετ ᾽ ἀναπαύσεως - after a short sleep?) I perform my small service (ποιω τὴν μικρàν μου λειτουργίαν )" 947. In addition to the psalms and Holy Scripture, short prayers were used, pronounced hundreds of times. Paul of Fermi (IV century) performed 300 prayers a day, which he kept count of by removing pebbles (the embryo of a rosary) from his bosom; when he heard that one virgin was performing 700 prayers, his rule began to seem small to him, and he turned to St. Macarius of Egypt for a solution; An example of such a short prayer is given in the instruction of St. Macarius asked him: “How should one pray?” “You don’t need to be verbose, but you should raise your hands and say: Lord, as you please and as you know, have mercy. If temptation attacks: Lord help” 949. Our memory of these short hermit prayers is the prayer “Lord Jesus Christ,” which is supposed to be said hundreds of times by illiterate people for omitted church services. Just as the constant fasting of the desert dwellers intensified during the period of church fasts, so the usual prayer rule increased for holidays. “They said about Abba Arseny that on Saturday evenings on Sunday he stood with his back to the sun, and raising his hands to the sky, he prayed until the sun began to shine on his face; after which he sat down” (the vigil is truly an all-night vigil) 950. On Sundays, and also on Saturdays, hermits usually took communion. “monks living in the desert are burned by the poison of evil demons, and they look forward to Saturday and Sunday so that they can go to the water sources, i.e. proceed to the Body and Blood of the Lord in order to be cleansed from the filth of the evil one” 951. For this purpose, the hermits mostly went to neighboring churches, despite their remoteness 952. “They said that Abba Sisoes of Thebes had the custom of running to his cell at the end of the church service, and they said: he has a demon” 953. Vasily V. speaks about the communion of hermits with spare Gifts: “all hermits (μονάζοντες) living in the desert, where there is no priest, keeping the sacrament in the house, give communion to themselves” 954. There are indications that the liturgy is celebrated specifically for the hermit in his cell by a presbyter. “They told about Abba Mark of Egypt: he lived for 30 years without ever leaving his cell; The presbyter usually came to him to perform holy services for him. offering (ποιει ν αὐτω @ τὴν ἁ γίαν πρσφορàν)" 955. "A presbyter alone went to a certain hermit, making for him the offering of the Holy Mysteries (τω ν ἁ γίων μυστηρίων τὴν προσφορàν )" 956 Thus, in relation to fasting and prayer or worship at St. hermits gradually developed a more or less uniform practice, general rules, and one charter. This will not seem surprising if we take into account the close and constant communication in which the desert dwellers were with each other not only within Egypt, but Sinai and Palestine with Egypt; they often visited each other for mutual edification, while those closest to them lovingly cared for each other; Among them, here and there, luminaries of asceticism appeared, becoming the center of spiritual edification for the vast surrounding area. The hermits formed one corporation, like one monastery with a gradually developed charter and some organization. The beginners and young had leaders, but the power of the latter was entirely based on immeasurable moral superiority 957. It was the largest and finest monastery the earth had ever seen. Anchorite monasteries of ancient Christian Egypt Reclusion of his St. Anthony left after 35 years, in second place of exploits. “Acquaintances who came to him, due to the fact that he did not allow them to enter the fortification (the abandoned one in which he labored), often spent days and nights in the courtyard. But since many sought and wanted to imitate his ascetic life, some of his acquaintances came and forcibly broke and opened the door, Anthony comes out as a secret man and God-bearer from a certain sanctuary.” After the healings and words of edification performed immediately, the monk “convinced many to choose the monastic life; Thus, monasteries came to the mountains; the desert was inhabited by monks who left their property... By the power of his amazing word, numerous monasteries arose” 958. A monastery (μοναστίριον, from μονάζω, to live alone, μοναστὴς living alone) is called here (in Athanasius’s “Life of Anthony”) cell-house 959 or cave 960, as can be seen from the fact that the deserted fortification in which St. Petersburg lived. Anthony, is called his “monastery” 961, as can then be seen from the remark that before St. Anthony “there were few monasteries in Egypt” 962, and from the comparison of a monastery with a tent 963. When Rev. Anthony retired to the last place of his exploits, and soon a whole colony of monastic cells arose there; The surrounding mountains were covered with them, but they too soon became crowded for the imitators of St. Anthony, and the monks began to settle on the other side of the Nile near the city of Arsinoe 964 “These monasteries in the mountains were like tabernacles filled with the divine faces of psalmists, lovers of learning, fasters, prayer books, who were pleased with the hope of future blessings and who were engaged in handicrafts to give alms” 965. This description also indicates the activities of monks in the “monasteries” of St. Antonia. The monk's entire day was supposed to pass in the monastery-cell. He had to be in it as hopelessly as possible: “like a fish,” said St. Anthony, “when taken out of the water dies, so does the fear of God in the heart of a monk if he leaves his cell in vain” 966. In this solitude or seclusion of the monk in his cell, St. Anthony distinguishes between different degrees. He considered himself capable of the complete seclusion in which he himself lived (which, however, was also not unconditional) and allowed only a few. St. He says to Paul (the Simple): “if you want to be a monk, then go to a communal monastery (κοινόβιον), where there are many brothers who can bear with your weaknesses; and I live here alone”; only when Paul withstood the severe test, Rev. Anthony built him a cell for 3 or 4 of his 967 years. Most of the disciples of St. Anthony, living alone in his cells, however, had some communication with each other: “scripture is sufficient for teaching,” Anthony said to his disciples, “however, it is fitting for us to console each other with faith and anoint each other with words” 968. What was the most immediate and concrete expression of the common life in the “monasteries” led directly by St. Anthony, the surviving news does not allow us to say. There is no mention in them about the prayers of the monks, general or private, 969, about their food and the measure of abstinence. There are indications only for a common meal 970. But the system of spiritual leadership and community management appears quite clearly in the news. Apparently, the young monks were under the constant supervision of the older, experienced ones. “Monk,” said the reverend. Anthony, “must frankly tell the elders how many steps he takes, or how many drops he drinks in his cell, so as not to somehow sin in this” 971. The supreme leader of spiritual life in the exploits that arose near the place of St. Anthony himself appeared in the monasteries, of course. In the “monasteries” closest to his residence, he “often talks” 972 with monks. One of these conversations must be exemplary, combining the monk’s instructions from different times (on the fight against demons), transmitted and described by St. Athanasius: “One day he comes out, all the monks gather to him and want to hear a word from him. Anthony speaks to them in the Egyptian language" 973. Sometimes the monk also takes part in the common meal of the monks. “Often, with many other monks, starting to eat food and remembering spiritual food, he refused to eat and went far from them, considering it a shame for himself if others saw that he was eating. According to the necessary requirements of the body, he ate food, but separately, and often together with the brethren, ashamed of them, but hoping to offer them a word for the benefit” 974. The influence and authority of St. Anthony in his monasteries were entirely based on his moral height. The usual name for him among the monks was “Great”: “The Great One said”, “The Great One did” 975. “and his face had an important and extraordinary pleasantness. Anthony also received this gift from the Savior: if he was surrounded by many monks, and it was desirable for someone who did not know him before to see him, then the person who wanted to, having passed the others, directly approached Anthony, as if attracted by his gaze” 976 . thus the monasteries of St. Anthony were of the anchorite type, “being, as it were, a transitional step from strict anchorage to strict community life” 977. Not only did they not have any written rules 978, but the structure of life was not developed in detail; only the general spirit of this system was outlined. It is unlikely that in the settlements of monks, monasteries (in the broad and later sense of the word), founded by St. Anthony, there were, except for the Venerable himself. Anthony and any general abbas or abbots 979. Somewhat more complex in structure and closer to communal monasteries (cines) were a number of Egyptian monasteries founded during the life of St. Anthony by his associates or younger contemporaries. The most significant of these monasteries were Nitrian, Skete and Kelliot. The first was founded on the Nitrian (νίτρον -saltpeter) mountain (desert upland) south of Lake Mareotes, 40 millia (40,000 steps) from Alexandria. Among the Egyptian ascetics, he was the first to settle here, and therefore was the founder of this monastery, St. Ammon, who began his hermitage at the age of 40, spent about 20 years in the desert and died earlier than St. Anthony (c. 350), with whom he met 980. In the beginning V century there were up to 5,000 monks on Nitri Mountain 981; they lived in separate cell houses (tabernacula), of which there were up to 50 of different sizes; in some of these houses there were more monks, in others fewer (pauci), and in others only one at a time. The monks were under the leadership of one “father” (sub uno patre posita) 982. This leadership belonged to one of the 8 presbyters who were part of the Nitrian Church, and upon his death passed to the next of them: “as long as the first presbyter lives, the others do not serve, do not judge and do not speak teachings, but only sit with him in silence.” Corporal punishment (whips) was used. The life of the monks was working. The monastery had a well-organized economy: it had bakeries that prepared bread not only for its needs, but “also for the hermits who retired into the inner desert, numbering up to 600,” and had its own doctors and pharmacists; wine was prepared not only for personal use, but also for sale; was a stranger. People gathered in church only on Saturdays and Sundays. But every day, at least in the evening, divine services were performed in the cells: “when evening comes, you can stand and listen in each cell to songs of praise and psalms sung to Christ, and prayers sent up to heaven; another would think that he was raptured and transported to heaven” 983. At a distance of 10 millia from Nitria there was another wonderful monastery of ancient Christian Egypt - Kellia. It was founded by Nitrian monks, lovers of complete solitude, and was of a purely anchorite type. One of the first presbyter leaders was Rev. Macarius of Alexandria († 494) 984 . the monastery consisted of many single cells, the distance between which was such that from one cell it was impossible to see another, nor to hear anything from there 985. Some cells were so small that it was impossible to lie down in them, stretching out at full length 986. The monks sat hopelessly in their cells; only on Saturday and Sunday did they go to church and “there they looked at each other as if they had returned from heaven”; if anyone was not at this meeting, it was a sign of his illness and the brethren visited him, delivering to him what he needed for life 987. Some in the monastery led a more reclusive life, not leaving their cells for 40 days 988. On holidays, a meal was held in the church 989. The clothes of the monks were somewhat different from the usual local ones: “one of the fathers said that during the time of Abba Isaac (5th century) one brother came to the church in Kellia, wearing a small kukul; the elder kicked him out, saying: “There are monks here, and you are a layman, you cannot be here” 990. like other Egyptian monasteries, the monks were buried here in that leviton (tunic with short sleeves) and kukula, in which they took monasticism and which, throughout their lives, were worn only for the communion of St. Mysteries 991. The height of ascetic life in the monastery is evidenced by the following incident: once St. Macarius was sent a bunch of fresh grapes; although he was very hungry then, he sent the grapes to the sick brother, who sent them to another, and so the grapes went around the entire monastery and returned again to the abbot 992. Monophysitism penetrated into the monastery and subsequently there were 2 churches in it: one for the Orthodox, and the other for the Monophysites 993. Perhaps the most significant of the then Egyptian monasteries was the so-called. Skete (Coptic “Shiite” - a vast plain). Founded by Rev. Macarius the Great or Egyptian († 390) 994, it was located south of the Kellia, even further deep into the Egyptian (Libyan) desert, 24 hours’ journey from Nitria; there was no road here, and the path had to be directed according to the flow of the stars. Living in such a desert, deprived of a sufficient amount of water, required extraordinary fortitude 995. The management of the monastery was concentrated in the meeting of the brethren, which usually took place in the church under the chairmanship of the presbyter 996; Theological issues were also resolved at these meetings 997. Smaller matters of administration were concentrated in the hands of the presbyter; he, for example, was in charge of the economic part of the monastery 998, and generally occupied an honorable position among the brethren 999. (The first to be ordained as a presbyter in the Skete was St. Macarius V. 1000.) The skete was famous for its fasting. The usual food for the brethren here was only bread. To John Cassian’s question about the norm of daily food for a monk, Abba Moses of Skete answered: “We know that our ancestors often discussed this subject; and having considered the various methods of abstinence, which consisted in the fact that some ate only beans (leguminibus), others only vegetables (oleribus) or fruits (pomis), they preferred to feed all of them on bread alone, recognizing the most suitable amount of it as two loaves of bread (paxinaciis), both weighing together about a pound (librae 12 ounces or 24 lots).” To the remark of Cassian’s companion that it would be a lot to eat such bread at once, Moses replied: “If you want to test the power of this definition, then constantly adhere to this measure, without adding anything cooked (coctionis pulmentum) either on Sunday, or on Saturday, or on the occasion of visiting the brethren; because by fortifying yourself with boiled food, you can not only be content with a smaller measure on the remaining days, but also without difficulty not eating any other food for a long time” 1001. To Herman’s question, what should be done if, after eating food (bread) in the specified amount, i.e. after the 9th hour, the monk will be visited by a guest who needs to offer a meal and share it with him, Moses advises: at the 9th hour (usual meal time) eat only one of the two loaves of bread, and leave the other in the evening in case of visiting your brother; if he comes, eat the loaf of bread with him; if not, then alone 1002. Any other food except bread in the Skete was considered an unaffordable luxury. “One day, Abba Achilles (5th century) in the Skete came to Abba Isaiah’s cell and saw him eating. On a platter he had water with salt (ἅ λας). The elder, noticing that Abba Isaiah hid the dish behind the basket, asked him: “Tell me, what did you eat?” Isaiah answered: “Forgive me, Abba: I was cutting branches, and the heat came; I took a piece of salt, but my throat was dry from the heat, and the piece wouldn’t go, so I was forced to add a little water to the salt so that I could eat. But forgive me! Then the elder said: “Go look at Isaiah, how he slurps the stew (ζωμòν) in the Skete. If you want to slurp up the stew, then go to Egypt” 1003. John Moschus and Sophronius (beg. VI century) said Abba John of Petra: “Believe my words: when I was still a youth in the Skete, one of the fathers fell ill with the spleen. In the four laurels of Skete they looked for some vinegar and did not find it. Such was their poverty and abstinence, and there were about 3500 fathers there.” 1004 Abba Benjamin, a presbyter from Kellia († c. 392), said (about his time in Skete): “When we returned to Skete after the harvest, they brought us alms from Alexandria, for each an alabaster vessel of pure oil. When the next harvest came, the brethren brought whatever was left to them to the church. I did not open the vessel, but after drilling it with a needle, I tasted a little oil, and it felt in my heart as if I had committed a great offense. When the brethren brought their vessels, as they were, and mine was drilled, then I was ashamed, as if convicted of fornication” 1005. The same Abba said: “We came to the Skete with an old man and wanted to give him some oil; but he told us: this is where the small vessel lies that you brought me three years ago; as you laid it down, so it remained” 1006. “During the firstfruits, sait (σα ΐ τις) wine was brought to the Skete to distribute a glass to the brethren. When one brother wanted to escape from this into a tholos (θόλος - round house), the tholos fell apart. Those who had gathered at the noise saw their brother defeated and began to reproach him, saying: good has happened to you, vain one; but Abba defended him and said: Leave my son; he did a good deed, and the Lord lives, this tholos will not be restored in my time, so that the world understands that through a glass of wine the tholos fell into the Skete” 1007. Deviations from this harsh regime 1008 were made for holidays, especially on Agape 1009, but reluctantly 1010, and for guests 1011. The severity of life in the Skete began to decline in the 4th century. according to Pimen (5th century), “since the third Skete generation and since the time of Abba Moses († 400), the brethren have not made any new progress” 1012. According to the same Pimen, “Abba Isidore, the presbyter of Skete, once spoke to the congregation like this: Brothers, haven’t we come to this place to work? and now there is no more work here. Therefore, taking my mantle, I will go where there is labor, and there I will find peace” 1013. At the beginning of the 5th century. the monastery was devastated by nomads, about which Abba Arsenius, referring to the destruction of Rome by Alaric in 410, said: “The world lost Rome, and the monks lost Skete” 1014. The monastery, however, continued to exist even after this ruin. In the VI century. Monophysitism captivated, for the most part, skete monks; now in the Skete desert there is a Jacobite monastery 1015. Other anchorite monasteries in Egypt In addition to these three most important monasteries, which did not have a written charter, but contributed to its formation, a number of monasteries of the same type arose in ancient Christian Egypt, which no doubt also had some merger to develop later monastic rules. Thus, on the bark of Fermat, south of Nitria, on the way to Skete, there lived up to 500 ascetics 1016, among whom St. Paul was especially famous and who probably formed one community. Near Hermopolis (in Thebaid) there was a monastery of Apollos or Apollonius (according to Rufinus), which had about 500 brethren. A special feature of this monastery was the daily communion of the Eucharist at 9 o'clock in the afternoon; “after communion (sometimes according to Rufinus) they sat down to listen to the teaching of Apollos, which lasted until the evening, then (according to Rufinus, according to Palladius - before the teaching, immediately after communion) they took food, after which they alone retired into the desert and there they read the Holy Scripture all night long. Scripture by heart, others remained at the meeting place and spent the whole night until dawn in hymns and praises (laudibus) to God; others, having left the mountain at 9 o’clock (for communion) and having received the Eucharist, immediately left again, being content with only spiritual food until another ninth hour; and they did this (according to Palladius - many of them) for many (plurimos) days. And during such exploits they always had such joy, joy and exultation (exultatio), which is impossible on earth for ordinary people; There was no one boring or sad between them; if anyone seemed sad, Abba Apollos immediately asked about the cause of grief and revealed what was in everyone’s secret heart.” Apollos also instilled the idea of ​​the need for daily communion for a monk 1017. Other monasteries of the same type were the monasteries of the Thebaid city of Oxyrhynchus. According to Rufinus, in this city (now representing ruins covered with sand) there were about 10 thousand monks and approx. 20 t. virgins; ancient public buildings and churches were converted here into monasteries, and there were more of the latter than private houses; under the influence of the monasteries, the inhabitants of the city were distinguished by their special piety (they had 12 churches, in addition to the monastic ones, and hospitality, especially to visiting monks 1018. Near the city of Heraklen there was a monastery of St. Isidore, distinguished by its strict isolation: the brethren did not communicate with the world at all and strangers were not allowed further than the inn at the gate; the monks of this monastery, as its gatekeeper-presbyter told Rufinus and Palladius, were “so holy that almost everyone could perform miracles, and none of them was sick to the point of death; when the time came for the death of one of them, he, having previously announced this to everyone, lay down and died” 1019 The city of Arsinoe had a number of monasteries with 10 thousand monks under the leadership of St. Serapion; “Through the brethren he collected a lot of household supplies; for during the harvest, all the monks brought grain products to him, which they received instead of payment for harvesting neighboring fields, and Abba used all this to help the poor, so that no one suffered need in the surrounding area; we sent bread to the poor even to Alexandria; This was also done, however, by other monasteries in Egypt” 1020. It is possible that there were monasteries of the same semi-civil type near Alexandria, in which the author of Lavsaik lived for three years, and in which he counts about 2 thousand “great, very zealous and valiant men” 1021. St. Pachomius and his monasteries St. Pachomius († 348) constituted an era in the development of monasticism by founding the first cenobia (κοινòς βίος - hostel), a strictly communal monastery and giving it a written charter. Originally from Upper Egypt, and significantly removed from Lower Egypt (the area of ​​life and activity of the first Egyptian hermits and most of the above-mentioned monasteries), and differing from it in climate (more hot), a pagan by origin, who converted to Christianity under the charm of Christian virtues, St. Pachomius initially retired to the abandoned church of Serapis, cultivating vegetables and palm trees and obtaining food from here not only for himself, but also for the poor; after 3 years, Pachomius went to the famous hermit Palamon in that area, around whom a community of monks had already arisen; since few were able to endure the lifestyle that Palamon demanded from his students, the latter began to send Pachomius away, pointing out to him the burden of the upcoming exploits: “We always stay awake half the night, reflecting on the word of God; very often we twist ropes from evening to morning to fight sleep and supply ourselves with what is necessary to maintain the body; What remains beyond our needs we give to the poor. We do not know what it means to eat butter or anything boiled or drink wine; in the summer we fast every day until the evening, and in the winter for 2 and 3 days in a row. Our rule of general prayers 1022 is to pray 60 times during the day and 60 times at night, except for those prayers that we do for every moment and of which we do not know the count.” After several days of testing Pachomius, Palamon clothed him in monastic robes and girded him with a monastic belt and began to accustom him especially to night prayers and vigils. After the death of Palamon, Pachomius settled in the deserted village of Tavenisi (“palm of Isis”) 1023, about which he received a revelation during Palamon’s lifetime that a large monastery would arise here. Brother John came here to him, who soon died, and then a monastery gradually appeared near him. Initially it consisted of three people besides Pachomius. But soon the fame of Pachomius attracted well-known hermits in Egypt (for example, St. Cornelius) to him. With his monks, the monk built and maintained a church in a neighboring command, and when the brethren gathered up to 100, he built a church in the monastery, and on Saturday the monks were at divine services in the village church, and on Sunday the presbyter came to the monastery and celebrated the liturgy here. Pachomius himself did not accept the holy rank, and did not allow others in his monastery to accept it in order to prevent pride. The monastery consisted of several houses, each of which had a chief and an assistant (“secondary”); monks were engaged in various skills, especially matting; all this provided the monastery with considerable funds, but, of course, the proceeds went to general needs and charity (they were at the disposal of a special steward); among the monks there were those who could not distinguish gold from silver (those who entered the monastery with their parents). The main leader of the monastery, of course, was Pachomius himself, and the main instrument of management in his hands were conversations with the monks. In addition to private conversations with Rev. Pachomius spoke three general sermons during the week: one on Saturday and two on Sunday. On Wednesday and Friday, the heads of the houses spoke teachings to their monks. Food on non-fasting days consisted of cheese, eggs 1024, boiled vegetables, and stew made from them; on Wednesdays and Fridays many did not eat at all; others ate food once every two days. Everyone ate no more than once a day - some at 6 o'clock, others at 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, or in the evening when the stars appeared. Such a picture of life in the Tavennisiot monastery is given by the “Lives” of St. Pachomius, preserved in different editions - Greek, Latin, Kopot (in two dialects - Memphis and Thebes), Ethiopian and Arabic; Most of this information is found in the Coptic life, preserved in a manuscript of the 10th century. 1025. The description of Rufinus and Palladium is quite consistent with this picture. This description refers to the time when Tavennisi was already approx. 3 tons of monks and they were ruled by St. Ammon. (late 4th century): “the monks ate their food with their faces covered, with their eyes down, so as not to see their brother sitting nearby; During the meal, everyone kept such a strict silence that it seemed like you were in the desert; they sat down to meals only for show, to hide their asceticism; some once or twice raised their hand to their lips, taking bread or olives, or anything else that was offered at the meal, and having tasted each dish once, they were satisfied with that; others, having eaten a little bread, did not touch anything else, and others were content with only three spoons of gruel (ζωμου)" 1026. On Lent, the Tavennisian monks, according to Palladius, did not eat boiled food; Moreover, others then imposed special feats on themselves: some took food in the evening, others after 5 days, others stood in prayer all night, and sat at handicrafts during the day 1027. When to St. His sister Maria came to Pachomius, he, refusing to see her, through the gatekeeper advised her to settle in solitude at a considerable distance from Tavennisi, on the other side of the Nile, where he built a dwelling for her; near the latter, a nunnery soon arose with the same structure of life as in the men's monastery; The nuns prepared woolen clothes for the latter and for this they received food from there. When the ever-increasing number of monks in Tavennisi made the monastery cramped, St. Pachomius founded another monastery nearby in the Locality of Pevou, and then 7 more monasteries. All of them were led by St. Pachomius, who settled in Pevou. The monk often visited monasteries. In Pevou, the monks of other monasteries gathered twice a year - on Easter and in the fall, when they gave the steward a report on their work. Here the catechumens were baptized on Lent. When many Greeks began to enter the monastery (initially there were only Copts in them), Theodore, a former reader of the Alexandrian Church, was made the mediator (translator) in their relations with the abbot and together their leader. Before the death of St. Pachomius invited the brethren to elect a successor for him, and when this was granted to him, he appointed the elderly Petronius as abbot, who died a month later and appointed Orsisius as successor; the latter's assistant in managing numerous monasteries, St. Pachomius and the Rev. was made rector of Pevou. Theodore the Sanctified († 368, formerly Orisisia), who founded a nunnery near Pevou in 1028. Internal structure of the Pachomiev monasteries Such was the appearance and history of the Pachomiev monasteries. Internal organization reported by Rev. Pachomius to his monasteries, significantly diverged from the entire system of life, both hermitic and the above-mentioned Lower Egyptian monasteries of the anchorite type. The basis here was power, regulation and punishment (penance), principles that the hermits refused to use in their spiritual leadership, and the anchorite monasteries used to a very limited extent. Obedience has now become the main monastic virtue and is increasingly praised in ascetic literature 1029. When the cook, in the absence of St. Pachomius, they stopped preparing stew on Saturdays and Sundays, contrary to the regulations, due to the fact that most of the brethren did not eat it, and used their free time to make matting (the main income of the monastery), St. Pachomius (on the complaint of one monk about the deprivation of cooked food) ordered to burn 500 matting made thanks to such savings. To the brother who made two mats instead of one per day, St. Pachomius ordered to bring it to the church and ask the brethren for forgiveness and prayers, sit hopelessly in the cell on bread and salt and weave two mats every day. Faulty monks St. Pachomius expelled him from the monastery, and in other years there were many such expulsions. Two suicides in the convent of St. Pachomius forbade commemoration in prayers, performing liturgy for them and giving alms, and excommunicated all sisters for failure to prevent the act from communion for 7 years 1030. The novelty or originality of such principles in the monastic life of that time will become obvious from a comparison with the following facts from hermit practice. “The brother asked Abba Sisoes: give me instruction. The elder said: Why are you making me idle? Do what you see on me" 1031. “A brother once came to Abba Theodore of Fermi and stayed with him for three days, asking him for guidance; but Abba did not answer him, and the brother went away sad” 1032. “One brother who sinned was expelled by the presbyter (abbot) from the church; Abba Vissarion stood up and went out with him, saying: “I too am a sinner” 1033. St. Anthony twice sent a monk expelled from Cenobia to the same Cenobia and thereby forced him to be accepted back 1034. “Once upon a time in the Skete, a brother fell into sin. The brethren, having gathered (the monastery, as we saw, was governed by a meeting of brethren), sent for Abba (hermit) Moses, but he did not want to go. Then the presbyter sent to him with these words: go, a meeting awaits you. Abba got up, took a thin basket, filled it with sand, and so he went. The brothers, coming out to meet him, asked him: “What does this mean, father?” The elder answered them: “It’s my sins that are pouring down behind me, but I don’t see them, and now I have come to judge the sins of others.” The brethren, having heard this, did not say anything to the (sinning) brother, but forgave him” 1035. Abba Pior did a similar thing in the Skete at the behest of the same judicial meeting of the brethren: he carried around the monastery a full bag of sand on his shoulders as a sign of his sins and a little sand in a basket in front of him as a sign of the sins of his fallen brother 1036. “There lived in Konovia a hermit named Timothy. The abbot heard a rumor that one brother had been tempted, and he asked Timothy: what to do with the fallen brother? The hermit advised him to be kicked out. When they kicked out his brother, the temptation that happened to him also befell Timothy” 1037. It is not surprising that St. Pachomius, in view of such a discrepancy between the principles he adopted for his community and general ascetic practice, sometimes doubted their correctness, but this is how it was resolved by one of the pillars of hermitage. St. Macarius of Alexandria (presbyter of Kellia) “came to Abba Pachomius of Tabenisiot. Pachomius asked him: If the brethren do not keep order, is it good to teach them? Abba Macarius answered him: Teach and strictly judge your subordinates, and do not judge anyone from outsiders” 1038. The work of Pachomius, according to legend, received approval - after his death - and from the head of the hermitage of St. Antonia 1039. To the Tavennisiots who visited him, St. Anthony said about Pachomius: “Pachomius performed a great service to the Lord, uniting all these hordes and subordinating them to one rule in the matter of serving the Lord. Before him, one person named Out began this ministry, but since his intention did not come from the depths of his heart, he did not receive this grace” 1040. The structure of life in the Pachomius Monastery, no matter how different it was from other monasteries of Egypt at that time, met the needs of reality. He was adapted, so to speak, to the average person of mediocre moral strength. When in Tavennisi he entered incognito among the brethren under St. Pachomius St. Macarius of Alexandria (from Kellia), he immediately surpassed everyone in his ascetics, so much so that the brethren began to murmur against the abbot for sending him to the monastery: “Where did you bring this disembodied man to us for our condemnation? either drive him out of here, or all of us, let it be known to you, will leave you today” 1041. It is not surprising that the importance and unusualness of what Pachomius undertook required heavenly sanction for his cause; hence the legend that the charter for the Tavennisiot monastery was given to St. Pachomius by an angel on a copper plate 1042; the legend is given in Lavsaik, in Sozomen (in a brief translation), in the Latin edition of the life of Pachomius - in Dionysius the Younger (VI century), in the Arabic edition of the life of 1043 - everywhere with minor variations in the rules. cites this statute according to Lavsaik, indicating more significant options in other monuments. “Let everyone eat and drink according to their need; assign them work commensurate with the strength of each; do not forbid either fasting or eating; Assign heavy labor to those who are stronger in strength and eat more, and assign small and light labor to the weak, who are not accustomed to asceticism 1044. Set up separate cells in one building 1045, and let three live in each cell. Let food be offered to everyone in one place 1046. They should not sleep lying down, but let them make themselves seats with sloping backs 1047 and sleep on them sitting, having made their bed. At night they must remain in linen levitons and girded; everyone should have a white goat's mantle (μηλωτὴ αἰγία) 1048; without it they should neither eat nor sleep. But let them begin to receive the Mysteries of Christ on Saturdays and Sundays 1049 only with a kukul, having untied the belt 1050 and taken off the mantle. And the angel assigned them kukuli without garters, like children’s 1051, and ordered an image of a purple cross 1052 to be placed on them. – He ordered the brethren to be divided into 24 ranks according to the number of 24 letters, so that each rank was designated by Greek letters from alpha and vita in order to omega; so that when the archimandrite needs to ask or find out about one of so many brethren, they would ask their assistant: in what state is the rank of alpha or rank of vita - give a blessing to the rank of ro ​​1053. The name of each letter would itself indicate the rank it signifies. To the monks who are more simple and gentle than others, the angel continued, give the name iota (ι), and mark the rebellious and tough-tempered ones with the letter xi (ξ) 1054, thus expressing by the very form of the letter the property of each person’s inclinations, morals and life. These signs will be understandable only to the spiritual 1055. It was also written on the board that if a wanderer comes from another monastery, where they live according to a different rule (ἄλλον ἔχοντος τύπον), he should neither eat nor drink with them, nor even enter the monastery, except in the case when he is found on the road 1056. And once he has entered to stay with them forever 1057, do not allow him to perform the highest feats (εἰς ἀγω να ἀδύτων) 1058 before three years; only after three years, when he has completed hard work 1059, let him enter this field. During the meal, everyone's head should be covered with kukul, so that one brother does not see how the other eats. One should also not talk during a meal, nor look around, but only at the table and the dish 1060. The angel ordained (ἐτύπωσε) for the monks to perform 12 prayers (εὐχàς) throughout every day (διà πάσιρ τη ς ἡμέρας) and at vespers (ἐν τω @ λυχνικω @) 12, and at all-night vigils (ἐν ται ς παννοχίσι) 12, and at the ninth hour (καì ἐννάτην ὥ ραν) three. When the brethren decide to come to the meal in large numbers (ὅ τε δε δοκει τò πλη θος ἐσθίειν), then each rite, before performing the prayer, must sing a psalm (ἑτάστ ῳ τάγματι καθ ᾽ ἑκάστην ψαλμòν προ ᾴ δεσθαι ἐτύπωσεν ) 1061 . When the great Pachomius said to this that there were few prayers, the angel said to him: I put so much so that the weak can comfortably, without burden, fulfill the rule (τòν κανόνα) 1062, but the perfect have no need for the rule (νομοθεσίας), for, staying alone in the cell, they spend their entire lives spend in contemplation of God 1063. I gave the charter to those whose minds have not yet matured, so that they, although as disobedient slaves out of fear of the master, fulfilling the general rule of life (τὴν σύνταξις τη ς πολιτείας), achieve freedom of spirit.” One can, of course, suspect not only individual details in the news that has reached us about this charter and the circumstances of its appearance, but also its very origin from St. Pachomia. But if a record of a monastic rule was ever to appear, then the first record of this kind could not be simpler than the present “rules”, nor more expedient. They regulate all the most important aspects of monastic life (food, sleep, clothing, admission to the monastery, its management), but limit themselves to the most general and fundamental instructions about each of them, adapting the ascetic practice developed by hermitage to the weakest forces 1064 (then!) and laying the foundations for developing the external side of monastic life. This latter concerns the rules about clothing, which here receives a very complex composition, character and symbolism, then the rule about behavior at meals. Of these rules of external monastic life, especially important, which is why it is included in the conclusion, is the rule on the number of prayers (the internal side of prayer, of course, stands above any regulations). What is important here, first of all, is that prayer is timed to coincide with those hours of the day that were sanctified in the world by public worship; at the same time, it is directly stated that prayer should replace church services of the 9th hour, vespers and memorial services; the latter obviously means Matins, which not only began long before dawn, sometimes at midnight, but also ended with dawn. Daytime prayers in this charter obviously replace all other church services, i.e. hours 3, 6 and liturgy; it is possible that in Egypt, as in Jerusalem 1065, the 3rd hour was celebrated only on Pentecost, and the 6th was not celebrated on Sunday, being replaced by the liturgy; due to such instability of daytime services. They are summarized in the charter under the general name of “daytime prayers,” while the remaining services are named separately. Characteristic in the statute is the number 12 for each row of prayers (excluding the 9th hour, for which, as a shorter and secondary service, only 3 prayers are assigned) 1066. We have seen that this number was the most accepted number in the prayer rule of hermits. – It is difficult to say anything with certainty about the nature and content of these prayers. according to the testimony of Rev. John Cassian, who observed the life of Egyptian monasteries, however, decades after Pachomius, worship there consisted of the singing of psalms by one of the brothers, in turn, with the addition of secret (to oneself) prayer and prostration to each sung psalm 1067. It is possible that those “prayers”, a certain number of which are prescribed by St. Petersburg, also had such a composition. Pachomius for each of the daily services. One can think so both in view of the widespread use of the Psalter in monasticism at that time 1068, and in view of a certain instruction in the Rule of St. Pachomius on this composition of the “prayer” (from the psalm and the prayer itself) before the meal 1069. In this case, worship in the Pachomiev monasteries would have had the form of “singing 12 psalms”, which is now established among hermits and about which, as indicated from above for monks, St. Cassian 1070. So, the charter of St. Pachomius, instead of church services, which were inaccessible to monks who were obliged to stay in the monastery without a presbyter 1071, introduce special services, more monotonous, but, of course, no less lengthy. If these services might seem small (“there are few prayers,” Pachomius objects to the angel), then in comparison only with the prayer rule of the hermits, which included (for one time, in one sitting) the entire Psalter and several more books of Holy Scripture (for example, “two great prophets”) 1072. Rules prp. Pachomius in later editions How simple and unsystematic the considered “Charter” of Rev. Pachomius, as well as the aura of heavenly origin that surrounds his tradition, sufficiently guarantee that in it we are dealing with the very original charter of the Pachomius monasteries, the origin of which from the monk himself there is no reason to doubt 1073. But the same cannot be said about another, more extensive collection of Pachomius rules. This collection is now known in three editions. 1) “Rules (Regula) of St. Pachomius", translated into Latin. language bl. Jerome 1074 (c. 404) for the Latin monks of the Pachomius monastery of Metania (μετάνοια - repentance) in Kanon (on the western branch of the Nile). "Jerome's collection of rules of St. Pachomius (in the number of 194) is only a fragmentary generalization of those phenomena that were noticeable in the life of the Pachomius monastery approximately half a century later after the death of Pachomius: for example, a lot is said about punishments for monks for violating monastic rules in the Jerome Rule, but in the “Lives” of the founders of the hostel there is little. In general, the “Rules” bl. Jerome gives a far less attractive picture of life in Tavennisi than the Lives of 1075 and Lavsaik. 2) Another edition of the “Rules”, Rev. Pachomius is shorter than this first one: it ruled 128; some are stated more clearly than in Bl. Jerome 1076. 3) The shortest edition of the “Rules” contains only 50 of them, and the rules are brief (especially in the section on punishments), more negative in nature and generally give the impression of great antiquity 1077. But the undoubted belonging of the first edition of Bl. Jerome makes it the most reliable document (which is why we will use it). Rules prp. Pachomius, translated by Bl. Jerome Your translation of the rules of St. Pachomia bl. Jerome provided a short preface, in which he gives a general outline of life in the Pachomiev monasteries of his time and which helps to understand the rules, which are very unclear in places. From this preface we also learn that the translated bl. Jerome's collection of rules contains rules not only for St. Pachomius, but also his successors, St. Theodora and Orsisia, and that during the bl. Jerome, it already existed in translation from Egyptian into Greek. The rules are set out without the 1078 system. “In every Pachomius monastery,” notes Bl. Jerome in the preface to the translation of the “Rules”, there is a father (abba), a steward, a weekly, servants and caretakers separately for each house; 40 or more or less brethren live in a house, obeying one abbot; in the monastery, depending on the number of brothers, there are from 30 to 40 houses, and 3 or 4 houses are united into a separate community, partly for going out together to work, partly for regular weekly services.” The management of the monastery was concentrated in the hands of the Abba (abbas, princeps). Every morning he gave orders (rules 24. 25), appointed and approved penances imposed by the caretakers (pr. 147. 151. 181), accepted into the monastery and assigned the person accepted a house or occupation, judging by his abilities (pr. 49), moved the brethren from house to house (pr. 83), allowed absences from the monastery (pr. 52. 93). The Abba's deputy was the “secondary” (secundus), but his rights and duties are not defined in rules 1079. The caretaker of the house (praepositus domi) had continuous supervision over the subordinate brethren in the house, in the church, at meals and at work outside the monastery; no one could do anything without his permission (pr. 157), even walk around the monastery (pr. 84.52), or go to his brother’s cell (pr. 127); he received and distributed materials for work, demanded an account of them and gave it himself (pr. 26. 146. 123). The caretaker had his own assistant, who, in addition to replacing him in necessary cases, also had constant management of various small matters (pr. 66. 70. 95). The money part in the monastery lay with the steward, who had an assistant - a spender. The rules give a complete picture of the life of a monk in the monastery, from the day he entered here. Anyone seeking admission to the monastery, who came to its gates for this purpose, was not even allowed into the hotel (for wanderers and visitors) for several days, but was left outside the monastery without any attention in order to test the firmness of intention. Those who survived this test were placed in a hotel under the supervision of a special brother and forced to learn the Lord's Prayer and several psalms. Meanwhile, they made inquiries about him to see if he was a criminal, a runaway slave, etc. After this, they took off his worldly clothes, clothed him in monastic clothes, and the goalkeeper led him into the meeting of the brethren during prayer (pr. 49). Among the brethren, he always occupied the last place until another newcomer entered, so the monk’s place among the brethren was determined solely by the time of entry into the monastery (pr. 1). Then the newcomer had to memorize several more psalms, up to 20, and two books from the New Testament; if he was illiterate, she learned it from the words of the monk, to whom he came at 3, 6 and 9 o’clock and, standing in front of him, repeated the words after him (pr. 139). Afterwards he was taught to read and write, and he himself continued to study the Scriptures; in the monastery, therefore, everyone was literate and knew by heart at least the Psalter and the New Testament (pr. 140). The whole life of a monk was determined by rules, not a single violation of which was left without punishment or penance. The degrees of penance were different - starting from the suggestion of an elder (pr. 102, 148, etc.) and ending with expulsion from the monastery; the most common penances are standing when others are sitting (pr. 8. 22. 31, etc.), standing without a belt with your head or hands bowed (pr. 9, etc.); Corporal punishment was also used (for theft - pr. 149). Violation of the rules was prevented by unremitting supervision, without which the monk was never left anywhere: within the walls of the monastery and outside it at work, he was always in front of the caretaker of the house or the elder at the weekly work (pr. 189); The monk was released from the monastery to his family’s home and to meet with visitors at the hostel only with another brother, who was obliged to watch over him (pr. 62. 63). The “Rules” regulate in detail all aspects of a monk’s external life: his work, clothing, food and prayer. Various works (handicrafts) were carried out in the monastery. According to Bl. Jerome, “brothers engaged in the same craft live in the same house and under the supervision of the same caretaker; for example, those who weave linen live together, those who prepare matting form a special family; Swedes, craftsmen who make carts, felters, shoemakers, each separately, are managed by their own caretakers; after a week, everyone generally submits to the Abba of the monastery (through the caretaker) a report on their work” (preface). The main craft in the monastery was the preparation of matting, baskets and ropes from palm branches (like the hermits), and the “Rules” speak exclusively about these works, almost without touching on others; they determine where to store the wetted branches, how to distribute them for work, how much each person should work, to whom and how to hand over the products (pr. 12. 26. 27. 74. 145–147. 177). We went to work and outside the monastery - to cut branches, collect firewood, herbs for pickling, dates (pr. 78). And the satisfaction of the daily essential needs of the monastery, such as cooking, baking bread, washing clothes, was done by the hands of the monks, and these works were performed by everyone every week under the guidance of experienced ones (pr. 116. 145. 68. 134). As for the clothes of the monks, in addition to Leviton (linen), miloti, kukulia and a belt, called in the “Charter” of an angel, the “Rules” mention an amice (paraman), a short mantle, sandals and a staff (preface, etc. 81); it was forbidden to walk around the monastery, enter church and eat without kukulia and miloti (pr. 91); the robe was worn only in church; sandals were taken off at the entrance to church and meals (pr. 101). A monk could have no more than one of each of these clothing accessories, only two levitons were supposed to be (for changing when washing) and a third worn for sleeping and by a slave and two cuculia (preface). The food consisted of bread, salt, stew, raw or boiled vegetables, sometimes seasoned with oil, a special kind of herbs, salted with vinegar (pr. 80); upon leaving the meal on certain days, fruits were given to the brethren to eat in their cells, each time for three days (pr. 37–40). It was forbidden to eat other food even on the road and with relatives (pr. 46:54). Wine and fish were allowed only to the sick (pr. 45). “Whoever does not want to go to the meal (for abstinence) receives in his cell only bread, water and salt for a day or two” (preface). “Twice a week, on Wednesday and Friday, everyone fasts (they don’t eat at all, do they eat later? according to the context, it seems like the latter, see below: “on other days they eat in the afternoon”), excluding the time of Easter and Pentecost (preface). Even on the night of fasting (waking up), it was forbidden to drink water (pr. 87). “On other days (except for fasting), those who wish eat in the afternoon; Dinner is also a meal for workers, old people and children and during periods of strong arar (when it is impossible to eat during the day?). There are those who eat little by little twice, while others are content with eating food once for lunch or dinner. Some leave (the meal) having eaten only a little bread” (preface). They walked to the meal by the sound of the beating; “Whoever beats the beater so that the brethren gather for a meal, let him, while he beats, read something from the Scriptures with meditation” (pr. 36). Anyone who was late, talking or laughing at the meal was subject to penance (ex. 31:33). Upon leaving the meal, the brethren should each silently go to their own cell, without stopping to talk with others (pr. 34). The “Rules” do not specifically deal with prayer and worship, obviously bearing in mind the instructions of the angel regarding them. Regarding daytime prayers, it is noted that they were performed at noon (pr. 24). In addition, the “Rules” mention morning prayer at the hour of dawn (pr. 20), but this should be a night service ending in the morning, and about 6 evening prayers (pr. 34. 121. 125), but these should be evening prayers commanded by an angel (of which, according to some editions of this place in the Charter of the angel, as we have seen, there are 12, and according to others only 6); It is noted about these evening prayers that they are performed in each house according to the rite of a large meeting, i.e. like in church. After morning prayer, the overseer spoke a sermon three times a week, and the brethren discussed what the overseer said (pr. 20). If prayer was performed in the church (how often they were performed there is unclear), the bell was rung for the week with the blessing of the Abba (pr. 24); This week-old also kept order in the church (pr. 143). At the sign of the beat, everyone had to immediately go from the cell to the church, reading something by heart from Scripture on the way and thinking about it (pr. 3). Weekly psalms were appointed for singing psalms in general meetings, and in home meetings the brethren sang everything in the order in which they stood, each no more than one psalm; whoever was confused in singing bore penance (pr. 13. 14. 17. 127). Mention is made of readings (of Scripture) at prayers (prov. 13). Under the threat of penance, it was forbidden to laugh, talk, whisper, cough, yawn, etc. during church and household prayers. (Prov. 7:121), and also look at others as one prays (Prov. 7). It was necessary to kneel (for prayer after singing a psalm) only after the alternate brother standing in front and singing, and the Abba gave the sign to get up from his knees by striking his hand (pr. 6) on the floor. Anyone who was late to church for one prayer during the day or three at night (pr. 9. 10), and during home prayers, no matter day or night, those who were late for one prayer (pr. 121) were subject to penance. Whether the monk is on the road, in the field or in a boat, or at work outside the monastery, alone or with others, or everyone is at work outside the monastery, all the hours of prayer and psalmody must be observed here (pr. 142.189). “On the Lord’s Day, when a sacrifice is made, none of the week’s (ordinary) should be absent to take turns answering (singing antiphonally) the one who sings” (pr. 17), and then the eldest (pr. 18), the abba or caretaker, began singing (the antiphon sang first). Egyptian cinnovia according to bl. Jerome As we see, the “Rules” state a significant development of the principles laid down by St. Pachomius as the basis of their community life, and they fight against the natural decline in ascetic life in monasteries, which inevitably comes with their external growth. Approximately the same structure of life and the same phenomena were observed in other Egyptian cennovies, as far as one can judge about them: a) information about them in the writings of Bl. Jerome and b) a detailed description of them by St. John Cassian. “The first condition,” says Blessed Jerome, who observed the Egyptian Cenobites in the 380s, “they have to obey their elders. They are divided into tens and hundreds, so that among nine people the tenth is the boss; and the hundredth has ten ten commanders under him. They live separately, but in interconnected cells. Until nine o’clock, as it should be, no one goes to another, only to the ten commanders mentioned; so, if whoever is overwhelmed by thoughts, uses their advice. After nine o'clock they come together, sing psalms, read the scriptures as usual. At the end of the prayers, when everyone sits down, the one whom they call father, standing in the middle, begins the conversation. During his speech, there is such silence that no one dares to look at the other, no one dares to cough. The praise of the speaker is expressed in the tears of the listeners. grief does not break through even with a groan. And when he begins to proclaim the future, about the kingdom of Christ, about future bliss and glory, you will see everyone with a restrained sigh and eyes raised to heaven, saying within themselves: whoever gives me wings like a dove, and I will fly and rest (Psalm 54:7). Then the meeting ends, and each ten with their eldest goes to the table, where they take turns serving every week. There is no noise during the table; no one is talking. They eat bread and vegetables, which are seasoned with just salt. Only old people drink wine, for whom they often have dinner with their youth, in order to support the old age of some, and not to delay the beginning of the fast of others. Then I get up at once and, having sung a hymn, go to their homes; here until the evening everyone talks with his friends and says: have you seen such and such? How much grace is there in it: how much quietness? What humble step? They see the weak - they console him - burning with love for God - they encourage him to heroic deeds. And since at night, in addition to the general prayers, everyone is still awake in his bedchamber; Then they go around all the cells, and, putting their ears to the ground, carefully find out what is happening. When they notice someone is lazy, they don’t reprimand them; but pretending not to know, they visit him more often - and at first they ask more than they force him to pray. Everyday work is arranged like this: what is done by the ten-manager is reported to the steward, who himself reports to the common father every month with great trepidation. He also tastes the food as it is prepared; and since no one is allowed to say: I have neither an undercoat, nor an outer garment, nor a bed woven from reeds, he arranges everything so that no one is deprived of what he needs. If someone falls ill, he is transferred to a spacious chamber, and the elders serve him with such zeal that he does not even think about the city amenities and the care of his mother. Sundays are devoted only to prayer and reading; however, the Cenobites do the same at any time after completing their work. Something from Scripture is read every day. The fast is the same throughout the year, except for Pentecost, on which one is supposed to live more strictly. From Pentecost, suppers change to lunches, in order to preserve church tradition and not burden the stomach with eating twice a day” 1080 Egyptian cinnovia according to St. John Cassian St. John Cassian († 435), for some time a monk of the Bethlehem monastery, from there he made a trip to Egypt to get acquainted with the life of the hermits and monasteries there and spent 390–400 here. Following the model of Egyptian monasteries, he founded male and female monasteries in Marseille and in 417, at the request of Castor, bishop. Aptsky, who set up the same monastery at home, is described in op. “On the decrees of the cenovies” the life of the Egyptian cenovies, subsequently adding information about them in op. “Conversations (collationes) of the fathers” (Egyptian). The structure of cinematic life, observed by St. Cassian in Egypt, no matter how close he is to the Pachomius “Rules” as edited by Bl. Jerome and the latter’s observations easily make it possible to notice a further stage of development, a more precise definition of some details, especially in relation to prayer and worship. At the same time, Cassian introduces us to the practice of other monasteries of that time, especially Western ones. It is characteristic that St. Cenov’s description of his description. Cassian begins with monastic robes: this meaning was already acquired by him. This description, in addition to detailed indications of the shape of each garment, indicating that this shape was already firmly established (close to the current one), also speaks of the symbolic meaning of the clothes. The latter is also indicated by Sozomen 1081. Regarding the admission to the monastery of St. Cassian fills in the data of Pachomius’s “Rules” with the following particulars: those who wish to enter the monastery are kept for 10 days in front of the gate, where he, “kneeling before all the passing brethren, being deliberately pushed away and despised by everyone, as if he wished to enter the monastery not out of piety, but out of need, being, moreover, struck by insults and reproaches, gives the experience of his constancy.” The accepted one stands “in the middle of the meeting of the brethren, takes off his clothes and, with the help of the Abba, dresses in monastic clothes” 1082. Penances seem to be imposed more frequently and more severely; the usual penance: “when all the brethren have gathered for prayer, the guilty person, prostrated on the ground, asks for forgiveness and remains in his position until the service ends, and the Abba orders him to get up from the floor 1083.” The regular weekly service, says Cassian, not only in Egypt, but throughout the East in monasteries, ends on Sunday evening after psalmody, laid before going to bed 1084. Regarding the meal, St. Cassian notes the difference between the Egyptian cenovies and others that here the strictest silence was observed, while in other places the custom was accepted, which St. Cassian derives from Cappadocia (from Basil V.?), reading “something sacred” at meals 1085. Divine service in the Egyptian cinema according to Cassian But, as noted, the most developed practice in comparison with the “Rules” of St. Pachomius receives in the description of St. Cassian's prayer and worship, which are given the most space in the work (2 books out of 4). In this regard, Rev. Cassian first of all notes the great diversity and variability in the practice (diversos typos ac regulas) of different monasteries, mainly Western ones, but he reproachfully contrasts them with the monotony and antiquity of the Egyptian practice of prayer. Dwelling first on the “night prayers and psalmody” (to which the entire second book of the work “on the institutions of the monks” is devoted), St. Cassian says that “with others it is necessary to say (dici) 20 or 30 psalms and, moreover, antiphonally and in different tunes (et hos ipsos antiphonarum protelatos melodiis et adjunctione quarundam modulatiomun); others have tried to surpass this number; some have 18 psalms; Thus, in different places we see different rules (canonem) established. Others also regarding daytime prayer services (orationum ofliciis), i.e. the third, sixth and ninth hours, it seemed that when performing the observances of the Lord (in quibus haec Domino redduntur obsequia) in them, the number of psalms and prayers should be consistent with the number of the hour, while others assign 6 psalms for each daily service (conventibus). Therefore, I consider it necessary to bring to light the ancient paternal decree, which is still observed by the servants of God throughout Egypt” 1086. “Throughout Egypt and Thebaid... one, legal order (modum) of prayers is maintained at evening meetings or night vigils” 1087. “both at evening and night services (solemnitatibus) 12 psalms are sung, however, they are followed each time by two readings, one each from the Old and New Testaments. This rite, established in ancient times, remains inviolable after so many centuries in all the monasteries of those regions, because, as the elders claim, it was not established by human invention, but was brought from above to the fathers by an angel” 1088. “Once upon a time, the Egyptian fathers gathered to determine what measure of psalmody in daily worship should be maintained by the entire body of the brotherhood... In this meeting, everyone, out of his zeal, not remembering the weakness of others, decided to introduce into the law what he considered easily executable, everyone thought to establish a huge number of psalms, some 40, some 60, and others, not being satisfied with this number, believed that it was necessary to appoint even more, while in this way there was a holy disagreement between them about the pious dispute about the liturgical charter (religonis regula), which caught Their most sacred study of this was the time of the evening service, at which, when they wanted to perform the daily order of prayers, someone stood up and, going out into the middle, began to sing (cantaturum) psalms before the Lord. Everyone sat, as is still the custom in Egyptian countries, and listened... And he, having sung 11 psalms in an even chant (parili pronunciatione cantasset) without interruption, verse by verse, separating them only with intermediate prayers and ending with the twelfth with the chorus of alleluia (sub alleluia responsione), suddenly became invisible in front of everyone’s eyes and thereby put an end to the service (caeremoniis), as well as the dispute" 1089. “Therefore, the venerable council of the fathers... They determined to observe this number in both evening and night meetings, adding to them 2 readings, one from the Old Testament, the other from the New Testament. He added this as his own tradition, as if it were extraordinarias only for those who wish. On Saturday and Sunday, both readings are taken from the New Testament, one from the Apostle, and the other from the Gospel, which they do on all the days of Pentecost” 1090. “They begin and perform these prayers in such a way that, having finished the psalm, they do not immediately kneel, as some of us do in this country... But before kneeling, they pray a little and spend more time on this standing (than on kneeling). After this, falling on their faces for a very short moment, as if only to offer worship to Divine goodness, they very quickly rise and, raising their hands to the mountain, again immerse themselves more intensely in prayer, in the same way as before they prayed while standing 1091. And what we see in this country, i.e. So that the psalm is sung alone, and at the end of it everyone standing loudly sings (concinant cum clamore) Glory to the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, we have not seen anywhere throughout the east, but there, with the silence of everyone, for those who sing the psalm, at the end of it, prayer begins. The antiphon usually ends there with the same glorification of the Trinity” 1092. “They prescribe to conclude the prayer with a quick end (celeri fine concludo), so that when it slows down, the pressure of saliva or phlegm does not interrupt the flow (excessum) of our prayer... For this reason, they consider it more useful to perform short prayers, but as often as possible 1093. That is why they do not sing the psalms that are sung (decantant) in the assembly without interruption, but divide them into two or three sections (intercisionibus), depending on the number of verses with intermediate prayers... And they also strictly observe that with the answer of alleluia they only say (dicatur) the psalms that have alleluia in their inscription. They divide the singing of the 12 indicated psalms among themselves in such a way that if there are two brothers, then they sing 6 psalms each, and if there are 3, they sing 4, and if there are 4, they sing 3. Therefore, no matter how many brethren gather in church, more than 4 brethren are never appointed to sing in the congregation 1094. They perform this legal number of 12 psalms in a resting position of the body, so that when those usual services in assemblies (congregationum solrmnitates) are performed, then, with the exception of the one who stands up to say the psalms in the middle, everyone sits on low benches (sedilibus humilibus)..., because with fasting and day-night work they so tire their body that without this relief, they would not be able to standing, listen to this number of psalms.... When the prayer prescribed by the statute (orationum canonicarum functiones) ends, everyone, returning to the cell in which they are allowed to live alone or with another..., again with zeal performs the duty of prayer, as if making their own private sacrifice; no one allows himself to sleep anymore until, with the advent of daylight, night work and reflection are followed by day work” 1095. St. Cassian also notes the accuracy with which the hours of the night services were observed in the Egyptian Cenobiums: “although everyday habit forces one to wake up at a certain hour, the one who is entrusted with reminding about liturgical meetings or taking care of the services, however, carefully and often delves into the course of the stars, and not otherwise than having definitely learned the time determined for the meeting, calls the brethren to the work of prayer” 1096. As for daytime services, i.e. hours 3, 6 and 9, then they are in the Egyptian cinema of the times of St. Cassian were not committed. “These services, which beat forces (admonitione compulsoris) us to perform at certain hours with certain intervals, are performed by themselves (spontanee celebrantur) continuously throughout the day, along with needlework. For while constantly engaged in handicraft in their cells during the day, they never omit the teachings in the psalms or other scriptures and, at every moment mixing in prayers and supplications, they spend all the time of the day, as it turns out, in prayers, while we perform them at certain hours. Therefore, with the exception of evening and night meetings (congregationibus), they do not have any common service (publica solemnitas) during the day, except Saturday and Sunday, on which they gather at the third hour to receive St. communion" 1097 . thus Rev. Cassian gives a complete picture of the Egyptian cinematic worship of his time, its entire order. How different it was from the worship of the times of St. Pachomius and his successors are difficult to judge in view of the incompleteness with which the latter is described in the “Charter” of St. Pachomius (from an angel) and his “Rules”. Proximity in time (several decades separate that practice from this one) does not guarantee complete identity here and there, because, as St. Peter himself makes clear. Cassian, it was a time of rapid and energetic creation of specifically monastic worship. It is characteristic that St. Pachomius places the essence of worship in “prayers,” and St. Cassian in the Psalms. It is also remarkable what a strong fluctuation occurs regarding the number of psalms for the service: the tendency towards the greatest possible number of them (60 or more), clearly implying the hermit practice of singing the entire Psalter at once, meets the Pachomius principle of moderation here, as in everything (in fasting and work), and the number 12 requires a special new heavenly sanction. It is remarkable then how everything hitherto developed by the secular churches is eliminated from the divine service: not only litanies and prayers of certain models, for which this was natural, since for them a hierarchical person was considered necessary 1098, but also psalms adapted to the hour of worship - for Vespers 140, for Matins 62 1099: at the service the Psalter was sung simply in order, and This is what the entire 1100 service boiled down to. This laid the foundation for the later “kathismas”. The attitude of Egyptian monasticism to church song Given this nature of the service, it should have been completely inconsistent with the already rich singing material that was available in the 4th-5th centuries. grew continuously and intensively in all churches, especially in such centers of educated Christianity as Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Constantinople. The following cases depict the attitude of monasticism of that time to this element of worship. According to the “Paterikon” of one edition and the story of Nikon the Montenegrin, Abba Pamva († after 386), a Nitrian hermit, sent his disciple to Alexandria; not having such a shelter, the latter spent the night in the narfika of the Church of St. Mark and, listening to church services, became interested in the troparia. When he returned to the elders, he noticed his confusion and asked the reason. The student says: “carelessly, father, we spend our lives in the desert, we know neither the canons, 1101 nor the troparia.” The elder answered him: “Woe to us, children, the days are near when the monks will leave solid food spoken by the Holy Spirit (Scripture and, among other things, psalms) and take up songs and voices (ᾄ σματα καì ἤ χους). What kind of tenderness and tears can there be from the troparia? What kind of tenderness will a monk feel when, standing in a church or cell, he raises his voice like an ox? If we stand before God, we must stand in much tenderness, and not in mockery. It was not then that the monks left the world to mock God, to sing (μελοδου σι) songs, to raise (ρυθμίζουσι) voices, to shake their hands and stamp their hands; but we must offer prayers to God with much fear and trembling, with tears and sighs, with reverence and tenderness, in a meek and humble voice. But I tell you, child, that the days will come when Christians will corrupt the books of St. Gospels and St. apostles, compiling troparia and Hellenic speeches" 1102. A similar review is put into the mouth of another, somewhat later, Egyptian hermit. When the Persians devastated Cappadocia at the end of IV and beginning. V century, the local monk Paul went to Constantinople, then to Alexandria and finally settled in the Nitrian desert with a hermit. But soon he appeared to the abbot of the monastery and asked him for a separate cell, since he could not live with an elder who did not observe any service (ἀκολουθίαν) and no rank, neither monastic nor secular. Having mentioned the elder’s deviations from Cappadocian customs regarding holidays and fasts, the monk adds: “but, worst of all, he does not allow the singing of canons and troparia, which is the usual psalmody for everyone.” The abbot, persuading the monk to return to the elders, notes: “As for the singing of troparions and canons and the use of musical melodies (καì ἤ χους μελίζειν), this is appropriate for lay priests and secular people to attract people to churches; for monks who live far from worldly noise, such things are not useful, but are often harmful; for just as a fisherman catches a fish with a fishing rod on a worm, so the devil, with the bait of troparions and singing, plunges him into the ditch of vanity, human inventions, thirst for pleasure, and finally fornication; in truth, let there be all melodic singing away from the monk who wants to be saved” 1103. No matter how negative the attitude of monasticism to worldly worship is in these stories, they contain both a clear indication that such an attitude took place only in Egyptian monasteries that were under the direct influence of hermits, and the consciousness also shines through that this state of affairs cannot be durable. Indeed, it was only necessary for monasticism to cross the borders of Egypt for this attitude to change significantly, and monastic worship took on a closer look to the world. Such a reconciliation occurred for the first time, apparently, in Palestine. Palestinian monasteries. St. Hilarion Asceticism was transferred to Palestine from Egypt by Anthony’s disciple V. Ave. Hilarion († 381). Originally from the vicinity of Gaza in southern Palestine, which was in constant relations with Egypt, Hilarion, listening to a grammarian in Alexandria, saw the already famous Anthony 1104 there, lived with him for several years, but for 15 years (in 306) he already returned to his homeland, having received from St. Anthony blessed his leather belt in 1105, and settled in the desert near Gaza. His dwelling was a small house, more reminiscent of a coffin than a house 1106 - such a volume that when standing you had to bow your head, and when lying down you had to bend your legs 1107; He first ate the roots of some shrubs and herbs, taking food every 3-4 days, then he began to eat bread and boiled vegetables, even with butter; never ate before sunset 1108. exploits of St. Hilarion surpassed Anthony V.: he had not two cloaks, but one, etc. His prayer consisted mainly of singing psalms and reading Scripture, which he knew by heart 1109. After 22 years of solitude, the perfect St. Hilarion's healing of the children of the eastern perfect of the praetorium began to gather people to him, and near his cell arose (c. 328) a monastery of the anchorite type, quite reminiscent of the Anthony monasteries; the cells stretched out, like the tents of nomadic tribes, throughout the entire expanse of the desert bordering Egypt; their rev. Hilarion periodically visited, accompanied by other monks (sometimes up to 2 thousand), to bless the monks and give them instructions for life (τύπον τη ς πολιτείας) 1110. Thirty years later, Julian’s premonition of persecution prompted St. Hilarion to retire first to Egypt, and then to Cyprus, where he was ordained a priest by his disciple St. Epiphanius of Cyprus, and died there; his body was transferred to his monastery. In the absence of Rev. Hilarion's monastery was destroyed by the pagans in 1111, from which it could not recover, and in the 5th century. not mentioned 1112. It was the only purely anchorite monastery in Palestine, and its fate showed that Palestine was intended for a different type of monasticism than Egypt. The beginning of a new type of monastery was laid by St. Chariton († in the second half of the 4th century) confessor (must have been during the last persecutions), former primate (τά πρω τα φέρων) of the Iconian Church. He founded a “lavra” (λαύρα, probably a narrow passage, street) in the natural caves of a desert mountain near Jerusalem, where hermits lived before him; in this monastery, he built first of all (with money abandoned by the robbers, from whom he miraculously escaped) a church, consecrated by Patr. Jerusalem Macarius. Building life in this “lavra,” called Pharos, must have represented something between the freedom of the anchorite monasteries and the detailed regulation of life in the cenobites 1113. Desiring solitude, St. Chariton, however, soon left his monastery, having previously given his disciples rules (“he commanded everything that is appropriate for the monastic order”) regarding food, psalmody and other aspects of life, from which rules are known: advice to monks to eat only once a day in the evening - bread, salt and water 1114, the requirement of continuous stay in the monastery and hospitality; management of the monastery of St. Khariton handed it over to one of the monks with the consent of everyone. But at the new place of residence of St. Chariton (2 days' journey from Pharos towards Jericho near the Mount of Temptation) another monastery soon arose, called Jericho. At the next place of solitude, St. Chariton, 2 hours south of Bethlehem, a third monastery arose, called the Sukki or Old Lavra, which existed until the end of the 8th century. Before the death of Rev. Chariton gave the assembled brethren “sacred commandments” (charter?) 1115. Lavra St. Euphemia and Venerable Cenovia Theoktista The Palestinian monasteries, which multiplied so quickly, were not as separated from each other as the Egyptian ones: in 428 we see at the head of all one “archimandrite” 1116 Passarion the Great, appointed Patriarch of Jerusalem. But a closer unification of the Palestinian monasteries became possible when a monastery arose among them, which naturally took first place among them. It was the Lavra of St. Euthymius the Great († 473). Armenian by birth, well-educated, St. Euthymius, already in his homeland in the rank of presbyter, had charge of several monasteries, but from the concerns associated with this, he left for Palestine on the 29th year of his life in 406 and first entered the Pharos Lavra. Usually leaving with a similar ascetic, St. Feoktist from January 14 until the week go into the desert for the exploits of solitude, St. Euthymius did not return to Pharos from one such absence, but founded with St. Theoktistos, between Jericho and Jerusalem, in an area with a mild climate, has its own monastery, or rather two of them: St. Theoktist "lower cinnamon", etc. Euthymius Lavra, consecrated in 429. Patr. Juvenal; Lavra, which had the same structure as Kharitonov, thanks to a donation from the emperor. Evdokia and the attention that St. Euthymius on the labor of monks, soon achieved prosperity and together became the highest school of asceticism for the then Palestinian monasticism: people entered it from the Lower Cenobium and other monasteries of the Cenobial structure, which by that time had become widespread in the cities and deserts of Palestine. To his Lavra, St. Euthymius gave rules concerning, like the rules of St. Pachomius, and various little things in life (for example, about maintaining silence during worship and meals), but, apparently, did not have penance. Departures from them, according to legend, were punished by God himself through illnesses, from which the saint healed. Euthymius 1117. In his views on monasticism, St. Euthyius was supposed to join the Egyptian hermits: it is known that he tried to imitate St. Arseny the skete, listened with pleasure to stories about the Egyptian fathers from his monks who came to him from the local monasteries, for example, Martyria and Elijah 1118. Consequently, in the structure of monastic life, St. Euthymius must have leaned towards the anchorite type. But before his death, he predicted that his monastery would soon turn into a monastery, and gave his successor Ilya instructions about the place and plan for this monastery, as well as the rules for it. 5 years after the death of the Rev. Patr. Martyrius entrusted the deacon Fidus (to whom Euthymius, who appeared, repeated his instructions) with the reconstruction of the monastery into a monastery: the cells were demolished; at the burial place of St. Euthymius built the building of the cenobium with a wall and a pillar; the former church was converted into a refectory and a new church was built in 1119. This story, which so clearly distinguishes the concepts of Lavra and Cenobium, must generally indicate a temporary decline in Lavra-Kelliot life in Palestine after St. Euphemia and her suppression by the cinematic The first required strong-willed leaders, who were not there after the death of St. Euphemia. There was a need for the appearance of such a figure as St. Savva the Sanctified (whose activity dates back more than the 6th century. and created a special era in the development of liturgical regulations) so that this type of monastery would come to life again. With an appeal to the Cenovate Lavra of St. Euphemia loses its meaning and gradually becomes empty. 1120 Palestine of this period (5th century) apparently also had purely anchorite monasteries. This must have been the monastery of St. Gerasim († 475) on the Jordan, an Asia Minor who received an ascetic education in the Thebaid desert. Eating bread and water and weaving baskets, the monks of the Gerasimov Monastery remained in seclusion in their cells 6 days a week, meeting only on Saturday and Sunday without liturgy. Venerable himself Gerasim spent Pentecost completely without food. He became famous for his power over wild animals (“the lion serve him”) 1121. Origin and features of the Palestinian Charter As we see, the lives of all these founders of Palestinian monasticism say very little about their purely liturgical activities. Meanwhile, there is no doubt that, having created a special type of monastic life, they could not help but put a special stamp on the “prayer rule” of their monks. Tradition, although relatively late, considers the listed Palestinian Abbas to be the founders of the Jerusalem Charter. The oldest surviving copies of this charter (13th century) exhort the abbot “to immutably and invariably observe the church order, order and order (καταστάσεως), as handed down to us and legitimized by the saints who came before us. fathers in St. from monasteries and laurels, i.e. Euthymius the Great, Savva the Sanctified († 532), Theodosius Kinoviarch († 529), Gerasimos of Jordan, whom the beast served, Chariton the Confessor and Cyriacus the Hermit († 556), which rule was written down by the great patriarch Sophronius († c. 640) for subsequent generations. When the barbarians burned the monastery of the great Sava, and the record made by blessed Sophronius became a victim of fire, the wise John of Damascus, like a hardworking bee, again handed it over to his successors, and it is preserved even to this day” 1122. The same idea is expressed by St. Simeon of Thessaloniki (XV century): “our divine father Savva set out the charter, accepting it from the saints. Euthymius and Theoktistus, and they received from those who preceded them and from the confessor Chariton. When this charter (διατύπωσις), as is known, was destroyed after the devastation of that region by the barbarians, then our holy father Sophronius, the patriarch of the holy city, laboriously set forth, and after him our divine father John of Damascus, experienced in theology, renewed and wrote down” 1123. One can, of course, doubt all the details of this genealogy, especially if it wants to say that the Jerusalem Charter in all its composition, which it had in the 13th-15th centuries. and which is very close to its current composition, comes from St. Chariton, Euthymius, Theoktista and Gerasim; but at the basis of this legend, in order for it to arise, there had to be a historical grain. The liturgical practices of the numbered Palestinian laurels must have differed markedly from the practices of other monasteries, corresponding to everything from their unique structure. Etc. John Cassian, who observed the life of Palestinian monasteries in the present era, as well as several other news about them from the same era, make it possible not only to determine the general character of the worship of that time, but also to see what it had in common with the later and current Jerusalem charter. warning that, in general, the rules of the Egyptian monasteries are unenforceable in the west (in Gaul) “due to the severity of the air or the difficulty and “difference of morals,” and that he will replace these rules from in his instructions on cenobial life with “the rules of Palestinian or Mesopotamian monasteries” 1124, St. Cassian also notes regarding Palestinian worship that it moderates “the perfection and inimitable severity (rigorem) of the Egyptian rules” 1125. The most significant difference between the Palestinian monastic services and the Egyptian ones, according to Cassian, was that in Palestine, as in Mesopotamia and throughout the East, the 3rd, 6th and 9th hours were performed at the appointed times, while in Egypt they were not performed at all, being replaced by continuous prayer during handicraft, in order not to tear the brethren away from the latter; but in order not to interfere with the necessary work, these “prayer sequences” in Palestine are “performed in due measure”, it is in these types that “for each hour (only) 3 psalms are assigned” 1126. Cassian does not stand alone with this news. “The Abba of one monastery, located in Palestine, bore Blessed Epiphanius, Bishop. Cyprus († 403): through your prayers we do not abandon our rule, but diligently fulfill it at the 3rd, 6th and 9th hour” 1127. The indispensability of the clock service for all days of the year and later has always been a feature of the Jerusalem Charter (the Studian Rule cancels the clock for holidays). On the part of the Palestinian monasteries, there was both strict fidelity to ancient customs 1128 and a reluctance to stray far from the practice of secular churches 1129. The liturgical hours also owe to the Palestine of that era the enrichment of their composition - the emergence of a special service of the 1st hour 1130. In general, the reluctance to completely break ties with the usual forms of worship, hallowed by antiquity, preserved in secular churches, can be recognized as a characteristic feature of the Palestinian worship of that time. We see from Sylvia’s “Pilgrimage” how “monastics and virgins” took an active part in the services of the Church of the Resurrection: they and the presbyters began the service before the bishop arrived and sometimes continued it after the bishop left, with the most zealous of the laity” 1131. It is possible that thanks to this, the Jerusalem or near Jerusalem monks (and most of the above laurels were located near Jerusalem) or the branch of them received the name Spudeev (οἱ σπουδαι οι). There is information about the existence of monks with this name in Jerusalem of that era in the “Life of Sava the Sanctified,” compiled by Cyril of Scythopolis (VI century): “Patriarch Elijah (494–517) built a monastery near the bishopric and gathered the Spudeans of St. Resurrection, previously scattered in different places near the Tower of David, giving each of them a cell with all material allowances.” At this new monastery, a church was built in the name of the Mother of God, called ή Θεοτόκος των σπουδαίων 1132. Based on the model of the Jerusalem Spudeans, a monastery of Spudeans was founded, perhaps in the 5th century, in Constantinople 1133. It is striking that according to the St. Tomb Typikon in the manuscript of 1122, depicting the practice of the 9th century, the role of the Spudes at the service in the Church of the Resurrection is exactly the same as in the Pilgrimage of Sylvia: they perform the service at the “Resurrection” until the arrival of the patriarch, after which they retire to their monastery to finish the service, and on Sunday the Holy Sepulcher clergy sing 1134. These monks could be, as it were, intermediaries and unifiers of the liturgical practice of purely monastic and cathedral secular, and it is possible that their influence on the development of the Jerusalem Rule was very significant 1135 Proximity to worldly liturgical practice did not, however, adversely affect the prayerful zeal of Palestinian monasticism (as the very name of the Spudeans makes clear), just as their greater contact with the world in comparison with Egyptian monasticism did not lower its ascetic level. The best representatives of this monasticism, no less than in Egypt, amaze with their feats of prayer. So Rev. Adolius, a monk of a Jerusalem monastery, “from the evening until the morning hour, when the brethren again gathered in the chapels (εὐκτηρίοις), stood on the Mount of Olives, on the Hill of the Ascension, from where Jesus ascended, sang psalms and prayed. And he did this at all times: whether it was snowing, or raining, or hailing, he remained motionless. Having fulfilled the usual prayer rule (κανόνα), he knocked on all the cells with an alarm hammer (τω @ ἐξυπνιαστιπω @ σφυρί ῳ), calling the brethren to the chapels for the morning doxology ( δοξολογίαν), at (καθ῾) each cell, singing one or two (δεύτερον) antiphons with them, and, having prayed in this way with them, went to his cell before dawn” 1136. Syrian-Mesopotamian monasticism The Syrian-Mesopotamian asceticism did not pass without influence on our liturgical charter, which in character is of course as different from the Egyptian and Palestinian as these three countries are dissimilar in all respects, and the spiritual experiences of which were used by the main “rulers” of Byzantium and the West - St. Vasily V. and Cassian. Undoubtedly, only insufficient acquaintance with this monasticism of St. Cassian, who was not in Mesopotamia, allowed him to consider Mesopotamian asceticism, along with the Palestinian one, “more moderate” than the Egyptian one. 1137 But precisely “the characteristic feature of the first is the harsh way of life; in this respect, Syrian monasticism leaves behind the original Egyptian one; to this extent he was influenced by the peculiar spirit of the Syrian with his ardent, fiery, impetuous character” 1138. It invented the most difficult and strange kinds of feats. Here the ascetics lived in rooms smaller than human height, where it was necessary to always have a bent body position 1139, or vice versa completely in the open air in summer and winter 1140, in huts without windows and doors 1141, in hanging and swinging round boxes 1142; It was Syria that invented the feat of Stylites (St. Simeon the Stylite † 459). It is not surprising that in terms of fasting, Syrian monasticism surpassed other countries. So here there was a class of ascetics called βοσκοì (shepherds, or more precisely, grazing), because “they did not eat bread, boiled food and wine, and when the time came to taste the food, each of them, taking a sickle, went to wander around the mountain, like a grazing animal, and ate plants” 1143. Nowhere have we achieved such a degree of tenderness as here. About St. Domnine bl. Theodoret says: “Often, he took my right hand and put it to his eyes. Domnina released it so wet that it was as if the hand itself was pouring out tears” 1144. St. Ephraim the Syrian talks about his companion Julian: “He stood throughout the service, not daring to raise his eyes, as if before the very judgment seat of our Lord Jesus Christ. One day I said to him: “Who spoils books here? For where “God” or “Lord” or “Jesus Christ” or Savior was written, the outline of the letter was erased. The blessed one answered me: “I will not hide anything from you... I, reading, as soon as I find the written name of my God, water it with my tears” 1145. Venerable himself Ephraim the Syrian prayed that God would moderate his tenderness (“weaken the waves of your grace”) 1146. Syrian-Mesopotamian monastic worship It is clear that all this created the most fertile soil for the development of worship. In most monasteries and monastic communities in Syria and Mesopotamia in the 4th-5th centuries. numbered many, the worship, apparently, did not differ from the usual in secular churches. Even about the wax, Sozomen notes that “living in the mountains, they always glorify God with prayers and songs according to the rules of the church (κατà θεσμòν τη ς ἐκκλησιας)" 1147. St. Publius, who founded a monastery near the city of Zeugma on Ephrata, built a church in it, in which the monks gathered, at the beginning and at the end of the day, to offer morning and evening praise to God; and since there were Syrians and Greeks in the monastery, they, “dividing into two sides in the church, performed hymns alternately, in one language or another” 1148 The abbot himself in some monasteries woke up for the service at midnight (matins). 1149. Communities that did not have a church went to neighboring churches every morning and evening, such as the associates of St. Domnina 1150. But, of course, such worship was not enough for the Syrian ascetics, and they supplemented it with their own, which consisted of alternating psalmody and prayer; It is not clear that this alternation consisted, as in Egypt, in accompanying each psalm with prayer; rather, a certain number of psalms were followed by a long prayer or a series of them: O St. Marciana tells that he “replaced prayer with psalmody, psalmody with prayer, both by reading the word of God” 1151; the same is said about St. Publius 1152; St. Abraham “at night alternately performed 40 psalmody songs, filling the intervals between them with twice as many prayers” 1153. St. Julian Saba, in his monastery near Edessa, “ordered the brethren to offer common psalmody to God in their cells, and after dawn, two at a time, retire into the desert, and there, one, kneeling, offered appropriate worship to God, and the other, standing, sang 15 Davidic psalms at that time; then changing positions: the second one stood to sing, and the other one, kneeling to the ground, prayed” 1154; and this they did constantly from morning until dusk; before sunset, having rested a little, some from here, others from there, converged on all sides in their cells and together sang the evening song to the Lord” 1155. This news also shows that in the prayer rule, like the Egyptian ascetics, some importance was attached to the number of psalms, that the number in this case was taken sacred (40) or round (15 1/10 Psalms); but the 12th Psalm, which was so accepted in Egypt, is not mentioned here. Apparently, more than in Egypt, bowing was given importance: in the above news, bowing is intensified to prolonged prostrate lying. In other cases, this strengthening was expressed in a large number of short bows: St. Simeon the Stylite “performed prayer, sometimes motionless, sometimes making bows; many of those who come; once someone counted them 1244, but then got tired and stopped counting; when the elder bowed, his forehead came close to his toes; Taking food once a week and then little by little, his belly allowed his back to bend easily” 1156. Church holidays and fasts were honored no less than in Egypt. The hermits who lived near Carr (Harran) gathered in this city on Easter and St. much Elpidia at the service 1157. St. Marina and Kira received visitors only on the days of Pentecost 1158. St. Simeon the Stylite “during church festivities, from sunset until sunrise, he stood all night with his hands raised to the sky, forgetting about sleep and fatigue” 1159. He spent the entire Lent Day without food, sometimes reaching the point of fainting 1160. Charter of St. Basil (Asia Minor monasteries) Monastic Rule of St. Vasily V., if it is exhausted by his 55 “rules, extensively set out in questions and answers” and 313 “Rules, briefly set out in questions and answers”, and other ascetic writings of his (“A Word on Asceticism”, 3 Ascetic Words”, “Ascetic regulations for ascetics in the community and monasticism”, etc.), is not a regulation of various particulars of monastic life like "Rules" St. Pachomius, but the general theory of asceticism; therefore he could not have a detailed influence on our Typikon. The important thing about this charter was that it ignored those little things and particulars of the monastic system, to which the “Rules” of St. Petersburg attached so much importance. Pachomius, later edition. Perhaps thanks to this feature, the charter of St. Vasily turned out to be more in line with the spirit of Palestinian monasticism than Pachomiev: under bishop. John of Jerusalem (386–417) charter of St. Basil was introduced into the Carmel Monastery in 1161; St. Theodosius Kinoviarch (†529) “often offered teachings to the brethren from the instructions of the great Basil, unsurpassed in exploits and invincible in the teachings of truth,” and especially loved to read to the brethren the introduction to the “Long Rules” 1162. But the monastic charter of St. Vasily, given by his indicated works, is too general in nature for him to give a specific organization to the monastery. Probably, under the name of the charter of St. Vasily meant not only his ascetic writings, but also the organization he imparted to his monasteries. - When St. Vasily decided to begin an ascetic life, then “he wanted to find some brother who had chosen this type of life” 1163 to be his leader. In the homeland of St. Basil in Cappadocia there were already quite a few hermits, but they were in constant communication with the world and did not have close communication with each other (like the Egyptian hermits); therefore they did not satisfy the ideal of St. Vasily, and he undertook a trip to Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine and Egypt to get acquainted with real asceticism. Here he came to the conclusion that communal monasticism leads more accurately to the goal than hermitism - a thought that is revealed in all his ascetic writings. He decided to put this idea into practice. First, he founded a monastery on the banks of the Ira River (in Pontus), near the city of Ivora, where his mother and sister already had a convent. Then “going around the Pontic cities (to fight Arianism), he founded many monastic communities there” 1164. To the first monastery they invited their friend St. Gregory the Theologian. In letters to him on this occasion, he outlined his ideal of monastic life, which he later developed only in more detail in the “Rules”. A monk’s day should begin with prayer, “honoring the Savior with songs and singing; then, when the sun is completely shining, having set to work and having prayer with you everywhere, you need to season your work with psalmody, like salt” 1165. “Prayer has two types: the first is doxology with humility, and the second lower one is petition; Therefore, when praying, do not suddenly start asking 1166: otherwise you will show that you are praying out of need” 1167. Next to prayer there should be readings and study of the divinely inspired Scriptures: “if the readings are followed by prayers, then the soul, moved by love for God, approaches them more maturely and cheerfully” 1168. Although, as noted, prayer, according to St. Vasily, should be continuous, always accompanying the work of the monk, however, some hours of the day and night are worthy of special prayerful celebration; as such a clock, St. Vasily names: morning, 3, 6, 9 o'clock, the end of the day, the onset of night and midnight, indicating what is significant about each of these hours 1169. Vasily V. considers midnight to be a particularly convenient time for prayer: “what others use the morning for, midnight is used by ascetics of piety, because the silence of the night most of all gives freedom to the soul, when neither eyes nor ears convey harmful sights or rumors to the heart” 1170. It is not known what kind of “prayer” Vasily V. means at the listed hours: private or public. Vasily V. advised communion to everyone, and even more so to monks, daily, with spare Gifts 1171. No small importance Vasily V. gives the appearance of a monk: “Befitting a humble and contrite way of thinking is a sad gaze lowered to the ground and carelessness about appearance” 1172. It is advisable to sit next to the highest, and lower, to place the burden on the burden when sitting 1173. “The tunic must be gathered on the body with a belt; the girdle should not lie higher than the loins: it would be effeminate, and not so loosely pulled together that the tunic could develop: it would be absent-minded. The gait should not be slow, which would reveal mental relaxation, and again not fast and hasty, which would reveal frantic movements of the soul 1174. The necessity of using the belt 1175 is proven. “Bread will satisfy the need for food, water will satisfy the thirst of a healthy person, and seed jams can also maintain strength in the body for the necessary needs.” 1176. “The ascetic should in no way strive for variety in food and even under the guise of abstinence demand a change in the dishes offered... On the contrary, at least for eating with bread, salted fish was offered, which St. the fathers decided that instead of adding some other seasoning in small quantities to dishes, mixing it with food consisting exclusively of water or herbs, the ascetic should not, under the pretext of vain, spontaneous piety, refusing this, as if from meat, demand dishes (although not fish, but more expensive and good quality); but without special attention to this, dipping a piece in a decoction of a piece of salted fish, let him eat thanksgiving with everyone; for this small amount of fish, placed in such a mass of water or, if it happens, in a soup of seeds, does not constitute a fast food, but the real and most strict fast food of an ascetic” 1177. “And one should not disdain wine if one takes it for healing, but one should not seek it unnecessarily” 1178. prayers are prescribed before eating food and after it, and the second “let it contain both thanksgiving for the gift and petition for the promised” 1179. “One specific hour should be assigned for eating, and the same one, for a certain period of time 1180, so that out of 24 hours in a day, only one is used for the body: all the other hours would be spent by the ascetic in mental work. Sleep should be light, from which you can easily awaken and which naturally follows after eating a little food; it must be interrupted with intention by concerns about important matters” 1181. Vasily V. gives instructions on the management of the monastery, on the supervision of the brethren by the abbot, on the reception of those entering the monastery; All these instructions are also of a general nature and are not included in such details as the statute of St. Pachomia, sometimes they are the only ones concerned with particulars; for example, it is advised “in case of misunderstandings in the brotherhood, to elect one, so that he can either propose the doubts of some to the brotherhood for general discussion or bring to the attention of the abbot” 1182. Alms in a monastery can only be given by those who “have been entrusted with the management of the house after probation” (economist); “whether a naked person or a wicked person asks, whether out of extreme need or out of self-interest, it is once and for all said that not everyone can give (alms) or take (from monastic property), but he alone... with the general consent of those in command and out of abundance” 1183. Monasteries of Constantinople a) Never Sleeping and b) Studite The monasteries of such large cities as Alexandria 1184, Jerusalem, Antioch 1185, Constantinople, Rome should have had the most direct influence on the development of worship. The importance noted above was the importance that the monasteries of Jerusalem and its environs had in the history of worship, which laid the foundation for a special type of church charter. The same influence on the latter could not but be exerted by the monasteries of another similar center of Christian life - Constantinople, which had just become the capital of the whole world. Constantinople created a special type of monastery and for a long time, before the first blows inflicted on it by the crusaders, became a legislator in the field of worship, both cathedral-parish and monastic. But information on this subject from the era of the 4th-5th centuries is limited to three brief pieces of information, however extremely characteristic and important. Rev. Alexander founded first in Mesopotamia, then in Antioch and finally c. 420 in Constantinople, near the church of St. Mina Monastery, which immediately attracted up to 300 monks of different nations (Romans, Greeks and Syrians) with a unique structure: it had continuous worship throughout the day, for which the monks were divided into 3 (according to others, 24 shifts 1186). This establishment, for which the monastery received the flattering name “Unsleepless” (ἀκοιμήτων), was clearly designed to satisfy the religious needs of all segments of the surrounding population, who do not always have the same hour for prayer, and each person at any time, at whatever time the need for public prayer, or the disposition or mood for it, appeared. It is not surprising that this type of monastery immediately became widespread: the successor of St. Alexandra by the abbess of St. Marcellus († 485) founded a similar monastery in Bithynia 1187; the same monasteries are mentioned in the 4th century. in the Diocese of Chalcedon and other places of the Greek Empire 1188 - The Constantinople community of the “Unsleeping Ones” acquired special significance due to the fact that it linked its fate with the later famous monastery of Studium. According to the legend preserved in the Studite monastery and recorded in the life of St. Theodore Studite († 826, life compiled by the disciple of the Monk Michael Studite or others in the 10th century) 1189) “a man of a noble family and a rich man came from the city of Rome, named Studius, which in our language would be Euprenius, who had already reached the rank of patrician and consul; having settled in our city (K-pol), he founded this glorious church to the great Forerunner,” which was the main church of the Studite monastery. Among the 12 senators who moved from Rome to Constantinople with the emperor. Constantine the Great, mentions Studio 1190. But this studious was hardly the founder of the monastery. Byzantine chronograph Theophanes (IX century) and after him Kedrin (XII century) under the 6th year of the emperor. Leo the Great (457–474) trace under the year 452 is placed: “in the same year, Studius built the Church of the Forerunner and settled with it (ἐν αὐτω @ κατέστηοε) monks from the monastery of the “Unsleepless” 1191. According to Codin (XIV century) “the patrician Studius founded the Studian monastery under the emperor Leo Markel, provided it with large estates and settled 1000 monks in it” 1192. According to Svida (10th century) “The Studite monastery, before it was turned into a monastery, was a parish church” 1193. This news leaves no doubt at least that it appeared in Constantinople in the 5th century. The community of the “Unsleepless” became closely related to the Studii monastery that arose at the same time. c) Spudei of Constantinople It is possible that in the same era a community of Spudean monks appeared in Constantinople. In one ancient synaxar (Sirmond) on June 7, “the memory of St. father of our Anthimus presbyter and Stephen (monastery) of Spudei, which is near Florentin" 1194. The last name means an almshouse founded by the emperor. Arcadia (395–408) by a certain Florentius 1195. This Anthimus must be none other than the one mentioned in the life of St. Auxenia († c. 470), the Bithynic ascetic, his admirer, about whom the biography of St. Avxenite, his student (George), says that he “being first a deacon and then a presbyter in Constantinople, embellished and improved psalmody, organizing two choirs at vigils - male and female”; He loved to attend these vigils, etc. Auxentius 1196. in the same era in Constantinople, Theodore the Reader (VI century) names also some Anthimus as a champion of the Council of Chalcedon, “creator of troparions” and organizer of vigils; it is all therefore one and the same person. If so, then Anthimus, the first Constantinople hymnographer, can be recognized as the founder of the often mentioned later Constantinople community of Spudeans. From this news the true character of this community is revealed: the Spudes set as their main goal the organization of magnificent worship and initially were singers rather than monks 1197; The Jerusalem Spudei (zealots of worship in the Church of the Resurrection) also had this character until Patr. Elijah did not form a monastery out of them. The legend, which is of a legendary nature, dates the founding of the monastery of Σπουδη to the reign of the emperor. Leo the Isaurian (716–741) 1198. About worship in these Constantinople monasteries of the IV-V centuries. nothing is known, but one can think that separated in desert monasticism, called upon to satisfy the spiritual needs of the urban population, these monasteries, even more so than those in Jerusalem, had to take into account the ranks of secular churches, which had already been developed by that time. This especially needs to be said about the Spudei community. Jerome, Life of Hilarion, § 31. Athanasius V., Life of Anthony, §12. Palladium, ep. Elenopolsky. Lovesaik. Ch. 28 (according to the Russian translation of St. Petersburg, 1850, chapter 25). This is a collection of stories about ascetics of the 4th century, written by a friend of St. John Chrysostom to the imperial “prepositor of the bed” (bed attendant) Lavs, c. 420, is one of the most different and reliable documents about ancient asceticism. The “History of the Monks” is very close to it in places and is inscribed with the name of Rufinus, presbyter of Aquileia († 410), who was only a translator of this work by an unknown author; the monument is somewhat older than the previous one (402–404) and in some places became part of it. Afanasy V. Life of Anthony, 7. Sozom. Church history. I, 13. Afanasy V. Life of Anthony, 13. Sayings of St. elders. Ant. §1. (Ἀποφθεγματα τω ν άγἱων γερόντων. Cotelerrius I. Eccelesiae graecae monumenta. Par. 1677. t. Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 85. Russian translation with inaccurate title: Memorable tales about the asceticism of the saints and blessed fathers, M. 1845. The monument must belong to the 5th century: the sayings of later fathers than the 5th century are not given). Wed. Amelineau E. Annales de Musee Guimet. t. XXV. Histoire des monastères de la Basse – Egypte, Par. 1894. p. XX (here is published the Coptic text of the sayings of St. Anthony, recently found in an Egyptian monastery, which in some places differs from the Greek, and information about Anthony is reported from the Coptic martyrology. Spoken St. elders, Sisoi. 23. Spoken St. elders. Pimen. 186. Loves. 128 (145) and many more. etc. St. Isidore (†491) said: it is not so harmful for a person to eat meat as to be proud and arrogant (Izra. St. Art., Is. 4). In other Christian countries, abstinence from meat among monks was not as unconditional as in Egypt: according to St. Epiphany, “some of them (monks) abstain from all meats and four-legged animals and birds and fish, and from eggs, and from cheese; others only from four-legged animals and allow the consumption of birds and other things: others abstain from birds and eat only cheese and fish: others do not eat fish, but only cheese; others do not eat cheese either” (Exposition of Faith, 23.). “It happened to some fathers to go into the house of a Christ-loving man, among them was Abba Pimen. At the table they were offered meat. Everyone began to eat, except for Abba Pimen (5th century). The elders, knowing his prudence, wondered why he did not eat. When they got up from the table, they said to him: you are Pimen, and what have you done! The elder answered them: Forgive me, fathers. You ate and no one was tempted: but if I began to eat, then many brothers who came to me would be tempted and would begin to say: Pimen ate meat: why shouldn’t we eat too? And the elders marveled at his prudence” (Sayings of the Holy Art., Pimen 170.) Those who visited Theophilus, Archbishop. of Alexandria, the “fathers” ate the veal meat offered to them: but when Theophilus, giving a piece of meat to the elder next to him, said: “Here is a good piece, eat it, Abba,” the elders said: “until now we have been eating vegetables, if it is meat, we will not eat”; and not one of them began to eat anymore. (Ancient patericon, set out in chapters IV, 75 (63). This collection, close to the “Sayings of the Holy Elders”, but somewhat younger than it, is described by Patriarch Photius in his Βιβλιοθήκη cod. 198 with the title Ανδρω ν ἁ γίων βίβλος. Translated into Latin in the 6th century. Pelagius and John, Roman deacons; translation published by Rosweydus H. De vitis et verbis seniorum, Antverpiae 1628 and y Migne Patrol. s. 1.t. 73) and was preserved in Greek in a manuscript of the 11th-12th centuries. Moscow. Syn. bib. No. 782 and others. Greek. the text differs in some places from Latin; Russian was made based on it. trans., published by Athos Pantel. mon. M. 1891; the number in brackets means § in Latin. T.). “The clerics preceded Abba Simon (must be the 5th century, Sinai): Abba, get ready, one leader, having heard about you, is coming to receive a blessing from you. “Okay, I’ll get ready,” said Simon. Having put on a kenton (a dress made of multi-colored rags) and taking bread and cheese in his hands, Abba sat down at the door and ate. The chief came with his retinue; Seeing the elder, those who came looked at him with contempt and said: is this the hermit we heard about? And immediately they left” (Izra. St. Art., Simon 2.). Loves. 128 (145) about Candide. St. Or († c. 390) and Afre tested each other's obedience with fish: at the desire of the second, the first praised the spoiled fish brew and recognized the well-cooked fish as bad (Izra. St. Art., Pist.). “The brother asked Abba Xoi: if I drink three cups (ποτίρια) of wine, is that a little? Abba answered: if there is no devil, then a little.” (Izr. St. St. Xoi, 1). “Abba Xanthius was brought some wine for the sake of his difficult feat. They brought him a demoniac. The demon began to revile the old man: You brought me to this wine drinker. The elder did not want to cast out the demon. But for his reproach he said to him: I believe in Christ that I will not yet have time to drink this cup before you leave. And as soon as the old man began to drink, the demon cried out: you are burning me, you are burning me. And the old man had not yet finished the cup, when the demon came out through the action of the grace of Christ” (Izra. St. Art., Xanth. 2.). Even the saint did not refuse wine. Sisoy; but when they offered him the third cup, “Abba did not accept and said: stop, brother; or you do not know that Satan exists” (Izra. sv. st., Sisoi 8). St. Iperechius compares wine with meat: “it is better to eat meat and drink wine than to eat the flesh of a brother in slander.” (Izr. St. Art., Iper. 4. Other Pat. IV, 59 (51)). When one old man was presented with a glass of wine at a festive meal, he said: take this death from me (Dr. Pat IV, 63 (53)). Peter Pionitsky Sinaisk. movable 5th century, in his old age he did not want to allow himself even a small mixture of wine and water (Dr. Pat. IV, 33 (35)). St. Paphnutius of the 4th-5th centuries, who had not drunk wine all his life, when he drank it at the request of the robber, this turned him and his whole gang to repentance (Izra. St. Art. Paph. 2). “Some told Abba Pimen (5th century) about one monk that he did not drink wine; the elder answered: wine is not a monastic thing at all” (Izra. St. Art. Pim. 10). Athanasius V. reproaching the monks says: “We see bishops who do not drink wine, and monks who drink.” (Letter to Dracontius.). Loves. 73, (86), etc. Water sometimes had to be collected from dew, like Onuphrius, Veterum patrum analecta nova. Venet. 1781. pp. 122–127. Abba Agathon († 435) had two disciples who especially lived in the desert; one day he asked someone: how do you live in your cell? This one answered: I fast until evening, then I eat two crackers (παξαμάτια). The elder told him: the way of life is good and not very difficult” (Izra. St. Agath. 20). St. Megephios of Sinai, student of St. Sisoya and Pimen of Egypt, ate one loaf of bread on two days (Izra St. Meg., 2). For the most part, dry barley bread was used (biscuits - πάξαμος), which can be stored for six months and is usually consumed by the poor population of Egypt (Athan. V. Life Ant. § 12); it was eaten soaked in water (Dr. Pat. IV, 68 (56)). Freshly baked bread, which could only be had by hermits who lived near villages or monasteries, was considered a luxury; neighbors were invited to it as a treat (Dr. Pat. IV, 76 (64)). Boiled food, mostly in the form of lentil mush, was prepared only for guests (Dr. Pat. IV, 68 (56), 69 (57)). One elder refused to eat gruel cooked from a tree bud (μυξάρια) even with severe hemorrhage (Other Pat. IV, 77 (59)). One brother visited another “elder during his illness, made him a brew from his offering and gave him something to eat. The elder told him: in truth, brother, I forgot that people have such consolation” (Dr. Pat. IV, 78 (66)). About St. Isaac was told that he ate his bread with ashes from the liturgical censer (Izra. St. Art., Is. 6). St. Macarius Alec. († 394) “I heard that one monk ate one liter (12 ounces) of bread, and decided to imitate him: he crumbled all his crackers and put them in a jug, making it a rule to eat no more than his hand could reach. He cheerfully told us about this (says the author of Lavsaik) this: I used to grab more pieces, but my narrow throat did not allow me to take them out; my jug wouldn't let me eat at all. For three whole years he labored in such abstinence, eating 4 or 5 ounces of bread and drinking an appropriate amount of water” (Lavs. 19). About St. Evagrius, the Pontic deacon († 399), is told in Lavsaik: “This blessed man said: since I came into the (Egyptian) desert, I have not eaten lettuce, nor greens, nor any fresh plants, nor tree fruits, nor grapes; did not wash the bodies, did not eat meat, bread, wine, or anything cooked on fire, except some raw vegetables and a small amount of water. Finally, after he had lived in this way for 16 years without taking boiled food, and when his body became weak and his stomach was upset, he felt the need for food cooked on fire and began to eat bread; but for the last two years I have not eaten boiled vegetables, except cabbage and beans” (Lavs. 73 (86)). “Venerable Macarius of Alexandria decided for 7 years not to eat anything cooked on fire, but ate only raw vegetables, or, when it happened, soaked beans; He did not taste anything else during these 7 years; having fulfilled his vow, he nevertheless abandoned such a way of life” (Lavs. 19.). Eron, a young Egyptian ascetic (a younger contemporary of Evagrius), who soon fell and only repented before his death, “often took food after 3 months, being content with just communion. Holy Mysteries, and perhaps where else would he come across a wild vegetable” (Lavs. 32 (30).). St. Candida “did not eat animal meat; I ate only fish, butter and vegetables, until now only on holidays. And at all other times she was content with water mixed with vinegar and dry bread” (Lavs. 128 (145)). The aforementioned Rev. Before settling in the desert, Evagrius lived for 14 years in the monastery of Kellia and all this time he consumed a liter of bread a day, and in 3 months he spent a sextarium (ξέστης - 1/6 conga, 3 cups conga) of oil. (Lavs. 86 (73)). Etc. Macarius, during his 3-year fast, spent 1/6 of a conga of butter on one piece of bread (Lavs. 19). St. Dorotheus ate 6 ounces of bread a day and a bunch of vegetables, and then drank a few water (Lavs. 2). St. Elijah of Thebes in his old age ate 3 ounces of bread and 3 olives daily (Lavs. 51 (46)). One virgin, after 60 years of seclusion, at the call of the local martyr Kolluf, who appeared to her, came on the morning of the day of her death for a meal in his church, taking bread, one and some vegetables in a basket, and after waiting for 9 o’clock, the usual time for eating food, when there was no one in the church, she ate these foods here, after praying to the martyr, she returned home and died at night (Lavs. 123 (139)). Loves. 123 (139) (see above). Israel St. Art., Mac. Egypt 32: two hermit brothers offer a meal to the saint who visited them. Macarius Eg. only at 9 o'clock; Silouan 5: visitor to St. Silouan of Sinai expects at 9 o'clock to be called to a meal. Wed. Israel St. Art., Zen. 8. Among hermits this was a general rule for both fasting and non-fasting days. “The brother asked Abba Matoi: what should I do if my brother comes to me on the day of fasting or at dawn? This worries me. The elder answered him: if you eat with your brother without embarrassment, you are doing well; if you do not expect anyone to come to you, and you eat, this is already your will (Izra. St. Art. Mat. 6). But in monasteries, especially in the later monasteries, eating no earlier than 9 o’clock was made a rule only for fasting days: Izr. St. Art. Mat. 5. Dr. Pat. IX, 16, 12, X 37 (30). The trace of Dr. hardly speaks for earlier eating of food. Pat.: “One morning a certain brother became hungry and struggled with his thoughts so as not to eat until the third hour; when the 3rd hour arrived, he decided to endure until the 6th hour; when the 6th hour came, he soaked the bread and sat down to eat, stood up again and said: I will wait until the 9th hour; the 9th hour has come and the elder, having prayed, sees the power of the devil like smoke coming out of his depths; and so his hunger passed away" (IV, 70 (58)). The case of St. Sisoes, who visited him, convinced Adelphius, Bishop of Nikopol, and his companions to eat food for the journey in the morning. And this was during fasting. When they offered a meal, the brethren knocked on the door; Abba Sisoes said to his disciple: give them a little gruel, they are tired. Leave it, Abba Adelphius told him, so that they don’t say that Abba Sisoes eats in the morning” (in general, and especially during Lent?) It turned out that the knocking brethren asked not to force Sisoes to eat, otherwise he would then exhaust himself for several days of fasting (Izra. s. Si. 13.). Israel St. Art. Cas. 4 about Paisia. Israel St. Art. Agathon 20, Sisoy 26. Loves. 23 (22) about Paul of Thermaeus; 105 (91) about Elpidi of Jericho. Israel St. Art. Poppy. Eg. 21 about Mac. Al. Loves. 51 (46) about Rev. Elijah Fiveysk. Loves. 19 about Macarius Alex. Israel St. Art. Serap. 1 – about an unknown, former harlot. Israel St. Art. Serap. 1 about the same. “One elder came to another elder. Then he said to his disciple: cook lentils for us. He cooked and soaked bread (crumbs) for her. They stayed in conversation about spiritual matters until 6 o'clock the next day. The elder again said to his disciple: child, cook us some lentils. “I cooked it yesterday,” the student answered. And, getting up, they began to eat” (Dr. Pat. IV, 68 (56)). “One day Abba Macarius of the City (Alexandria) went to cut branches. The brethren said to him on the first day: Come eat with us. The elder went and ate with them. The next day they again called him to eat; but he did not go and answered them: you, children, need to eat, for you are still flesh: but now I do not want to eat” (Izra. St. Art. Mak. Gorodsk. 1). “Abba Joseph asked Abba Pimen (5th century): how should one fast? Avva Pimen answered him: it is necessary, in my opinion, to eat every day, but eat a little, not enough. How did you, Abba, fast for 2 days in your youth? said Abba Joseph. As if he fasted for 3 days and 4 and even for a week, the elder answered: but the fathers experienced all this, as strong in virtue, and found that it was better to eat a little every day and showed the royal way, for it is more convenient for us. (Izr. St. Art. Pim. 186. The same in Other Pat. IX, 59 (44)). “Megephia, a contemporary of Pimen, who ate one piece of bread after 2 days, is advised by “St. husband” eats half a loaf of bread every day: “and by doing this Megephius found peace for himself” (Izra. St. Art. Mag. 2). Rufin. Histor. monk 7. Loves. 47 (52). St. Arseny (†450) “spent the whole night in vigil, and when in the morning nature encouraged him to fall asleep, he said to sleep: come here, evil slave, and having fallen asleep while sitting, he immediately got up” (Izra. St. Art. Ars. 14). He said that for a monk, if he is an ascetic, it is enough to fall asleep for one hour (ibid. 15). St. Vissarion († 466) “For 40 years he did not lie down on his side, but slept sitting or standing” (Izra. St. Art. Viss. 8). “God is the Witness,” talks about St. Dorothea Palladius of Thebes, “I never saw him stretch out his legs, or lie down to sleep on matting or on a bed; He used to sit and twist ropes all night. And from his youth for 60 years he lived like this; he never went to bed, but only closed his eyes for a few minutes while working or at the table, so that a piece would sometimes fall out of his mouth while dozing” (Lavs. 2). St. Isaac (5th century) said: “our fathers and Abba Pamvo († after 386) wore shabby, torn clothes and palm trees.” (Izra. st. st. Is. Kell. 7). St. Pamvo and Isaac said: “a monk must wear clothes that no one would take if they were thrown out of the cell for three whole days” (Izra. St. Art. Pamvo. 6, Is. Kel. 12). Israel St. Art. Ser. 1. A somewhat similar case is told in “The Spiritual Meadow” about a chaste widow who brought a monk who was carried away by her to reason by, etc., forcing him to perform the usual monastic prayer in her place (Spiritual Meadow, ch. 203). Israel St. Art. Poppy. Eg. 33. Israel St. Art. Poppy. Eg. 19. Vasily V. Letter to Caesarea, 289. Israel St. Art. Mk.Eg. Rus. trans.: brought him St. communion. “One elder had a good disciple, but due to his cowardice, he kicked him out of his cell and threw away his mantle. The brother did not leave the cell and sat outside the door. The elder opened the door, and finding him sitting there, bowed to him and said: My Father! Your long-suffering humility has overcome my cowardice. Come here, and from now on you will be the eldest and the father, and I will be the younger and the student” (Izra. St. Art. Romans 2). Afan. IN . Life of Anthony. § 15. For example, the cave of St. Antony is in the last place of his exploits. There are many such caves in Egypt. Afan. IN . Ant's life. § 45, 48. Afan. IN . Ant's life. § 44. Afan. IN . Ant's life. § 16. In this regard, the view of the Venerable himself is typical. Anthony on the power of priestly prayers. “For all his spiritual height, he extremely respected church rule, and was ready to give respect to every clergyman before him. He was not ashamed to bow his head before bishops and presbyters. If when a deacon came to him for his own benefit, he offered to speak for his benefit, but left the prayers to the deacon” (Athan. V. Life of Ant. § 67.) Afan. IN . Ant's life. § 15. Right there. Such conversations are the germ of the abbot’s later “catechumens,” the current “catechumens in the vestibule.” Afan V. Ant's life. § 45. Afan. IN . Life of Anthony. § 69. This importance of one person in asceticism is the basis for the later great prerogatives of the abbot in the statutes. Lobachevsky S. priest. St. Anthony Vel. Odessa. 1906; With. 106. With the name of St. Anthony, however, the written rules have also reached us. They are cited by Benedict of Anian (IX century) in the Codex regularum; in a slightly different edition they were discovered in an Arabic manuscript in the 17th century. (both editions published by Min, Patrol. s. gr, t. 40; Russian translation. Christ Thurs. 1880, part 37). But the authenticity of these rules is doubtful, because they are not mentioned by St. Afanisy and Bl. Jerome, because the written rules for monks would diverge from the general view of St. Anthony for asceticism; rules and are not at all imbued with the spirit of St. Antonia; they did not reflect the theological views of St. Antony (demonology, polemics with the Arians); they suggest a very complex structure of monastic life for the era of Anthony: subordination to the abbot, the church, meetings of the brethren, monastic lands, monastic attire with symbolic meaning. etc. The “Rules” represent a compilation of the monastic rules of St. Pachomius, Isaiah and others with the thoughts of St. Antonia. Lobachevsky. St. Ant. 168 etc. To Loves. 23 Macarius (not Egypt and not Alex., but a disciple of St. Anthony) appears not to be the abbot or abbot of the monastery, but a simple novice of St. Antonia. Otherwise Lobachevsky. St. Ant. V., 118. Rufin, East. monk. 30, etc. Visited Rev. Antonia: Izr. St. Art. Poppy. Eg. 4. Israel St. Art. Moise. I. Pior. 3. Dr. Pat. VII, 23(19). Israel St. Art. Ars. 16. Israel St. Art. John Kolov 6. Cassian, Interview (Collatio) II, 18–21. With such a lifestyle, it is not surprising that there was complete non-covetousness in the monastery. “One noble man from some country brought with him a lot of gold and asked the presbyter of Skete to distribute it to the brethren. The elder said: “the brothers have no need.” But since he strongly convinced the presbyter, he placed the basket at the church door and said: “Whoever has need, let him take it.” But no one approached her, and others did not pay attention at all. Then the presbyter says: “God has accepted your alms: go and give it to the poor.” Dr. Pat. VI, 23 (19). About agape in Skete in Izr. St. Art. Isaiah (5th century) 4: “When at the love supper the brethren were eating in the church and talking among themselves, the presbyter from Pelusia, reproaching them, said: Be silent, brethren! I saw a brother who is with you and drinks the same cups with you, and his prayer ascends to heaven like fire.” The brother asked Abba Sisoes (who began his asceticism in the Skete): “What should I do? When I come to church, there is often a love supper, and they keep me there.” The elder tells him: “It’s a difficult matter!” Abraham, his disciple, also told him: “If there happens to be a love supper on Saturday or Sunday and a brother drinks three cups (ποτήρια, i.e. wine), how much will there be?” The elder answered: “If there were no Satan, then not much.” Dr. Pat. IV, 45 (37). Cassian and Germanus were treated this way (390–400) in the Skete by Abba Serenus after Sunday services. Instead of the brine (muria, probably, water with salt, from mare - sea), which was offered every day with a drop of oil, they prepared a little stew (liquaminis), pouring into it a little more oil than usual, for everyone pours this little oil every day (a weakening of the previous regime?) not in order to thereby deliver any sweetness to the larynx, because they pour it in so little that there is hardly enough, I don’t say lubricate, but also pass into the throat, but in order to suppress the vanity of the heart with this use. Then he offered 3 olives, seasoned with salt. Then he brought a basket of seasoned beans (cicer friсtum), which they call dessert (trogalia), of which we took only 6 grains (grana), two plums (mixaria), one fig (caricas); Taking more than this is considered reprehensible in that desert.” Cassian, Interview. VIII, 1. Kazansky P. Orthodox history monasticism in the east, part 2. m. 1865, p. 152. The structure of life in these 3 main monasteries of ancient Christian Egypt was so simple that it could not be determined by a written charter. Therefore, according to internal signs, it is necessary to recognize as forged the rules (Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 34, col. 971–978) for monks allegedly established by a meeting of four Nitrian and monastic fathers (Serapion, Macarius and Paphnutius), the collection of which is divided into 4 parts, and each part is attributed to one of these fathers. The most typical of these rules. “Let there be one leader of all the brethren: let no one shirk his advice and command, but let him obey him with joy, as if he were God himself. In a church meeting, without the order of the rector, no one can begin to sing psalms; if the abbot slows down, then notify him and act according to his orders. Those entering the monastery must lie in front of the gates for a whole week. From 1 o’clock to 3 – time is devoted to God, from 3 to 9 – to work. Everything in the monastery - vessels, tools, etc. - is sacred. The arriving cleric, even a low-ranking one, begins the prayers during the service.” Rufin, East Mon. 7. Loves. 52 (47). Wed. Sozom. Church history. VI, 29. Nikephoros Callistus. Church history. VI, 34. Ibid 17, Loves. 71 (62). Ruf. East. mon. 18. Loves. 76 (67). Here is a Greekism to the Coptic life of St. Pachomia: "and synaxis" Sozomen must be incorrect: Ταβένν ῃ νήσω – on the island of Tavenne. Meat, of course, was not consumed, but eating it accidentally or out of necessity was not considered desecration. St. Pachomius reproached the brothers in charge of the hospital for refusing to give the sick monk beef at his request and ordered them to buy a kid for him. Archimand Palladium (ep.) St. Pachomius V. and the first monastic hostel. Based on newly discovered Coptic documents. Kaz. 1899, p. 18, 39, 44–46, 48, 61–70, 122. Rufin, East. mon. 3. Loves. 48 (43). Ep. Rplllpdiy, St. Pachomius V. 77–86. 92. 163. 169. 179. 187. At St. Anthony: “obedience with abstinence subdues the beasts” (Izra. St. Art. Ant. 35.). St. John the teacher Paul (must be the 5th century) is bound by Gehenna due to obedience (Ibid. John’s teaching of Paul). Pr prp. Pufu in the 1st heavenly rank is built by a sick person who thanks God, in 2 by a benefactor, in 3 by a hermit, in 4 and the highest by an obedient one (ibid., Rufus 2). Ep. Palladium, St. Pachomius V. 128. 125. 135. 75. These cases are conveyed only, however, in the Arabic edition of the life of St. Pachomia according to RKP. XIX century Israel St. Art. Feud Ferm. 3. Israel St. Art. Poppy. City. 2. It is characteristic that these two modern ascetics never saw or spoke to each other. "Life of Pachomius" in Greek. ed § 77 and Arab. 65, 69. Ep. Palladium, St. Pachomius V., 166. No more information has been preserved about Aut. Wed. about St. Anthony, s. 200. In the Coptic and Greek editions of the life of St. Pachomius does not speak of the angel giving the charter. but only about the appearance of the angel St. Pachomius, when he still lived as a hermit; at which the angel said to him: “It is the will of God that you serve the human race, reconciling it with God” (in Greek the angel repeated this to him three times, in Coptic he called his name three times). After this phenomenon, to St. Those who wanted to labor under his leadership began to gather around Pachomius. Ep. Palladium St. Pakhomiy V., 52. Loves. 38 (34). Sozom. Church ist III, 13. Life of St. Pachomius in the lane. Dionysius Jr. Chapter 22. Migne Patrol. s. 1.t. 73, col. 242–243. Arab. life in French translation Amélineau at the Annales du Muséy Guimet. t. XXII Par. 1889, 366–369. Sozomen: “The rules allowed everyone to eat and drink, work and fast or not fast, as much as anyone could, and those who ate the most were ordered to assign the most difficult work, and the ascetics the easiest.” Dionysius: Allow everyone to eat and drink according to their strength, and make them work as they eat; do not forbid eating in moderation or fasting; Give the strongest work to the strongest and those who eat, and the easier work to the weaker and those who abstain.” Arabic : “Let everyone eat and drink what he needs; do not prevent them from fasting, but leave it to their discretion and give those who are strong in body heavy and burdensome labor, and those who are weak and pious - light and unburdensome.” In Arabic this rule is in 2nd place, and in 1st place is about cells (the next one is in Greek Lavsaik). Sozom. "to build many small rooms." Dion. “make different cells.” Arab. “build many cells in your monastery.” Sozom. "home". Arab. “bring them together at one table for food.” Sozom. "fenced on both sides." Arab. simply: “low seats.” Dionysius does not have this whole rule. Sozom. "leather clothing" Arab. "Tanned leather, sheep or goat." Arab. : “if they wish to receive St. secrets"; Dionysius does not have “on Saturday or Sunday.” Sozom. : “woolen hats.” Dion. just "cukuli". Arab. “kukuli, similar to those worn by children who have not done evil”; in Arabic they are worn as if only to receive the Eucharist. Dionysus does not. and in Arab. ; at Sozom..: “make red badges (κέντρον) on the caps.” Sozomen does not indicate such a practical application, but in Arab. another application is given: “so that, through the form of the letter assigned to them, they consider their affairs, know their behavior, protect themselves from bad habits and are transferred to the rank designated by the letter iota, with the help of their zeal and competition in behavior.” Dionysius also gives the letters α, ζ, λ, ρ, σ as an example, but without indicating their meaning. In Arab. ed.: “And as for the letter rho, beware of it and act according to the sign it represents.” Arab. : “The angel showed Pachomius how best to introduce these signs to the spiritual fathers.” Sozomen: “Do not allow a stranger to eat with them, unless any traveler will be accepted.” Dionysius: “if a wanderer came from another monastery, having a different appearance (habitum), no one should eat with him, except for the one who, walking along the road, could not notice it (observare).” Arabic : “Do not accept a brother coming from another monastery, if he has acquired habits that are not the same as yours; but receive strangers, comfort them and show mercy to the poor in a special place in your monastery, so as not to eat or drink with them.” Arab. † “cut the hair of his head.” Dionysius: "studiis sacratioribus". Dionysius: “let him do only his work.” Arab. : “use it in monastic affairs.” Sozomen: “to sit at the table with their faces covered, so as not to see each other and nothing else except the table and the dishes offered.” Sozomen: “pray every day 12 times. and the same amount in the evening and the same amount at night, and at the ninth hour 3 times: moreover, before eating, precede prayer with the singing of a psalm.” Dionysius: “there should be 12 daily prayers (diurnae orationes), and 12 evening prayers, and 12 night prayers.” Arab. : “Let each of the brothers say 12 prayers during the day, and at the evening hour, when they get ready to eat, let each of them say three prayers before meals, and six before bedtime, and a psalm with every prayer. Let them sleep half the night, and let them spend the other half awake, for the sake of constant prayer and glorification of God.” Arab. : “These prayers are not few in number for those who have spent a little time in such a life, otherwise they would get bored with prayer.” Dionysius: “staying in their cells, they pray unceasingly,” Arab. : “And I know that their days and nights will be spent in accordance with the laws of God.” Let us recall the one shown on p. 202–210 this practice and make sure that each rule, as it were, lowers its individual requirements by several degrees. From such a point of view, the rule about sleep will not seem petty (fn. Trinity, Review of sources, early history of Egypt. mon. 62); Instead of sleeping in a standing or sitting position, sleeping in a semi-lying position is allowed. The most strange thing seems to be the rule about dividing monks into categories according to the number of letters of the Greek alphabet. This rule can be looked at as a kind of poetic (with mystical overtones) depiction of the pastoral care of the abbot of the monastery for the brethren. The Arabic version of the charter determines the number of prayers only instead of the liturgy with its hours (“daytime prayers”), 9 hours (“before meals”) and vespers (before bed), assigning for each service a number of prayers proportional to its importance: 12, 6, 3; The night service is determined not by the number of prayers, but by their duration: half the night. Cassian. About the set. Kinov. II, 7. A not entirely clear expression about this last “prayer” probably has the following meaning: if the meal on a certain day is not common, but separate for each “rank”, category of monks, for each monastery house, then before it one psalm with prayer is sung; if it is common, for several ranks (houses), then as many psalms are sung with prayer as these “ranks” participate in the meal. Thus, the meal was preceded by a service, the composition of which is no different from other services; compare with us the rite of panagia; see explanation. Chapter II. Typical end. See below “Divine Services in the Egyptian Cenobiums according to Cassian.” If the tradition in all its particulars can and did arouse doubt even among Russian researchers (Bishop Palladius St. Pachomius V., 56, etc., Troitsky On the history for the historical Egyptian mon., 62, etc.) doubt, then the “Lives” of Pachomius persistently testify that he generally left a written charter, for example, the Arabic “Life”: “Pachomius gave them laws and commandments, some of which were written down, and others communicated through his mouth; he commanded the brethren that if anyone violates one assigned rule, then he receives a certain punishment for disobedience.” Amélineau in Annales du Mus. Guimet. p. 502. Migne Patrol. s. 1.t. 23, col. 62. Ep. Palladium St. Pakhomiy, 31. Placed at Migne’ i s. 1.t. 50, at the end of the works of St. Cassiana. Placed in Bollandi J. Acta Sanctorum Maji, t. 3, at the end of the life of St. Pachomius and Theodore the Sanctified; The Ethiopian version of Dillmann's Chrestomatia aethiopica, Leipz coincides with this edition of the rules. 1855.t. 57–69. We use the systematic review of them by Bishop Theophan. Ancient monastic charters of St. Pachomius V., St. Vasily V., Rev. John Cassian and St. Venedicta. M. 1892 p. 90–154. Abba Orsisius speaks about him in his “Teaching on the Order of Monks”: “and you, who invade monasteries, show yourselves first in virtue” (§ 14, Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 40). In later monasteries, this position was held by the καθγούμενος or ecclesiarch. Jerome. Letter from Eustochia on maintaining virginity, 21, § 32. Sozom. Church East. III, 14. Cassian. About mouth Kinov. IV, 3. 5. Cassian. About the mouth of the kin. II, 2. II, 10. Wed. Lord have mercy 40 times. Wed. Pilgrimage attributed. Sylvia § 24. Apostle. Lent VIII, 35–39. See above p. 152 et d. 147 et d. This character has now been retained by Roman Catholic worship, which, like ours, does not have special psalms for different services, but consists of a rotating section of the Psalter. This word, of course, does not have a completely later meaning here, but close to it, unless it is an anachronism of the writer. Gerbert, Scriptopes ecclesiastici de musica sacra, San Blasiis, 1784, I, 2. Gabpol G. Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Par. 1904, col. 1186. Nikon Chernogorets, Pandekty, lyrics. 29; ed. M. 1889, l. 208. Wallichel. bib. (in Rome) cod. E. 21, fol. 518. Pitra, Gymnographie, p. 43. Sozom. Church history. III, 14. Wed. the meaning of the belt in monastic clothing. Jerome, Life of St. Hilarion, § 9. Sozom. Tsre. ist. III, 14. Jerome, Life of St. Ilar. 11. Palestinian Patericon, St. Petersburg. 1885 IV, 6. Παπαδόπουλος – Κερομεύς Α . Ἀνάλεκτα Ιεροσολυμιτικη ς σταχυολογίας . St. Petersburg 1898, V, 113. Jerome, Life of St. Ilar. passim. Archimandrite Theodosius (ep.), Palestinian monasticism in the IV-VI centuries. Kyiv, 1899, p. 21. See ep. Theodosius, Palest. mon. 33–34, where this meaning of the word “Lavra” for the era of that time is substantiated on a number of monuments; The word receives its current meaning later, for example, from Patr. Dositheus (XVII century). Nikon Chernog. Pandects sl. 60, l. 527. Bollandi, Acta sanct. Sept. VII, sq. Ep. Theodosius Palest. mon. 62 etc. Next, the original ecclesiastical meaning of this word (from μάνρα, stable) is the head of several monasteries. Cyril of Skifipolsky (VI century), Life of Euthymius, passim. Cotelerius, Eccles.graecae monum. II. Kirill of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius §§ 51. 95. Ep. Feodosius. Palest. mon. 75–77. Bollandi, Acta Sanct. Mart. I, 586. Jerus. Typical. RKP. Moscow Blush. Museum of the North collection No. 35 491 (XIII century). l. 19 about and other RKP. Simeon Sol. O Divine. prayer. Ch. 302–303. Migne Patrol. s. hr. t. 155. Rus. lane in "The Writings of St. fathers and teachers of the church related to the interpretation of Orthodoxy. worship services." vol. 2, St. Petersburg. 1856. Cassian, Ob stan. Kinov. preface See above p. 21.55.96 etc. Pilgrim (Silv.) 24. 25. See above p. 152 etc. Kirill Skifop. Life of St. Savvas, § 31, 42 (Cotelerius, Eccles. gr. mon. II, 262. 343). See below “Constantinope. mon." Dmitrievsky A. The most ancient patriarchal Typicons are the Holy Sepulcher of Jerusalem and the Great Church of Constantinople. Kyiv 1907, p. 86. Cassian, On the lips. cinema, preface and III, I. Jerome. Anatoly. Syrian monasticism in the second. floor. IV century Proceedings Kyiv. Spirit. Ak. 1910, 6, 271. The beginning of asceticism in Syria was laid, according to Sozomen, by a certain Aon, a contemporary of the emperor. Valens (364–370): “they say that this Aon in Syria, like Anthony in Egypt, first of all people laid the foundation for strict philosophy” (Ecclesiastical History. III, 14). But now they are proving that even earlier - before 325 - St. James, bishop, labored here. Niziwi, and even, apparently, there were entire monastic communities under the name “sons of the covenant.” Jerome. Anatoly, On the beginning and origin of Syrian monasticism. Tr. Kyiv. Spirit of Ak. 1910, 4, 393. So Rev. Varadat “made a small box out of wood, disproportionate to his body, and lived in it constantly in a bent position.” (Bl. Theodorit, History of the Bogolyubtsev ch. 27 (Ἡ ψιλόθεος ἱστορία). Migne Patrol. s. gr. t. 82. Russian translation. St. Petersburg. 1853: The essay consists of the biographies of all known to the author and contemporary to him (†456) Syrian ascetics). Also Rev. Marcian (ibid., 3). St. Eusebius put an iron chain around his neck and connected it with the same belt, so that, “bent in this way, he would constantly, of necessity, look at the ground” (ibid., 4). St. Jacob, a contemporary of Bl. Theodoret, “had neither a hut nor a tent, did not want to use the cover of a tree, but lived in a completely open field, where it was wet by rain, covered with snow, frozen by frost and burned by the sun” (ibid., 21). Many Syrian ascetics lived this way (ibid., 27). St. Salaman (late 4th century) lived in a “shelter” without windows or an entrance, into which one could only crawl under a wall, and crawled out of it once a year to stock up on food (ibid., 19). St. Falaley, a contemporary of Bl. Theodoret, “made two wheels 2 cubits in diameter and fastened them together with boards separated from each other by significant intervals; then, having established three long poles in the ground and connecting their upper ends with boards, he hung on them the designated container of two wheels and boards and settled in it; and since the inner space of the container is only 2 cubits high and one cubit wide, meanwhile the blessed one is very. If he is tall, then he sits there not in an upright position, but constantly bent over and resting his head on his knees” (ibid., 28). Sozom. Church East. VI, 33. Wed. Ephraim the Syrian: “Like trees they graze with wild animals, and a meal is always ready for them, because they always feed on grain and pasture” (Section 2 on deceased fathers). Some people had worms crawling out of their teeth from not eating. With zoom. Church East. IV, 34. Theodorite. Histor. god 30. Ephraim Sir. A word about the ascetic Julian. Sozom. Church history. VI, 33. Theodoret, East. god 5. Theodoret, East. god 30. Theodoret, East. god 3. Wed. Rules for singing “Let it be corrected” on Presanctification. lit. Typical, Chapter 49, Wednesday 1st Sem. Theodoret, East. god 2. Pilgrim adj. Sylvia, §20. Theodoret, East. god 29. Ibid., 26. Wed. about St. Arsenia, above, p. 210. Boland., Acta Sanct. Maji III p. XIX. Sozom. Church history. VI, 17. Rufinus, Ecclesiastical History. II, 9. Wed. We have the initial exclamations of the services and the verse: “Glory to you, our God, glory to you.” Vasily V. Movable mouth Chapter 1. Right space 37. See above p. 159. The ascetic word, 15. Pis. 2. Wed. our prayer after lunch. Wed. 9th hour in hermit practice. Monasteries in the vicinity of Antioch are described by St. Chrysostom, on Matt. demon 68, 70. Bollandi, Aacta. sanct. Januar. I. 118. Chetya Menaion. July 3. Du Cange C. Constantinopolis christiana, Venet. 1729 II, 105. Sergius Archbishop. Complete months of the East, Vladimir 1901, II, 465. Michael Glyca (XIII century) Annales by Du Cange C. – polis christ. 70. Studios is also mentioned in the Codex Theodosianus under imp. Arcadia (in 401 and 404), as Comes rerum privatarum, and in the 59th story of Justinian. There is a letter from Chrysostom to Studio, in which St. his father consoles him over the death of his brother; Palladius, in the life of Chrysostom, named this Studio prefect of the city (Du Cange, ibid.). The Studite monastery was located outside the city, near the Golden Thief and the sea, where now imrakhar Djami. Marin E. De Studio coenobio C-politano, ar. 1897, 3. Grossu N. priest. , Rev. Theodore Studite, Uiev 1907, 88. Bollandi Acta sanct. Jun. II, 25. Sergius Archbishop. Floor. month. East June 7. Codinus, Curopalates. Migne Patrol. s. gr. t. 157, col. 585. Migne, Patrol. s. gr. t. 114, col. 1380. Petridès S. Oe monastère de Spoudaei à Jerusalem et les Spoudaei de Constantinople. Echos d'Orient, 1901, 4. 225. According to Kodin, Anna, wife of the emperor. Leva, returning home from Blachernae while pregnant, was caught in childbirth, went into the house of a protospatharian and gave birth there; this house was converted into a monastery, called for this occasion the monastery of “haste” (σπυυδη ς) (Du Cange, op. cit. II, 112). You might be interested in: