1882 год

I am sending you a very original, but not without interest, letter that I received by mail. When we see each other, we'll talk about this note. Much is absolutely true, and as for the Senate, it seems to me very desirable. Please talk to gr. Ignatiev and bar. Nikolai about the commission. I would think it would be best to either reduce the composition of the commission now and begin discussing the project for real schools, or completely dissolve the members and postpone the discussion until this issue is clarified - which will they find more convenient? Please thank Abbess Maria for sending the report. I am very sorry about her illness, which deprived me of the pleasure of seeing her here in person. I can see Dr. Ivanov on one of the visiting days. Thank you very much for your congratulations on our dear Ksenia. Regarding St. Alexander, the highest resolution: We must certainly pay the most serious attention to these machinations of Catholics. Talk about this with gr. Ignatiev. What orders came from gr. Totleben - I would like to know, etc. Dear Konstantin Petrovich, I am again writing to you regarding the case of Baron Nikolai. Read his message and judge for yourself what I can do with such a scrupulous and touchy character. Nikolai. After all, such clashes will be repeated at every step, and especially since I positively disagree in many ways with Nikolai and cannot approve of many of his actions, and most importantly, his backing is Golovin, that unfortunate genius and friend. book Konstantin Nikolaevich, and I know from reliable sources that they are both working and pushing Nikolai to go against the general wishes of the government. I believe that my combination regarding the replacement of Nikolai Delyanov, one in place of the other, that is, for them to switch places, is the only way out of this situation. I really ask for an answer to all these assumptions of mine. I was just about to convene a meeting at my place the other day regarding the revision of the university. Charter of 1863, and now we will have to wait. I am quite convinced that there would be no benefit in holding the bar. Nikolai is in his place. If you share my thoughts, then I ask you to talk about this with both of you. I very, very regret the death of poor Ekaterina Fedorovna Tyutcheva. Yours from the heart Sergievo station. Chief Prosecutor Ev. synod. We sincerely thank you for Ksenia and wish you a happy holiday. I am very grateful to you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, for the news about our Voluntary Fleet, which continues to interest me as much as in the past. I gave Bunga your note about the subsidy to the Voluntary Fleet and talked to him about it; promised to present his ideas. I really hope to get this done. I am very touched by the watch Lindquist presented and I ask you to thank him very much. Do you think you should give him some kind of gift, or pay him for the watch? Can you come to me on Tuesday at 1 o'clock, have breakfast, and then I would like to talk to you about a matter that is very serious and worries me greatly. We moved here yesterday, but, unfortunately, the weather is very cold and we have to do a lot of heating. I turn to you again, dear Konstantin Petrovich, for advice. I am more and more convinced that Mr. Ignatiev has completely lost his way and does not know how to go or where to go; This cannot go on. It is difficult and undesirable for him to remain a minister. I think that the only person at the moment who could replace Ignatiev is Ostrovsky, and in this case I would consider separating the state police department and the entire gendarmerie from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. I believe that under these conditions Ostrovsky will agree to accept the ministry. As for the Ministry of State Property, I will think about this and talk with Ostrovsky himself. What do you think about this consideration? If you can, come see me on Monday at 12 o'clock and we will talk in more detail. 26/V 11.25 a.m. I ask Bas to come to me tomorrow, Thursday, at 11 1/4 o'clock in the morning Thank you very much. The joy is great. Happy. 19/VIII 9:56 a.m. Come tomorrow at 1 o'clock for breakfast You will receive 800 rubles from Taneyev. for the matter you requested. I didn’t manage to see Chirikov that time, I didn’t have time. Send it on Monday at 12 noon, September 4, 1882. Read these two wonderful letters from V. A. Zhukovsky to the late priest. I am sure that you will read them with the same pleasure and with the same feeling as I did. Of course, the letter dated August 30, 1843, from Berlin, is especially remarkable precisely because it is from Zhukovsky, a person so honest, truthful and bright. Then such personalities were not rare, but now they are a huge rarity, and perhaps they are, but they are hiding out of false shame. After reading, return the letters back to me. 500 rub. get it from Taneyev, I wrote to him. Can you come to see me tomorrow at 12 o’clock, haven’t seen you for a long time, and have something to talk about. Thank you very much for the information you provided. Voluntary Fleet, the fate of which I am very interested in. I have nothing to say about the name of the new steamship “Kostroma”; the name is completely appropriate and Russian. I am very happy for poor Chirikov that they are giving him a new ship. I will certainly support your request from the Minister of Finance for a loan of 500,000 rubles, which, however, I am sure that Bunga will not have any difficulty in giving. The issue of Transcaucasian transit is really, really important and really interests me. The other day a large commission is meeting under the chairmanship of V. book Mikhail Nikolaevich, which includes: ministers of finance, state property, railways, Solsky, Ermakov, Obruchev, Geytern, gr. Baranov, book. Dondukov-Korsakov, gr. Loris-Melikov, Staritsky and several other people. The matter is far from settled, but it will be very interesting to know what result the meeting will reach. I'm pretty sure the majority will be against transit. December 25, 1882. From Gatchino. Petersburg. Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod. Thank you from the bottom of my heart for your holiday greetings. May God grant that your good wishes come true. Congratulations to you too. It's my fault that I forgot to warn you that a rescript is needed, not a telegram. I hasten to present to Your Imperial Majesty a draft response. You did not deign to write that a rescript was required: I understood, from previous examples, that the answer would be by telegraph, and in this sense I composed it. If a rescript is required, then the form must be changed. In this sense, the answer should, of course, be short. At the end it was necessary to mention the coronation, although in general terms, since the letter to Prince. Dolgorukov will in all likelihood be published, and leaving words related to this subject unanswered would seem strange and would arouse bewilderment. If you wanted to change or add anything, please order it. Governor General Prince Dolgorukov. This time, as always, the empress and I were pleased to receive the greeting from the capital of Moscow, in which I hear a voice from the heart of Russia and the response of her loyal sons to my heartfelt concerns and plans for the good of our beloved fatherland. I have no doubt that on this day the prayers of the faithful Russian people were sincere and fervent to send me the Lord’s gracious help, without which all human efforts are in vain. We rejoice in the thought that the day is not far off when Moscow and all of Russia will unite with us at the Kremlin shrines in a great prayerful celebration. Prince Vladimir Andreevich. This time, as always, the Empress and I were pleased to receive the greeting from you from the Mother Throne of Moscow, in which I hear a voice from the heart of Russia and the response of her loyal sons to my heartfelt concerns and plans for the good of our beloved fatherland. I have no doubt that on this day the prayers of the faithful Russian people were sincere and fervent to send me the Lord’s gracious help, without which all human efforts are in vain. Entering the New Year with hope in God and with faith in His providence over the destinies of Russia, I rejoice in the thought that the day is not far off when Moscow and all of Russia will unite with us at the Kremlin shrines in a great prayerful celebration. You will receive 2,000 rubles from Taneyev, which please give to Mitropolov. Out of compassion for the plight of Mitropolov, a man who has toiled and toiled a lot, I dare to present to the gracious attention of Your Imperial Majesty his most humble petition. The first branch of its own His Imperial Majesty's Office. Mr. Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod. The Emperor deigned to give me the highest command, from the amount under my control, to release two thousand rubles to your Excellency for what is known to you, dear sir. As a result of this, forwarding the indicated amount. I have the honor to humbly ask Your Excellency to honor me with this notification. The Empress never thought of accepting such an identity. Here in the living rooms they say that the Empress deigns to receive Madame Adam, who came here from Paris. Without a doubt, Your Imperial Majesty knows that Madame Adam is a political adventurer and is among the main agents of the extreme republican party, in connection with the plans and calculations of Gambetta; they say that she was also his mistress. She is the publisher of the magazine La Nouvelle Revue, which serves as the party's organ. In connection with her arrival in Russia, articles appeared in Berlin semi-official newspapers that she was coming here for secret political negotiations aimed at bringing France closer to Russia and to the local political parties. About the death of the Metropolitan of Kiev. It is my duty to bring to the highest notice of Your Imperial Majesty that on January 29, Metropolitan Philotheus of Kiev died in Kiev. The deceased hierarch was 72 years old, had been in the rank of bishop since 1849 and successively ruled the dioceses of Kostroma and Tver, and since 1876 - the Kiev one. I also didn’t tell anyone about this, except you and Ostrovsky, but unfortunately, it seems that Ignatiev himself did not make a secret of this. On Wednesday, Ignatiev asked me to leave this whole matter without consequences, since he sees that I do not share his views on this subject. On Monday I have scheduled a meeting with Albinsky on Polish affairs and I invite you too. From the attached article in Moskovskiye Vedomosti, Your Imperial Majesty will be pleased to see that the news of Count Ignatiev’s project has already penetrated the public - and here, I hear, they are already whispering about it. I don’t know where the rumor came from. I can testify about myself that I did not talk about this matter with a single person except Ostrovsky, who knew about it in addition to me. In addition to the last letter, I consider it my duty to present to Your Imperial Majesty No. of the newspaper Novoye Vremya, which may not have reached you otherwise. Please pay attention to the proclamation reprinted here and to the reasoning about it. This is the business of the Druzhina and gr. Shuvalova. This proclamation was distributed in educational institutions and at women's courses. The children brought it home to their parents with bewilderment. And after the newspaper article, the whole of St. Petersburg is talking about this, dare I say, crazy and vile business. It is no secret to anyone who the culprits are, and for what money they promise great and rich dachas to anyone who appears under the pretext of cooperation or espionage and gossip. All honest people are indignant. The most unfortunate thing is that people ask: does the sovereign really know what crazy and base thing his money is going to? They point to money being squandered madly in all directions, which is used by absurd people and swindlers. They call by the names of guards officers who yesterday were ready to go to debtor's prison, and today they ride on trotters and dress up their wives - with the money of the Druzhina. I myself know one such flugel-adjutant. There are rumors, each more ridiculous than the other. Not to mention the fact that my name is being woven into this matter; I know that at the beginning some members of the Druzhina had the shamelessness to lure people into it using my name. It doesn't matter to me. The important thing is that in this truly pitiful and shameful matter the name of Your Great Honor is pronounced. This is what not a single honest Russian soul can endure, and the deeds of the Druzhina have already been made public throughout all of Russia. Your Imperial Majesty Dear Count Dmitry Andreevich. Yesterday I forgot to tell you one word that I wanted to say in the form of good advice. There must have been great excitement in well-known circles on the occasion of your appointment, of which I am already hearing rumors. Therefore, it does not prevent you from taking, especially at first, due precautions both when traveling and when receiving unknown people. Now Orzhevsky was with me and went to see you. He remains adamant in his view of the matter, and in all honesty I must tell you that I think about his stories. The minute is now very important and decisive; the entire future course of the matter depends on it. Isn’t it better to wait at least a day with the decrees, just to establish this article, having discussed it completely and irrevocably? If Orzhevsky refuses, there will be no one to hire except people who are ready to take on everything. And he is apparently a conscientious person - and it becomes like this: If you go to work in the form in which it is proposed, he says: I have no faith - I cannot take it on. But he would have gone with faith in success if at first he had been placed in connection with the Ministry of Internal Affairs. business Isn't it better to take a person with faith in success than without faith? It seems that for you, for the first time, the first would be better. In any case, we definitely need to judge how the new organization will operate - and we didn’t have time for that. For God's sake, think about it. The two of you will talk to him. If you find it necessary, send for me. His position is such that he cannot talk to the sovereign about what he did not agree with you on. And wouldn’t it be better, after making a temporary sacrifice on your part, to maintain a nominal connection with the state institution for the first two months? police. In this case, the movement of the car would not have been interrupted, Plehve and the others would have remained in place, and there would not have been that break that I so fear, and Orzhevsky would have gotten down to business with good spirits. For God’s sake, don’t rush to finish the job and cut the knot without fail tomorrow. Since our last meeting, I have been thinking again about Baranov and about your difficulty in finding a governor for Kharkov. It still seems to me that Baranov would be much more suitable for Kharkov than another candidate; Kharkov is a nasty nest of propaganda and conspiracies. Kalachov is inexperienced in this matter, like a baby, and easily submits to outside influence. Baranov has experience in these particular matters, he has dealt with people of this kind quite a bit, and it is difficult to outwit him. He is very quick-witted and active; As for his hobbies, as I told you, firstly, under your leadership he will not allow himself to do what could have happened under L.-Melikov and Ignatiev; secondly, no doubt he learned something in his exile. I think, completely regardless of concern for Baranov’s personality, that at the moment it is difficult to find anyone more suitable than him for this position. As for his personal situation, I would like him, first of all, to leave Arkhangelsk as soon as possible, because the climate there is completely killing him; and there really is strength in him that it would be a pity to lose for the cause. The Most Honorable Count Dmitry Andreevich. It would not be superfluous to inform you about the Chisinau governor Koniara. While in Arkhangelsk, he created a very bad reputation for himself; There were bitter complaints from local industrialists about his bias and even accusations of bribery. He was transferred from there. I have repeatedly warned Mr. Ignatiev about Koniar, whom I have known for a long time, and pointed out, among other things, the extreme inconvenience of appointing a person from a Jewish banking family to the Jewish region. Now, upon arrival here, Rev. Pavel from Chisinau, I privately asked him about Koniar, and heard from him truly terrible reviews about Koniar’s behavior and actions. In Chisinau, the post is very important in political terms, which is why I consider it not superfluous to inform Your Excellency about the above. Rev. Navel will probably want to visit you while you're here. But I hear a rumor that you are leaving here for 2 weeks. Is this true? Most merciful sir. It pleases Your Imperial Majesty Sylo, on the all-submissive petition submitted by the professor of Moscow University, actual state councilor, Lyubimov, to leave him in the rank of teacher at this university, to write in his own hand: “To leave Lyubimov at Moscow University on the basis of the highest order of the late sovereign.” In his most humble petition, Professor Lyubimov reports to Your Majesty that the favor shown to him in 1877 in Bose by the late Emperor Emperor, according to the report of the former Minister of Public Education, - leaving him, after a twenty-five-year term, in service, without subjecting him to running for office - was of an indefinite nature, and that such favor shown to him has now been violated, as a result of the highest approval my most submissive report to Your Majesty, which I confidentially communicated to the leadership of the trustee of the Moscow educational district. “Such a direct accusation against me of violating the will of the deceased sovereign emperor and of presenting to your majesty the case about Professor Lyubimov in an incorrect light obliges me to most humbly ask you, sir, to deign to accept my explanation regarding my grandfather, in which I am accused of the most serious crime, abuse of your majesty’s trust.” On the basis of § 78 of the university statute, professors and teachers, as well as all other persons who enjoy the rights of the educational service in relation to pensions, are retained in it after length of service for a full pension, not otherwise than by new election. This election is valid for five years, after which all the above-mentioned persons are subject to a new election, also for no more than five years. This regulation is not exclusive to the university service, but is a general law for the educational service. The special advantages granted to this service in relation to pensions are expressed, among other things, in the fact that, at the end of each five-year period after twenty-five years of service, educational employees acquire the right to an increase in pension in the amount of one-fifth of their salary. Therefore, the very continuation of the service is made dependent on the new five-year approval in it. This procedure is also observed in all those educational institutions - secondary and lower - in which appointment to positions is made by direct order of the government, and each approval of the government, under the stated conditions, is valid only for five years. In 1877, Professor Lyubimov’s twenty-five-year academic service expired, giving him the right to a full pension. This period coincided with the time when the said teacher was a member of the commission for the revision of the university charter, established at the most humble request of Count Tolstoy, chaired by State Secretary Delyanov. The opinions submitted by Mr. Lyubimov to this commission found their way into newspaper polemics, in which their author acted as an accuser of the entire professorial class. The passions aroused by this were expressed by the protest of his comrades. The Ministry of Public Education, which received the judgments taking place on this matter in the council of the Moscow University, without approving them, issued a conclusion on this subject, which, according to the minister’s report, received the highest approval, and in Voza the late sovereign Emperor was pleased to command: “the professor of the Moscow University, the actual state councilor Lyubimov, who served for twenty-five years that year, to remain with of this position, with the preservation of all the rights and obligations thereof, without subjecting him, based on his length of service, to a new election required by § 78 of the charter.” Following the upcoming expiration of the five-year anniversary in August of this year, for which the election made on the basis of § 78 of the charter, from which Professor Lyubimov was released, is valid, the trustee of the Moscow educational district, in a confidential submission, asked for instructions from the ministry: what should be done in relation to Professor Lyubimov for his continued retention in the service. Taking into account that any retention in the service of chips enjoying the rights of an educational service after twenty-five years of service, whether they are determined by the government, whether they are elected by the professorial board, is valid for five years and must be renewed after each five-year period, for me there was no doubt that the highest command that took place in 1877 had the effect of releasing the professor. Lyubimov from running for office in that particular year, in view of the passions aroused at that time, and ensuring that he retained his official position for the five-year period that was then about to begin. But in order for the conclusion to be drawn from this highest command that for Professor Lyubimov the only and exclusive position in the educational department was created for the indefinite retention of an educational position - neither from the text nor from the meaning of the highest command did not follow: in any case, as a completely special and independent of the circumstances of the time, the measure required a positive indication. On this basis, but to my conviction, the only question to be resolved was whether, after the expiration of the five-year period for which Professor Lyubimov was retained in the service, he should be subordinated to the general order for further retention thereon for the next five-year period, or whether to ask for Your Majesty’s highest permission to retain him in the service, in addition to the generally established order for university teachers. During my most humble report, on January 21 of this year, I had the honor to present the circumstances of this case to Your Majesty’s attention and at the same time report: that in view of the expiration of five years from the time when the arousal of passions could give rise to the assumption that when Mr. Lyubimov, due impartiality will not be observed, and in view of the fact that since that time changes could have occurred in the personal composition of the professorial board, especially guided by a deep conviction in the undesirability of evading the law without particularly important and valid reasons, I did not see a sufficient reason for a new exception from the order established by law. The same opinion of mine received Your Majesty’s highest approval and was, in a confidential review, proposed to the leadership of the trustee of the Moscow educational district by the time the deadline for Professor Lyubimov’s candidacy arrived. Remaining even now with the full conviction that the highest command of the late sovereign emperor in Voza did not and could not have the meaning of creating two favors for Professor Lyubimov: - one, exemption from running for office at that time, the other, much greater, and completely exceptional, which, however, was not mentioned at the time - the indefinite preservation of the professorial title and the benefits associated with the continuation of educational service, I consider it my duty to ask for your command Majesty: should the highest resolution inscribed on Professor Lyubimov’s most submissive letter on leaving him in the service at Moscow University be accepted for execution in the sense of leaving Mr. Lyubimov in the service for the second five years, or in the sense of the indefiniteness of this service. I would not consider it consistent with my personal dignity to dwell on the unconcealed hints and even direct indications of a person subordinate to me contained in Professor Lyubimov’s most submissive letter to my course of action, to the direct accusation of deliberate violation of the will of the late sovereign emperor, and of indulging in aspirations contrary to the goals supposedly ordained by the supreme power; if Your Majesty’s own handwritten resolution on the said letter had not led me to the sad conviction that such accusations directed against me found faith in you, sir. Such an unexpected, and I dare to think, undeserved blow inflicted on my forty-two-year-old, I boldly say, honest and selfless service to the sovereign grandfather and parent Your Majesty, constitutes a test for which I was not prepared. Under the burden of it, I feel my powerlessness to bear the burden placed on me; All that remains for me is to fulfill one duty of conscience and honor: to most submissively and convincingly ask Your Majesty not to refuse me your last favor - to entrust me with the dear interests of public education to a person more worthy than me and more capable of preserving the most precious good for every Russian - the trust of his sovereign. With deepest respect I am In difficult times, concerned about the choice of a firm and experienced ruler and leader in the important matter of public education, I turned to your experience and to the sense of patriotic duty known to me in you. You responded to my call with the readiness that has always distinguished you to serve the sovereign and the fatherland and took upon yourself the difficult task of restoring order in the educational field, which had been shaken in recent years. You fully met my expectations by your firm management, based on the strict implementation of the law. Now, in view of the fatigue of your strength, with sincere regret, yielding to your urgent request to dismiss you from the rank of min. adv. enlightenment, I remain confident that, while remaining in all the positions assigned to you, you will not cease to serve with your experience and knowledge for the benefit of the state. Dear Konstantin Petrovich. I am having dinner with my sister-in-law, in your neighborhood; and therefore I propose to come to you from there at the beginning of the 9th hour. If our conversation lasts a little, then you probably won’t refuse me a glass of tea. Please accept the assurance of my sincere respect and devotion. Returning from you last night, I was thinking about how to nominate Delyanov in my place; The following thought came to my mind, which I entrust to you for your discretion: V.P. Titov, the senior member of the council, by law, after the retirement of the chairman, has the right to preside over it; let him be temporarily entrusted with correcting the position of chief manager; he is a good, active, educated man, a gentleman of the ladies, and will be very pleased with such an assignment; his title as chairman of the civil department will not interfere with this: the Prince of Oldenburg combined both titles; and in extreme cases, his senior Lyuboshchinsky will fulfill this duty even better; It will only be necessary to strengthen this department with one member, there are many of them available. Fear draws me south to my daughter and grandson, the only remnants of my family after all the dead; If they already agree to free me from the burden, then I ask for nothing but freedom and some kind word, releasing the sinner. I consider it unnecessary to say with what impatience I will await news of the success of your trip. I bring you my most sincere gratitude for such an urgent communication of the consequences of your trip to Gatchina: I accept it as good news in all respects. All I can do is wish, for the benefit of the matter, that the final solution be expressed as quickly as possible, because, on the one hand, I am somehow ashamed in front of my subordinates to leave them in error regarding the consequences of the orders I make, the implementation of which will no longer depend on me; on the other hand, I myself am obviously constraining, not wanting to embarrass my successor with pre-decisions. I will accept the sovereign’s rescript, for which you give me hope, with deep gratitude, allowing myself to think that it will not bring undeserved attention to a year’s self-sacrifice. I feel at ease and in the position of a person looking out more freely; For your participation in this, once again accept my gratitude and expression of my heartfelt respect and devotion. I have now received from the Emperor the decrees and rescript awarded with the highest signature, which will be delivered early in the morning. Based on your participation in this matter, I hasten to bring this to your attention. Sincerely respectful and sincerely devoted Dear Sir Konstantin Petrovich. As a result of personal explanations, I have the honor to forward to your Excellency one hundred rubles for the use known to you, dear sir. I humbly ask Your Excellency to accept the assurance of true respect and complete devotion. Sincerely respected Konstantin Petrovich. I will try to move Bunin to a better, favorite place. The real obstacle was the recent move. Under no circumstances can I agree to the return of Petrunkevich to the Chernigov province. He must remain under surveillance, or better yet, in administrative exile for at least another five years. Rest assured, I will stick to my opinion. From the south (Gurko and others) they report that rumors are being spread among the peasants (newspapers from St. Petersburg) that the sovereign is “captured by the gentlemen” and generals, “that he is forbidden to be crowned and will not be allowed in the future,” etc. And here there can be no talk of coronation until next spring. You know that my spirit is cheerful and my faith is strong, and with general apathy and a negative direction, you get tired of “putting patches” on a holey dress. Given the existing, still solid, popular soil, it is easy for the Russian Tsar to correct matters with one stroke. I wanted to talk to you today, but I was delayed by reports and the Siberian Committee, which met with me and just left. What time are you going to Gatchina tomorrow? The Most Honorable Konstantin Petrovich. I couldn’t get out of the house - despite it being Sunday - before 5 o’clock to try to talk to you. I am very glad that you agree with me on the assumptions about changes in the censorship matter. The press has completely lied. A law on the press such as would be needed in Russia cannot be passed in the State Council given the existing negative direction in everything. Therefore, we have to be content with correcting the existing order - at least as a temporary measure. There will be a lot of screaming here too. But as long as the matter is resolved. In order to facilitate, on my part, Bunin’s speedy achievement of the object of his present desires, I telegraphed to the city of Odessa that, having inquired about his proposal to appoint Bunin as police chief in Odessa, I testify that there can be no obstacles to this and that Bunin is known to me personally on the best side. I hope that this unusual statement will help, although Kossagovsky made no representation about Bunin’s appointment. If we are guilty of anything in the Skene case, it is only because we gave him government money in hope; that he will at least report something useful and positive. He led us by the nose for a whole year. But even here there was no refusal on our part: the repetition of the issuance of money was conditioned by me communicating through our embassy in Bern any precise indication of the information he allegedly had. What he says about predicting the murder of Strelnikov is a complete lie. After the telegraphic news of the Odessa murder was published, he actually wrote to Hamburger that he foresaw this misfortune. Skina is a mazurik who wants to swindle money. We succumbed to his proposals twice, and on the third time we conditioned the release of money on certain conditions; he accepted them, and then refused and demanded even more money. If you get any positive information from him, I will be very grateful to you; but I have no right to throw money away. Skina mistakes the squad agents, who compromise us everywhere, for government agents. As for the mine tunnels in Spirov, Khimki, etc., this is again an invention of idle and ignorant people. The fact is that I ordered that underground galleries be examined everywhere along the Nikolaevskaya line due to a drawing of one of them found in the possession of one boy. It is better to inspect and secure it in advance than to flog it in a fever before the coronation. Yesterday you were in Gatchina, and today I had to refuse a report on the occasion of the consideration of the drinking case in the state. council. I have the honor to inform Your Excellency, as a result of our conversation, the following information that is available in the State Police Department about Baron Skhin. Baron Aristide Schina, living in Zurich, turned to the said department in April 1881 with an offer of his services regarding the communication to our government of information about persons of interest to the state police, stating that while he was in Switzerland for about two years, he had the opportunity to make acquaintances with some Russian emigrants living there and learn from them very important facts relating to the machinations and plans of the leaders of the revolutionary party, but that, not trusting mail, he would like to come personally to St. Petersburg if he is provided with funds for travel expenses. In response to a request made to our envoy in Switzerland about the identity of Schin, Privy Councilor Hamburger refused to provide any information about the moral qualities of Schin, as a person completely unknown to him, but at the same time forwarded the correspondence of the latter with our resident minister in Hamburg, Baron Mengden, to whom Schin referred to acquaintance. In this correspondence the latter also expresses a desire to come to St. Petersburg for personal confidential negotiations and a request to send him money. Then in the month of May, as a result of Baron Schina’s renewal of his proposals, a relationship was entered into with him and on May 22, 1000 francs were sent to him, but despite this, Baron Schina, in subsequent letters that did not contain any significant information or messages, continued to write about the need to immediately come to St. Petersburg, asking to send him money for the trip in view of the fact that the 1000 francs he received insufficient for the successful fulfillment of the assignment he has undertaken. Since then, Skhin has not ceased to insist on taking him to St. Petersburg and has made requests for this both in writing to my name and to Secretary of State Hamburger, who, in view of Skhin’s strong assurances about the urgent need for his trip to Russia to report to the Russian government some facts of extreme importance, finally decided to give him 800 francs. on the road. Meanwhile, Skhina, having received the said money, not only did not undertake a trip to Russia, but began to ask for some more money to be placed at his disposal, under the pretext of paying it to some woman who has the important information that he, Skhina, intends to tell me and which she allegedly agrees to discover only for a certain reward. In view of this course of action of Baron Skhin, I, in accordance with the opinion expressed on this subject by Privy Councilor Hamburger and in connection with information received from a private source about the extreme complexity of Skhin’s financial affairs, came to the conclusion that this person does not deserve any trust, and therefore made an order to leave his further harassment without consequences. Please accept, dear sir, the assurance of my complete respect and devotion. But to my most humble report that on Monday, the 17th of this May, the day of the Descent of the Holy Spirit, His Majesty deigned to command the meeting scheduled for this day in the highest presence to be postponed to Thursday, May 20, at 11 o’clock. morning. In communicating this highest will to Your Excellency, I humbly ask you to accept the assurance of true respect and complete devotion. presented by gr. Ignatiev. Praying to God to show us the paths of truth, and remembering the ancient days and learning from the examples of the great ancestors of our kings of all Russia, the autocrats, we judged for the good: The upcoming celebration of the sacred wedding and anointing of our kingship will take place before a council of the highest hierarchs of the Orthodox Church, the highest ranks of the government, the highest elected representatives of the nobility and cities, and those deliberately elected from the land. On the day of the Bright Sunday of Christ in the future 1883, we gather for our sacred wedding and anointing in our capital city of Moscow, according to a personal call to our most holy venerable synod and bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church, state. the council, the general senate, our ministers and chief administrators, the governors of the nobility, the city, the heads of both capitals, all the provinces. cities and some districts, at our discretion, and deliberately for this elective council: 1. From the merchants of every lip. The cities are combined with the district towns of that province, one merchant each elected by the general provincial merchant congress. 2. From both capitals there are three citizens elected by the capital city councils. 3. All districts of Great, Little and White Russia and New Russia: - from personal landowners, two landowners elected by the general, without distinction between large and small estates, by the district landowners' congress; - from peasants, depending on the vastness and population of the district, at least two and up to seven peasant householders, elected from the corresponding number of the district, by district peasant congresses. 4. From the lands of the Cossack troops, Don, Ural, Orenburg, Siberian, Kuban and Terek, from the provinces and regions of Siberia, Turkestan, Caucasus, Baltic and Polish and from. K. Finlyandsky, according to special instructions that we will give to our Mr. of Internal Affairs. And just as in the old days, zemstvo councils were gathered by sovereigns not only for the sacred royal wedding, but sometimes also to proclaim the sovereign’s will to the entire land in the person of its elected best people, or for the sovereign to hear directly from the elected representatives about local needs and in general for the consultation of the sovereign with the entire land, so from now on let it be. We have no doubt that just as in the old days, in times of peaceful activity and abusive burdens and vague instability, the land, when electing to the cathedral, never made a mistake in any election and did not deceive the king, so now it will not make a mistake and will not deceive, it will send the same as it was written in the royal charters of that time - kind, reasonable, strong people, with whom the sovereign can talk and provide for all people to everything good. May the great unity of the king and the land be renewed, with the blessing of the Lord: unity in love, no longer only powerful and submissive, but also advisory. May our ancient Russian Zemsky Council be re-established inviolably in its original foundations: the Zemsky Council, the royal decision, according to Divine truth. This was given in Peterhof on the 6th day of May. I am sending you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, a copy of the head wash that I gave to Moskvin. We are old acquaintances and he, of course, will not be offended: “We are our own people.” I instructed Mr. Varadinov to present me today with a resolution from the Main Directorate for Press Affairs: to close the Samara Spravochny Leaflet for eight months, and, upon its resumption after this period, to subject it to censorship in Moscow, which is tantamount to the complete cessation of this publication. Of course, I will not leave the Samara vice-governor without punishment. Tomorrow I will report to the sovereign only the main reasons for the position of the 1864 committee on schismatics, and I will ask permission to bring this matter to the State Council. Dear Konstantin Petrovich, I will accept all your comments with gratitude. I repeat only my request not to deviate from the highest principles approved in 1864, because on this and only on this basis we will be firm in the undoubtedly upcoming struggle. Not. Would you allow me to send Director Zaika to you, to whom you could communicate your conclusions verbally, and he will use them in the final editing. Today I reported to His Majesty the main provisions of the committee on the schismatics of 1864, explained that it is intended to give certain rights only to one less harmful sects, recalled at the same time all the harm that occurred from the immoderate distribution of various liberties to different parts of government, and warned that my presentation would undoubtedly cause opposition in the State Council in the so-called liberal direction. The Emperor accepted my view of this matter sympathetically, but expressed the desire that at least Mr. the ministers acted in agreement. Then I proposed to convene a council of ministers, to which permission was given. This entire case, with all attachments, will be sent to Mr. ministers; but I declared that they were unlikely to defeat him soon. Here, dear Konstantin Petrovich, is a short report on my report today. I think that such a course of affairs will be favorable for the church. When we meet, I’ll tell you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, why Moscow Telegraph is allowed again, and under what conditions; writing about this is not only impossible, but also completely inconvenient. There is reason to think that he will change his direction; if not, then he will not exist for long. His article, which is referred to, is nothing more than a mask. Sanglen's notes are published in Russian Antiquity. They, by the way, talk about the famous conspiracy against Emperor Paul. Take the trouble, dear Konstantin Petrovich, to look through this place marked with a black line, and do not refuse to tell me your opinion: is it possible to skip this. The Emperor deigned to deign to subject the issue of female medical education to a special commission consisting of the Ministers of Public Education, the Military, the Chief Administrator of His Majesty's Own Chancellery) for the institutions of the Empress Maria, the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod and the Minister of Internal Affairs. In informing Your Excellency about this highest order, I consider it my duty to add that you will be notified of the time of the meeting of the commission by special notification.” Please accept the assurance of my complete respect and devotion. At this moment I am busy with “The Voice”. Read his upper article, where Koshelev’s article was published. It is unlikely that anything like this has ever been published in the Courier - an outrageous article in the full sense of the word. The difficulty is that almost all of our press is disgusting, it would be desirable to stop many newspapers, but wouldn’t it be more prudent to act more quietly, gradually. Of course, I will not stand for either “Courier” or “Russian Thought”; I am only embarrassed by the thought that other newspapers, almost equally trashy, will continue to exist; will this be fair? For example, in my opinion, “Russian Vedomosti” is in no way better than “Courier”. However, it is best to explain this verbally, and one of these days I will be with you for this purpose. Read about Golos and Telegraph in Pr. Vestnik tomorrow: Golos was given a second warning, and Telegraph was banned from retail sales, which for it is almost tantamount to destruction. In addition, Russian Courier was banned for three months. At our last meeting, I had the opportunity to express that the choice of Baron Korf as inspector of Moscow city schools would be highly undesirable. - Pedagogical direction bar. Korfa, which puts natural science and the dirt of everyday life in front of everything and then in second place, for the sake of decency only, concerning the knowledge of God, goes directly against the main principles of Moscow: Orthodoxy and autocracy. Moscow was and is the repository of the people's shrine; She has always been distinguished by her piety and strength of spiritual life, but if the choice had been imposed on her, the bar. Korf took place, then the younger generation would be directed towards the path of materialism and godlessness. Poison poured into studying children under the influence of inspectors bar. Korf, would undermine in them the beginnings of fear of God and moral stability. I know that some trustees of city schools are already showing concern for the reliability of the schools, if bar. Korf will become their inspector. - The disastrous example of Moscow would be reflected in confusion in the minds of the population of other cities. I try as much as I can to prevent a selective movement in favor of the bar. Korf, but I notice that the agitation is increasing by leaps and bounds. “Neither the rules on enhanced security nor the city regulations give me the right to officially intervene in this matter, since, unfortunately, it is left to the entire city self-government: otherwise I would exceed my authority and break the law. The only way to stop, before it is too late, the great evil that is preparing for Moscow - what is the perverse education of children that is not in accordance with the spirit of its population - I would consider bringing this to the attention of the Emperor; and if His Majesty were pleased to express that the choice is bar. Korfa will be unpleasant for him, then, having secured this initiative, I dare to hope that I would achieve a favorable result. Presenting all of the above to you, as a person who sincerely loves our native Moscow, I most earnestly ask you to provide all possible assistance on your part in this case, and to notify me of the future, at least by telegraph, for greater speed, in view of the fact that the mayor is acting with increased insistence in favor of the bar. Korfa. Please accept, dear Konstantin Petrovich, the assurance of my sincere, unchanging devotion to you. Moscow. October 13, 1882 PBG MSK PPI 130106 37 16/10 5 25 DN The matter known to you from the letter of October 13 is beginning to take a favorable turn: if not with positive confidence, then with a significant probability of success on my part, I report at the present moment. Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev. Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev. Served 17 3:10 pm I hasten to inform you that the overall advantage is on my side, although there is strong opposition, but it seems in vain. In response to your respectable letter dated the 24th of this month, I hasten to inform you that they actually approached me about establishing a commission under my chairmanship to collect donations for the benefit of women’s medical courses. From the attached copy of my letter to A.I. Baranovsky dated October 22, you will see that my answer is fully consistent with your view of this attempt by the liberal party. I believe that the new cloud approaching Moscow - and this time from St. Petersburg - was irrevocably rejected by me. If it remains over St. Petersburg, then it will be up to the local administration to try to disperse it. As for the young Moscow liberals of the merchant class, I will not hide from you that you directly pointed to the very person who is thinking of running merchant liberalism in Moscow and the Duma. - I add that young Alekseev, with great wealth and a loud voice, without having sufficient education, unfortunately, enjoys some influence on the mayor. - Strange as it may seem, it is true. Please accept, dear Konstantin Petrovich, the assurance of my sincere respect and spiritual devotion. Dear Sir Alexander Ivanovich. As a result of Your Excellency’s letter dated October 20, having examined the documents attached to it, I find that one of the closest ways of implementing the transfer of medical courses for women from the St. Petersburg Nikolaev Military Hospital to some other institution, as provided for in paragraph 3 of the highest order of August 5, 1882, seems undoubtedly to be the implementation for the needs of this institution of what is necessary to maintain its capital, as well as simultaneous adoption of these courses under the jurisdiction of any institution outside the military department. According to neither from the above-mentioned highest command, nor from the charter of the “Society for the benefit of females studying in the courses of learned midwives at the Medical-Surgical Academy” attached to your letter and approved by the government, I do not see that, in order to realize the monetary capital required to maintain the existence of the mentioned courses, the government would be allowed to organize congresses of private individuals for the purpose of collecting monetary donations for the mentioned purpose. In view of these considerations, while bringing to you, dear sir, my sincere gratitude for your kind attention to me, I, to my extreme regret, do not consider it possible to take any part in organizing further collective money collections in favor of women’s medical courses, and especially by establishing, under my chairmanship, a special commission for this purpose, as requested by the persons who signed the donation sheet attached to your letter. I believe that my participation in the present case, regardless of the considerations set out above, seems all the less relevant to the circumstances of the case, since Mr. The donors who approached me with the above-mentioned petition make it an indispensable condition for the payment of their donations that women's medical courses be transferred to the jurisdiction of the St. Petersburg city public administration. In view of the above, I find that persons who sympathize with the goals of the mentioned courses and wish to make monetary donations for their further support, without having the right to organize meetings, congresses and collective subscriptions for this purpose, can, each separately, apply with petitions on this subject to the St. Petersburg local administrative authorities, which are in charge of the St. Petersburg city public administration, or make their donations to the St. Petersburg city management. Enclosing herewith the documents enclosed with Your Excellency's letter dated October 20, I humbly ask you, dear sir, to accept the assurance of my complete respect and devotion. Here, dear Konstantin Petrovich, is the project that I spoke to you about the other day. It was sent confidentially to committee members and will be discussed later this week. The features you noticed in Heinz are precisely those that seemed to me worthy of attention. I would like to use them, but I’ll still take a closer look. It turned out to be such a disastrous situation that I have never felt such a surge of caution as Dearest friend Konstantin Petrovich. The Emperor deigned to appoint members of the committee for drawing up the draft civil code, and among them you, M. N. Lyuboshchinsky, E. N. Staridky (and other persons), and Yegor Pavlovich, at the same time, as the chairman of the editorial commission. Now the committee must establish the composition of the editorial commission by electing its members, who will then have to distribute the work among themselves and then immediately begin preparatory work. For this purpose, the committee needs to have one meeting, which is scheduled for Monday at 8 1/2 pm, if this day and hour is convenient for you. Otherwise - on Wednesday, also in the evening. If you were kind enough to notify me, I would come to you about this circumstance, but today, it seems to me, you are in the synod. I also received the American newspaper you sent me. The attacks on our representatives are, of course, very unpleasant, but here is the bottom line of this matter. The editor of this newspaper constantly approaches us with the desire to receive a fairly strong subsidy from us. At first he praised us, but, having received a refusal, he began to mercilessly criticize us. We are not able to give him subsidies, because we have the most insignificant amount for this item, while Austria spends on this item, as far as I know, more than 300 thousand guilders. The book indicated by Your Excellency is in my possession and has been reviewed. According to available information, the author Kravchinsky, a well-known state criminal, is hiding under the pseudonym “Stepnyaka”. The purpose of this publication is primarily speculative, and this book does not contain useful revelations of investigative value. Your Excellency With an expression of most devoted gratitude, returning the letter from the Ufa governor, I have the honor to report to Your Excellency that, on my part, I will take measures to prevent Blummer, who has been known to the state police for more than ten years. With deepest devotion, I have the honor to be Your Excellency Returning to Your Excellency the article from Sovremennye Izvestia on the Melitopol robbery, I undertake to bring to your attention that the initial cautious statement of the Government Bulletin about the general criminal nature of this crime could now be replaced by a categorical certificate in the same sense. Recently, another participant in the crime was arrested, and part of the stolen loot that fell to his share was found on him, so that, with the exception of several thousand distributed by the robbers to relatives and friends, almost all the money sent by mail that was attacked has been found. In addition, from other data in the case, an undoubted conclusion follows that the Melitopol case was the work of ordinary criminals who did not even expect such a large profit and lost due self-control due to this surprise, which prevented them from hiding the trace of the crime. I take this opportunity to renew before Your Excellency the assurance of the deepest respect and devotion with which I have the honor to be State Property. Due to my most humble report that the recent unrest within the walls of the Kazan and St. Petersburg universities had an unfavorable impact on the behavior of the students of the St. Petersburg Forestry Institute, causing a noisy gathering among them on November 12th, His Imperial Majesty deigned to command: the question of what general measures can be taken to eliminate such regrettable phenomena in the future walls of higher educational institutions, to be considered at a meeting of Your Excellency and Mr. Ministers of War, Internal Affairs, Public Education, Railways, State Property and the Administrator of the Naval Ministry. I consider it my duty to inform Your Excellency about this highest will. Please accept the assurance of my complete respect and sincere devotion to you. Dear Konstantin Petrovich. Today I received from the Emperor the highest question why the invitation to the meeting of the Council of Ministers was not sent to the leader. book Vladimir Alexandrovich. I reported today that the invitation and all the papers were presented to His Highness on December 5th, which was personally confirmed to me by the Grand Duke himself during my morning meeting with him. I consider it necessary to inform you about this due to your note yesterday. Finally, I can present to you a note on the situation of the clergy in Georgia, corrected and personally revised by me here based on the data collected. The difficult situation caused by the stated facts will undoubtedly arouse in you a readiness to help this cause, which is close to my Russian and Orthodox heart... I fully understand that everything cannot be done at once under the present circumstances, look at the note as a pia desideria of the future, but in the present help in a more urgent matter than you can, in the name of the church and the dignity of the Russian name in the Caucasus. Of course, I am very glad, dear Konstantin Petrovich, about the accomplished event and the appointment of Ivan Davidovich, and even more so that the “great,” as you write, was wrested from filthy hands. But I was frightened by the new evidence given of our hopeless governmental weakness. How? An incapable and unworthy minister is dismissed, who clearly for everyone served as an instrument of the party in which everything is evil, and with which the government must fight, resigns precisely because of the conviction that leaving him in power any longer would be disastrous, and at the same time, honest people are informed and taught that the dismissed minister was an example of ministers, a healer of evils, a patriot, and during the year of his administration, through his merits, he acquired the right to “sincere” gratitude to Russia or, what amounts to the same thing, its supreme power! How edifying this is for the Russian public, confused, upset and not knowing what to believe! What moral will she draw from these events, which should show that in Russia there is still a government that understands what it is doing and is aware of its tasks and responsibilities! In what position should a new minister feel before the public, called upon, however, to act in the opposite sense to his predecessor! If the rescript is true, then the new minister should follow the path of the same patriotism and the same legality that led us straight into chaos; if this word that was heard from above throughout all of Russia is not true, then how edifying it really is and how, as a result, the task of the new minister is made easier! You write that we need to speak out more modestly so as not to arouse the opposing party. But the opposite party, believe me, is only a shadow cast by the government’s inability and the false impotence of the authorities, which hides and is ashamed of itself. I don’t want to look at anything and I can’t be deeply happy about anything, in view of the general state of affairs. Forgive me these sad outpourings: they express a very serious feeling. Absolutely devoted to you Moscow The Minister of Internal Affairs, whom you reproached for weakness regarding the press, now wants to show his power on Moskovskiye Vedomosti. He is liberal towards the press when it corrupts society and serves as an organ of treason, but his smile disappears when the press allows itself to deviate too sharply towards duty. My situation threatens to become unbearable. Every day the censorship committee, on Ignatiev’s instructions, makes unbearable quibbles to me. Questions that Moskovskie Vedomosti has just touched upon in its own sense are immediately removed from the sphere of discussion in the press, and I am left with my mouth open, with a word left unsaid. Now the order has been given not to say anything either pro or contra to the need to convene a Zemsky Sobor. I am threatened with punishment for the Jews. Should we continue the struggle, which threatens to become fierce? It’s better for me to leave than to remain a passive observer of what is happening, and to speak decisively and firmly, as I can now, to speak for the government in the sense of its most cherished principles and interests, exposing treason, means colliding with the government. The blows that will rain down on me will fall not so much on me as on the essence of the government, on what should be most dear to it. Will this not be a new turmoil in our poor society? So, I must either immediately stop my activities, step down from my post, close my eyes and remain silent, or have some kind of guarantee that I will not be persecuted by the government for protecting the rights of the supreme power and the interests of the state. I am writing these lines hastily, taking advantage of the departure of a friend who has undertaken to deliver this letter to you. If Ignatiev remains, the situation will truly become unbearable, and the outcome will not slow down. Thank you for the letter, which breathes with sincere patriotic concern, but you are worrying in vain. I do not at all approve of the Parisian speech or the few words spoken by Skobelev to the students in Paris, and, as you will see, having reprinted them along with the telegram of the correspondent of the Cologne Gazeta (which Mosk. Ved. also did), I refrained from any assessment. But at the same time, I don’t understand and don’t share the fear that has taken over St. Petersburg, and partly you too. Even pretending that we are afraid of the fuss raised by foreign newspapers is bad policy. Europe has long been accustomed to such a convenient, cheap, in relation to Russia, means of intimacy: this was even recently naively expressed in print in England, regarding campaigning in defense of Jews. Receiving quite a lot of foreign newspapers, including Pest. Lloyd,” I have the opportunity every day to enjoy reading such offensive and warlike articles for Russia, compared to which my articles and Skobelev’s speeches are affectionate baby babble. Let us suppose that Skobelev is adjutant general, and this title, of course, obliges him to show restraint (although the title of minister did not oblige Beaconsfield to refrain from the famous abusive speech at the Lord Mayor’s banquet); but a private, independent newspaper, the organ of a private individual, has the right to be more free in its speeches. Why do you find it necessary to convince me of the need to support the central government, when I do just that and, it seems, more energetically than anyone else?! But to support does not mean to praise her every act or to affirm her in the wrong direction; on the contrary, we must try to lead her onto a straight path, and no one can doubt the honesty of my relations with the authorities. I am convinced that fearfulness is the most insidious adviser, that with excessive humility we do not avert war, but only seduce, tempt our opponents to declare war on us, or, finally, encourage them to take such actions that will ultimately involve us in war. What does England take - essentially not at all scary to any land power? Firmness of tone, ability to want, courage of indignation. And we even manage to fear England, when in essence she has reason to fear us, and not we her! Be calm: no one will dare to start a war with Russia de coeur léger, but it is intended to take advantage of Russia’s present situation in order to do everything that can be done without fighting with Russia, to the detriment of Russia. And be sure that the dull growl of the beast, reminding you that he is alive and not so sick, will make you take him into account rather than the assumption that he is completely dead. It seems to me in general that one of the best “health-improving” moral means for our society is a living feeling of national dignity, and not a feeling of humiliation, not a feeling of despondency, not a negative quality of feeling at all. “Where are we going,” “What are we going to do,” etc. – you won’t go far with this and you won’t find a way out of the current situation. You will understand, my dear friend, that first you need to build your house, and then, etc. This is an indisputable truth that it would be desirable to observe, but, firstly, history does not wait: what do you order to do here! Secondly, I would like to know when such a moment will come, so that I can say to myself: “My house is now arranged completely as it should.” No country ever has to tell itself this. Moreover, the very process of dispensation is accomplished, perhaps, precisely by these very untimely wars and other scrapes, as in nature itself - thunderstorms, storms, whirlwinds. Please take her out of this that I want war and want to bring it on. I only rebel against this fear of war, against this cheap wisdom of a corrupting nature, which recognizes, almost as a matter of patriotism, the humiliation of Russia before Europe, Russia’s renunciation of its historical mission, and is afraid of every manifestation of life. It seems to me that statesmanship consists precisely in recognizing the inevitable law of development and progress of truth in human societies, and this law is this: no manifestation of good can do without 1/4 of dirty tricks. Where there are people, there is dirty tricks. Of the 12 disciples of Christ, Judas was found. We love to remember the first centuries of Christianity, but they appear to us in the perspective of time, and if you, my dear friend Konstantin Petrovich, lived - well, even in the 4th century, how your soul would languish, sensitively hearing all sorts of untruths in the soul of Konstantin! If in those days they had asked you whether to convene ecumenical councils, which we now recognize as holy, you would have presented so many solid critical reasons against their convening that they, perhaps, would not have taken place... This is now your attitude towards the press. It produces terrible harm, but also great good - and this good is conditioned by the assumption of that freedom that gives room for harm. Such is life and there is no such projectile that filters only one good, without an admixture of evil. When uprooting the tares, one should not uproot the wheat, and it is better not to uproot the tares than to uproot even one ear of wheat. So it is in everything. Your soul is too painfully sensitive to everything false, unclean, and therefore you began to have a negative attitude towards everything living, seeing in it an admixture of impurity and falsehood. But without this, nothing living in the world lives, and you need to believe in the power of good, which will prevail only in freedom... And if you give strength to despondency, then there will be nothing to salt yourself with. I am sending you, dearly respected Konstantin Petrovich, my sketched thoughts regarding the attitude of the Minister of Internal Affairs on press measures. I would like to know your opinion about my considerations. If you say that they are no good, then I will throw them away and agree with Mr. Ext. business I am enclosing Mr. Ext.'s attitude. so that you have it at hand. The editor of this magazine is probably a big fraud. Please note the underlined passages in the attached article. What a non-Zuistic trick! I am gr. Tolstoy wrote about this. He will still regret that he listened to the advice of brainless people. Soloviev has since given 4 lectures. Of these, I was at three. I'll be there again this week, but last week I wasn't due to ill health. At the 1st lecture, he spoke about the modern looseness of scientific views and their materialistic direction, explaining this phenomenon by the fall into modernity. society of religious morals. started. The second contained a brief overview of the history of religions, with Judaism being presented as the highest form of religion. views of the ancient world - worship of God as a person, and a person’s personal attitude towards him. The third, very strange, was devoted to the Jewish question. According to Solovyov, the Jewish question will be resolved in Russia, because here, in the all-encompassing spirit of Orthodoxy, they will be reconciled with Christianity, which they hate; on the other hand, they will bring to Russia the element it lacks - a strong development of the subjective spirit, which they have always been distinguished by. What you are writing about could only have been said in the 4th lecture. I believe that the impression conveyed to you is not entirely correct. In all likelihood, Soloviev said the same thing as in last year’s lectures published in Prav. Review,” and of which I have a print. There, Catholicism is presented as a religion of one external cult, reaching the point of idolatry - Orthodoxy, as a combination of cult and personal relationship with God. Protestantism, which takes only the latter as its basis, has the obvious meaning of a protest against Catholicism. I don’t think Soloviev could speak against the cult and the church. At Maslenitsa, he read a memoir about Dostoevsky, to whom he attributed a special merit for his filial attitude towards the church. Even less can I imagine that in I. Christ he separated the idea from the personality. In the course published last year, he sees in the Incarnation not only the direct revelation of God, but also his raising of humanity to himself, or, as he puts it, the deification of humanity. - If in his views there is a lot that is not correctly deduced, or is arbitrary, then in any case with Leo. He has nothing in common with being fat. However, this week I will be at his lecture again and will thoroughly find out about the content of the latter. “My stomach was very upset, and I could not leave for a week. I will try to come to you today to talk more about these lectures. Yaroslavl, November 28, 1882 Thank you sincerely for the information about Dagaev. I informed him of the contents of your letter, with the caveat that he would be obliged to go as assigned by the synod without any excuses. We could not do without a meeting and without strict measures, which alone are able to bring the youth to reason. I think that our higher educational institutions provide too great a discount on military service and thus artificially attract a lot of students. According to practitioners, for dismissed students, one deprivation of benefits is enough - and a year and a half of military service, if only the perpetrators are distributed to different regiments - is enough to reform young people. Now the masses are hiding in universities and in our country from their duty, which is being made too much easier for them. German students do not receive deferments, but here you can slack off at a higher educational institution, shirking your duty, and then after six years reduce it to a minimum, almost equal to zero. Of course, for the inveterate politicians, a stronger measure will be needed: instead of infecting Arkhangelsk and other outskirts, they need the strictest discipline, but for guilty students it is enough to be deprived of the benefit, and for the innocent it would be good to reduce this benefit. The students are peaceful until November, and as soon as the admission of recruits ends, their fear disappears. It seems that now everything has calmed down for us, and we need to think about measures for the future to ensure that the Lyceum does not have a recurrence of unrest. First of all, it is necessary for power to make itself felt. Thank you for pointing out Korsunsky’s book: I’ll get it to read. Thank you for your letter, dear Konstantin Petrovich. I found him in Moscow upon returning from the village, where I had taken my wife and where I spent four days in complete pleasure. Dear one, I learned about an unexpected change, and your letter clarified the mystery for me. Thank God that you renounced Ignatiev. I just didn’t understand why you ever believed him. This denouement did not surprise me at all, because it is completely in character with the person. To compose a Zemstvo Sobor through intrigue and in the form of comedy, just as tricks are played, is simply delightful! Fifteen thousand people, summoned by surprise, no one knows why, and guided by frivolity personified, but this is only suitable for a farce! I will add that the end is worthy of the whole performance. Don the Scoundrel and Donna the Weak, resurrected from the dead and becoming the head of the state! Lord, what have we come to! All this would be funny if it weren't so sad. Unfortunately, all this is paid for by our poor Russia, which looks with alarm at what is happening in government spheres and sees that every new step brings it closer to destruction. To guide youth, where clear thought and strong will are needed, a rag is prescribed, simply because a rag is convenient for everyone; and where it is necessary to arouse trust both in the zemstvo and in the cities, they appoint a person who has managed to arouse general distrust, who has everyone against him - both conservatives and liberals. And to all objections there is one answer: there is no one to appoint! The enchanted circle of actual privy councilors is apparently filled with such bastards that even a scoundrel comparatively seems like a decent person. We will live to see the Zemsky Sobor, dear Konstantin Petrovich, for the simple reason that it is impossible to live with such an order. When a government fails, the country, willy-nilly, is forced to take matters into its own hands. I know it is chaos, but out of chaos a new world can come, but out of rotten wood nothing can come except decay. I regret the sovereign, who with honest intentions found himself in such an environment, but I regret even more about Russia, on which all this is falling. God's will be done! I have no hope for people. God bless you, dear Konstantin Petrovich! – I read Basha’s note with a delightful feeling. Respect for our mother church, deep knowledge of the needs of the Russian people - these qualities are rare in our dignitaries. Many disappointments await you, and you yourself expect them, but you are preparing for yourself the joyful knowledge that you are serving the Church and Russia in an Orthodox manner. November 29, 1882 Although I can hardly hold the pen, I cannot resist offering deep gratitude. The event of March 1st forces me to address Your Excellency with this letter. Anyone who holds the fatherland dear cannot rest in peace only on the fact that the villains who deprived us of our father will be executed. An in-depth study of the reasons that give rise to atrocities is necessary. In such a study, the first and cardinal fact is that the atrocity of March 1, like all those that preceded it, is the work of our intelligentsia in general and our student youth in particular. No matter what our newspapers and magazines say, for any sincere person there is no doubt that the acquittal of Zasulich, the delight of the public and literature, the murder of Mezentsev, Krapotkin, the attempts on the lives of Drenteln, Loris-Melikov, the events of April 2, November 19, February 5, the unimaginable event of March 1, etc. etc., and next to this many suicides - all these are not the actions of individual madmen, but the actual real fruit of the life of our intelligent society, sufficiently indicating how healthy this life is, how much trust this society deserves, from among which, however, cries of trust in it are heard even after March 1st, even regarding the event that took place on that day. For me, there is no doubt that no power can destroy the evil that is rooted in the way of thinking, and I do not appeal to violence, not to severity - this will not help in the present case - first of all, it is necessary that we finally realize the abnormality of our life, the abnormality of the state in which we are, in which our intelligentsia in general and our student youth in particular find themselves; it is necessary to finally realize that the state in which we find ourselves is the true cause of the events of March 1st and those preceding it. The main characteristic of our intelligentsia is the loss of the meaning of life, the complete aimlessness of existence, hence suicide, hence the invention of the most unimaginable goals, including the invention of the goal of making people happy with economic equality, material well-being, which, due to an unimaginable confusion of concepts, is exalted above all else, above the lives of others and one’s own, above those whom they want to make happy with these benefits. Such confusion of concepts occurs, first of all, of course, from the loss of faith, from forgetting the covenant of the fathers - the Divine covenant, and then because our student youth are left to the mercy of fate, left to idleness, deprived of any guidance. A university student can limit himself to just memorizing lectures before exams and finish the course as a complete ignoramus, as is the case in most cases. It is necessary to transform universities (understanding by this name generally higher schools), and this transformation should consist in turning lectures into classes for students under the guidance of professors in libraries, in the premises of collections and meetings of archaeological, paleographic, ethnographic, etc., in laboratories, physics classrooms and in general in the museum. And at the present time, universities set up libraries, and various collections and collections, but all this cannot be compared with a museum and is set up at universities as some kind of insignificant appendage, while classes in these institutions are optional for students and take place without any guidance from professors; That’s why people often gathered in libraries not for classes, but for meetings; whereas for the majority of students, even during independent studies, guidance and help from a professor are needed, and with such help, many of those who are currently finishing the course useless would develop their strengths (and perhaps considerable ones) for the common good. Our higher schools - universities - did not develop on our soil, and we have already tried all sorts of school systems - English, French, German, etc., and not one of these systems has given us the opportunity to offer students anything that would satisfy their true needs, that would give an outcome, a proper direction to their forces; and if the strength of our youth, left to the mercy of fate, finds application in highly abnormal phenomena, the abnormality of which has all gradations from funny to terrible, we must blame ourselves first of all for this, our complete inability to create something of our own that is suitable for us; our aversion to independent WORK has reached the point where they even claim that nothing of our own, our own, that the Germans, French, etc., would not have invented before us, not only does not exist, but cannot exist. Meanwhile, it would only be worthwhile to be more conscious of what we borrow from these foreigners, and we would see that the higher school we adopted, for example, from them and there, at home, was not the product of a deliberate plan, but was born by itself, one might say, unconsciously; This is the only way to explain why such educational institutions appeared disconnected, which, in order to produce a proper educational effect, must necessarily be united, the whole meaning of which is in the connection, since the separation of the university, or higher school in general, as well as learned societies from the museum (meaning by museum libraries, archaeological, ethnographic, etc. collections and collections) produces the fact that libraries and all these collections and collections are useless, because they have no leaders, but the number of leaders needed for them should be equal to all professors and scientists of various specialties. In other words, a museum (in Moscow - Rumyantsovsky, the Armory Chamber, the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, etc., in St. Petersburg - the Imperial Public Library, the Hermitage, etc.), in order to bring possible benefits, must be connected with a university and learned societies. Such a connection is also necessary for the university in order for university teaching to be not reading and listening to lectures that communicate only general views and have little effect, like a sermon, but independent work of students under the guidance of professors and scientists (this is the heuristic method). With this transformation, professors will be librarians of library departments related to their subject, custodians of various collections, collections, and leaders of students in their studies; students will be assistants to professors, librarians and curators of various collections, the duties of such assistants will put students in the need to compile catalogs, indexes and all sorts of such aids; and all these activities must be systematically divided among the students. With such a university-museum structure, the totality of professors and students will present a living library, a living museum, in which not a single book, not a single object will remain unknown, unused; and this will give such a movement, such a flight to science and life, the possibility of which, perhaps, has not been suspected until now; and at the same time, such joint studies of professors and students will relieve the former from the need to compose eloquent lectures, and the latter from listening to what they can read in the books from which the lectures are composed. With such a structure, professors will patriarchally guide students in their studies, which will save both of them from wasting time in vain in many cases, establish cordial relations between them, destroy the most unnatural of antagonisms, the antagonism between the older and younger generations, and destroy the parties of fathers and sons. The limits of the letter do not allow us to develop the thought contained in the allusion made here to the desirable transformation of the university and our higher school in general, which after the event of March 1st cannot be abandoned; it would be criminal to leave it in its previous form - but if Your Excellency were willing to listen to me, then I dare to hope that you would admit that this transformation would mark the beginning of not only a moral, but also a social, political and economic reorganization of society, that such a transformation of the university would mark the beginning of the creation of human society according to the image given to us in the teaching of the Holy Trinity, according to which unity does not destroy or absorb the independence of individuals, and independent individuals do not break unity; - in the doctrine of St. The Trinity is ideally presented with exactly what humanity strives for and cannot achieve, i.e., so that the personality is not absorbed, and together so that the personalities remain in complete unity, are “one”: - “Let them all be one, just as you, Father, are in me and I in you, so may they also be one in us” (John 17:21). The newspapers reported that Your Excellency took the trouble to sort out the papers of F. M. Dostoevsky; - if this is so and if you find the thoughts expressed here worthy of attention, then would you consider it possible to find in the papers of Fyodor Mikhailovich the manuscript that I sent to him in the last third of last year; this manuscript might shed some light on what is contained in this letter; I say in part because this manuscript is only the beginning of a rather extensive and not yet completely completed work; but if you were interested in the notebook that should be found in Fyodor Mikhailovich’s papers, I could send another notebook that much more clearly expresses the thoughts contained both in this letter and in the manuscript sent to Fyodor Mikhailovich. It should be noted that in 1877 I sent Fyodor Mikhailovich a small manuscript, which interested him so much that he sent me a long letter dated March 24, 1878, in which he says that he “read the thoughts expressed in this manuscript as if he were his own” and at the same time asks several questions; The notebook I sent him at the end of last year is actually the beginning, the preface to the work that will be the answer to the questions he asked. I hope to preface Dostoevsky’s letter to me with a work that, although it began more than ten years ago, which, in its current form, had as its immediate inspiration this letter. Only deep respect for your scientific and social activities inspired me with the courage to address Your Excellency with this letter. My address: In Kerensk, Penza province. N.P. Peterson, secretary of the Congress of Justices of the Peace. Dear Konstantin Petrovich. Since yesterday, I have been painfully exhausted under the weight of a lack of understanding of the duty of a servant-writer devoted to the sovereign, and I have a presentiment that, through a fatal hoax, I have involuntarily become contrary to the main thought of the king precisely when I thought that I was standing in it and with him. And doubt takes over, and rumors from the outside put strange 4 feelings against you in your soul, and at the same time you think about you, pray for you, love you with all the strength of the past, and you love your cherished thought, in a word, I cannot convey what is happening in my soul. If only you knew what happened yesterday, you would be silent about what you cannot talk about FOR, in agreement with the king... For God’s sake, I conjure you, use all your efforts and efforts to ensure that the PRINT is not in the hands of minions. internal business Now I realized that this could become a huge deal. The press should be independent and entirely in the hands of one dignitary, not a minister. Otherwise, in today’s time, God knows what kind of troubles you might cause. For swindlers of the pen, this is a means of vile exploitation; a minister gains popularity through the press, or through a press that does not... and for honest publicists, devoted primarily to the sovereign, this dependence of the press on the minister is a source of eternal misunderstandings, and sometimes even acute situations, as now... I’m afraid to come to you. You have become too scary, a great man. But I pray for you 3 hours a day and will pray with the power of feelings that stand above any petty anger of the day. I would always like to see you so that I can understand everything clearly and accurately. Just in case, I wrote a short note on the issue of the press in the hope that you will forward it to the sovereign. I beg you, don't refuse... P.S. I would dare to ask for half an hour to take up your time, if possible. – And then there’s the hassle of moving! Wanting to express my gratitude to E.I. V. Sovereign Emperor for his gracious solution to my case, and also, before leaving for Australia, to talk about what interests H.V. In fact, I turned to the Marshal Prince. V. S. Obolensky with a request to tell me the day when the Emperor would like to see me. My letter was sent to Gatchino on Saturday last week, while Prince. Obolensky was in St. Petersburg. Why did I only receive an answer from the prince on Wednesday, who invited me to convey through him what I had to tell the sovereign. Feeling unwell, I told the prince, when meeting him on Thursday, that I would write to His Majesty. I did this partly by writing a letter of gratitude, but did not say a word about the issue, which, I believe, may really be of interest to the Emperor. I did not do this because, having carefully considered what I had to report, I came to the conclusion that while I am still in St. Petersburg, and the Emperor, if he wishes (and if he is reported about this) to listen to me personally, then this will be incomparably more satisfactory for the cause and for its successful organization than long letters. So, I would like (not for my sake, but for the sake of the matter itself) to have the happiness of personally conveying to her. V. To the Emperor, I have to inform you that it will not take more than 10 or 15 minutes of time. Your Excellency. While studying the Holy Scriptures, I came to an idea that I consider it my duty to convey to Your Excellency. The upcoming consecration of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, being an event outstanding in its importance in the annals of the Russian Church and our Fatherland, requires exceptional solemnity of the church rite. I dare to offer the following opinion for this purpose: The third book of Kings in chapter VIII, in verses 23–53, concludes the prayer of King Solomon at the consecration of the non-Rusalem church, and further, in verses 56–61, his second prayer with the blessing of the children of Israel. In the breviary now in use, the reading of these prayers is not required; Meanwhile, both of them are distinguished by sacred completeness and high poetry and are highly appropriate in the rite of consecration of the church: 1) the second prayer (verses 56–6.1), which has the meaning of dismissal - at the end of the rite of consecration, after making the sign of the cross and saying “Lord have mercy” three times; 2) the first prayer (verses 23–53) - at the liturgy in the newly consecrated church before the litanies for the catechumens. If Your Excellency pleases to take into account the opinion I have stated above, then I will not hesitate to present it in more detail, as well as present the biblical prayers as fully adapted for the previously indicated use. Expressing my thoughts in several local circles, I met with universal sympathy; but not knowing whether anyone has brought this to proper attention, I dare to turn directly to Your Excellency, both out of ignorance of other ways, and in the hope of meeting attention to a proposal aimed at promoting the upcoming triumph, dear to every Russian. With sincere respect and complete devotion, I have the honor to be Your Excellency’s humble servant - master's student at Moscow University Moscow. Opposite the Nikitsky Monastery, Kuznetsov's house. Cher monsieur Pobedonoszew. Faites moi le plaisir de prendre connaissance de cette lettre, qui est faite pour inspirer la pitié et ayez la bonté de trouver le moyen de remédier a des maux aussi navrants. Croyez-vous qúil soit prudent d'en parler a Kozlow ou bien connaissez vous d'autres individus plus compétents. Mille compliments Catherine Your Imperial Highness, Most Gracious Empress, Grand Duchess On December 11 last 1881, at two o'clock in the morning, a carriage drove up to my apartment and a young guards officer rushed into the room, accompanied by a Cossack and a young man whom I had seen once before. Having introduced himself to me as an aide-de-camp to His Imperial Highness Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich, this officer, in the name of His Highness, ordered me to get ready to immediately go with him, since His Highness had been waiting for me for a long time. I got ready and was brought to the house of Count Shuvalov, on the corner of Fontanka and Bolshaya Italianskaya Street. There I was introduced to two persons sitting at a round green table, one of whom introduced himself to me as Prince Shcherbatov and, pointing his finger at the other, said that this was Count Shuvalov. After a rather long speech that had neither place nor meaning (if you can call it a speech), Prince Shcherbatov announced that His Highness had instructed them to interrogate me and then discuss my testimony and decide whether I deserved admission to His Highness’s audience or not. At the end of the interrogation, they convinced me, despite the important arguments of my refusal, to enter the service as an agent in the squad of Prince Shcherbatov of His Imperial Majesty’s guard, gave me a month’s salary in advance and asked me to work as I saw fit; if necessary, appropriate assistance and funds would be provided to me without delay; At the same time, I should in no way leave my current position, which I hold in the Ministry of Railways. Five days later, i.e. On December 16, the prince sent me with an order that I should come to him with a report on the result of my activities and if the result turns out to be unsatisfactory, then I will immediately be deported to Sakhalin Island. On the 17th, I appeared to the prince in person and tried to convince him that in such a short time as 5 days, and in such a difficult activity as political service as a secret agent, it was not only difficult, but even unthinkable, to achieve a satisfactory result; but all my assurances were in vain; the prince did not want to listen to them and, by means of a threat to send me directly into exile from him, forced his close associate, a certain Polyansky, to write a signature, and me to sign it, and through Count Shuvalov he sent me with a letter to the chief of police, who put me in a cell (a dirty prison), kept me in solitary confinement for a whole day, demanded my document from the Ministry of Railways, made a decree to expel me from St. Petersburg, strictly forbade me to appear for service in the Ministry of Railways and ordered me to prepare for deportation when ordered. Now my deportation to Astrakhan has been announced on January 15th. Why this is - I myself cannot positively understand. Your Imperial Highness, have mercy on me. I live with a relative, almost an old woman and sick, who, like me, at the present time, positively has no means of subsistence (it’s now the third day since we literally have nothing to eat) and lived only with me... I was deprived of my place of service and sent into exile, where I will inevitably have to die of hunger, since an exile will not be accepted for service anywhere... My God, God, what can I do?... Today I just received precious advice to turn to yours Highness and beg you for the possible mercy of the unfortunate and deliverance of the innocent from inevitable death... Oh, if I were so happy that I could personally explain the details of this case to Your Imperial Highness and report very, very important, and perhaps at the time quite useful information in political terms, then with the calmness of a Russian patriot I would endure even undeserved punishment... But except for Your Highness and our Father-Sovereign, my lips are closed forever to everyone in the communication of the mentioned information. How innocently one can suffer while being an agent in the above-mentioned (security) squad of Prince Shcherbatov can be seen from the fact that the same Mr. Polyansky who was hired there as an agent of the collegiate registrar K.N. and he was driven out; agents, and this was in the presence of Uspensky as a witness, but no one, not even Philomatitsky, knows the reason for such impudence of Mr. Polyansky. Then, on the same day, the same fate befell Uspensky himself, only without witnesses and on a smaller scale, and yet this Uspensky is a retired officer, and who Polyansky is, none of the offended people yet know. Then Uspensky, at the insistence of Prince Shcherbatov, at the end of last year left the service of a local police inspector, and now, according to him, he is in an uncertain position: whether he will serve as a guard or not, and his family - his wife and two children - are literally dying of hunger, which I myself was personally convinced of, and all this, again, by the grace of the same Polyansky. And finally, these days, one writer who offered his services to the security, Alexander Ivanov, was hit once in the face by the same Polyansky in his office in the presence of Prince Shcherbatov, and this blow was heard by all the agents, numbering 18 people, who were in the other room; A frightened, disheveled Alexander Ivanov ran out of the office, asked the agents to be witnesses and left. And all these libelous things are happening in such a high institution as the guard of His Imperial Majesty. My God, where should there be justice after this!... In the name of God and all that is holy for you, I beg Your Imperial Highness to spare me and hasten with this highly patronizing help, since tomorrow I will no longer be in St. Petersburg... If it is impossible to finally get rid of this deportation, then I beg you for at least one mercy: since Astrakhan is more than 2000 miles away, and my sister and I, not to mention any means, Now there is literally nothing to eat, then would Your Highness find it possible to provide financial assistance, which would serve as a source of food for us during the desperate journey and for the first time upon arrival at the place of exile in Astrakhan, provide me with some kind of paper to the local governor, who would accordingly give me a place of service, otherwise I will innocently and completely disappear..... Vanya, Imperial Highness, Ekateripa Mikhailovna, be merciful and condescending to one of the most unfortunate mortals in the world, but nevertheless a true patriot, an honest and hardworking person............... Have pity and mercy at least on my bitter youth and my even more unhappy, grief-stricken and sick sister......... Resorting to your highest patronage and expecting your most merciful condescension to the unfortunate, like a drowning man who, clutching at straws, thinks of obtaining salvation, I have the honor to be your imperial highness's most humble servant and a true prayer for your well-being, the priest's son Alexander Mikhailovich Sokolov P.S. I dare to earnestly ask for the facts of the treatment of their agents by the guards described here to be kept secret or discovered outside of me, otherwise I will be forced to suffer even more than what I am now enduring, although it would be desirable from the bottom of my heart to bring all this to the attention of His Imperial Majesty, but I tremble for my already unhappy fate, and therefore I dare to hope for your most merciful condescension and generous patronage. Your Imperial Highness, look at the tears of the desperate and unfortunate and have mercy on them. Son of a priest A. Sokolov I still live on the Petersburg side, on the corner of Maly Prospekt and Petrovskaya Street, in house No. 20/66. Alexander Sokolov, who served as a free agent in the office of the Minister of Railways, the son of a priest, was prohibited on the basis of Art. 16 for spreading false rumors about the regicide and repeatedly making unfounded statements. provisions on state protection and, by agreement with the St. Petersburg governor, residence in the capital and within the local province. Sokolov chose Astrakhan as his place of residence and stated that he did not have any means to leave St. Petersburg at his own expense, and therefore an order was made to send him at the stage, not as an arrested person, to the said city, for which he was placed in a transit prison. The son of a priest, Alexander Mikhailov, Sokolov initially served as a sorter at the Velsk post office, where he enjoyed a very bad reputation, and then as a free agent in the office of the Ministry of Railways. For a very short time, Sokolov was an agent in the former III department of His Imperial Majesty’s own chancellery, but due to his unsuitability for activities of this kind, he was released from it. Then living in St. Petersburg, Sokolov, having no specific occupation, rented apartments for which he did not pay money, borrowed things from shops, sold them without paying the sellers, and generally obtained a living in various dark ways. After March 1 of last year, Sokolov turned to the Chief of Police with various denunciations of a political nature, which were never confirmed in any way, and spread rumors that had no basis about an upcoming attempt on the life of the sacred person of the Emperor. In December 1881, Sokolov, transferred by the chief police officer to the disposal of the head of the gendarmerie department of the mountains. St. Petersburg, stated that, having received information about a circle of socialists formed in the capital, he brought this to the attention of Prince Shcherbatov, who allegedly accepted him into his squad as an agent with a salary of 150 rubles. per month. Supervision over Sokolov himself, according to him, was established in the person of two district guards, who talked with him about various assumptions through which it would be possible to open a gang of propagandists. Less than five days had passed after he arrived as an agent to Prince Shcherbatov, when the latter, having demanded him to come to him, informed him that the police officers assigned to him had warned the prince about the very important information that Sokolov had supposedly collected regarding state criminals, and also that he, Sokolov, did not want to communicate them to anyone except His Imperial Majesty or His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich. Despite his complete denial of the validity of such a statement by the police guards, Prince Shcherbatov ordered Mr. Polyansky to draw up a protocol on behalf of Sokolov in the sense as stated above, and Sokolov, under the moral influence of Prince Shcherbatov and Polyansky and out of fear of them, signed the protocol, despite the injustice of the instructions contained in it. In addition, in the same testimony to the head of the gendarmerie department, Sokolov made a statement about a circle of socialists known to him, but this statement did not find any confirmation. Following this, the society of priests. The squad brought to the attention of the chief police chief that Sokolov, who had not been accepted into service in the society, allowed himself to expose the names of some of its leaders, as a result of which, and at the request of the priest. squad, the chief police chief prohibited Sokolov from living in St. Petersburg and he, according to his personal request, was expelled on January 23 of this year to the city. Astrakhan in stages. Your most respectable letter dated 15th century. m. had the honor of receiving this day. – I extremely regretted that I did not have the opportunity to see you in Moscow. The reason was that I learned about your arrival only on Sunday, I still wanted to write about the state of affairs in filling the position of school inspector, but I hesitated these days in order to wait for something definite; but now let me tell you what is already there. – After the first statement of the candidates and the postponement of the elections until D. F. Samarin arrived in Moscow, Baron Korff’s party began to propagandize in his favor. It was headed by Alekseev (Nikolai Alexandrovich) and some young men like him. Through private meetings, they tried to acquaint various vowels with the virtues of Korf and attracted some of the vowels to themselves. At Alekseev’s last meeting last week, Korf himself, who was liked by many (probably like a cat to a mouse), was there to familiarize himself with the vowels... D. F. Samarin was also there, and after Korf’s departure he spoke out for him... I know all this from one of ours, sent there for supervision. I considered it premature to speak out against this, so as not to strengthen the activities of Korf’s supporters; but now all possible measures have already been taken, and besides, sin itself has confused him; with his last article in "Golos" he damaged himself significantly. D. F. Samarin renounced him openly on the third day and conveyed this to everyone to whom he said something for Korf. In view of this circumstance, the mayor of the city is calling a meeting of many public officials to his home tomorrow (Sunday) in order, as they say, to decide whether Corfu should be allowed to run for office. As far as I had to talk with everyone, the situation is like this: our merchants, except for the youth, are all against Korf; bourgeois and guild workers (the majority) - also; nobles - half; the red party remains for him, like Muromtsev, Skaloy, Koshelev, etc. This party, I hope, is not numerous. The only pity is that in this confusion, no one will probably be chosen - the voices may be completely divided; but there is nothing left to do. From this you can see what situation the matter is in. Now the leadership in this party has been taken over by upstarts - boys. The trouble is with them. Once rewarded from above for their liberality, they do not know their own worth. If only Alekseev, who acts more than others and is more impudent than others, and who aspires to be the head of the city in the future, is now at odds with him; and his dignity is only wealth. This is the same one who organized Rubinstein’s funeral and various feasts at the exhibition, and then, having liked A. Ermakov very much for his modern views, he was invited in March to a meeting of the state council on issues of the compulsory organization of schools in factories, where (objecting to me) he argued that, with the current supervision of schools, there is no fear that schools at factories located in counties will become nests for propaganda; a week later, a teacher of one of the schools was arrested in Podolsk district for distributing leaflets. Having then received an award with an order for such an enlightened direction (corresponding to the assumptions of the ministry), he became unattainable, thinking of rebuilding everything in a new way - everything old is worthless. Woe to us now with these reformers! Sorry that I touched on such details, but I thought it would be useful to explain where all this comes from. With the deepest respect and complete devotion, I have the honor to be Your most humble servant October 16 (Saturday) 1882 Dear Sir Konstantin Petrovich. I had the honor to receive your most respected letter dated November 30 today with deepest gratitude for the attention you expressed. I consider it my duty to inform you that at the meeting of elected representatives, which took place on November 29, Monday, it was decided, unfortunately, to elect a deputation for the most loyal petition. Only members of the exchange committee (3 against 58) and those out of caution due to the inequality of power were against such a measure. Unfortunately, as I have had the honor to explain, all this took such a direction as a result of the reception that had to be met in the case. I. A. E. is a very cunning man - he lays too softly. - The experts called from Moscow, from whom one could hear the proper considerations, did not provide any materials, while H. A. E. had in his hands a detailed note drawn up on behalf of the local doctor (probably the one you deign to mention) with tables and figures. Of course, it was difficult for those unprepared to speak. In my opinion, if they want to have a developed question, they should give us the materials; we would present our objections, and then it would be possible to weigh all the pros and cons and decide which of them is more solid. A copy of that note was delivered to me secretly, of course (maybe they have another one), but what is contained in it was taken as the basis when drawing up the verdict of the electors on November 5, although without reference to it, since this was impossible, it was never given openly. You have deigned to say correctly that newspapers, in addition, inflate the matter and arouse the mood, and this is all the more powerful in these extremely difficult times. What will happen - God knows, even whether the deputation will be accepted, but in any case I will not take part in it. Now I am concerned with the issue of providing for workers injured in factories and their families. This year marks the end of my service at the stock exchange – 13 years; I want to finish with myself. With the deepest respect and utmost devotion, I have the honor to be your most humble servant Yesterday the Exchange Committee received through the Governor General (and not in the usual manner) a notice to inform the merchants that the highest permission was not given to accept the deputation. I was not surprised by this, since I expected it earlier and therefore tried to reject the parcel; but on the assembly of elected officials, to whom I announced this today, and on the merchants in general, among whom this became known on the stock exchange, the received message made an unexpected, heavy impression. Its severity is intensified by the general mood, since things are in a terrible situation and do not promise anything in the near future - there is no trade, there is a terrible shortage of money, non-resident debtors do not pay, since in the cities, due to the stagnation of the grain trade and other reasons, there is a complete lull in trade in general, and besides, public banks, which were launched uncontrollably and went beyond all limits, suddenly stopped issuing and therefore have already cut off many, and this is still only beginning. Today the meeting of elected representatives decided to present this to the Minister of Finance, especially since the factories, which have already reduced production for the most part, are preparing after the holiday, some to reduce work even more, others to stop night work, and are holding out for now, so as not to disband the people without time; some, at the request of workers, reduced the number of working hours in order to give work to more people. The Ministry of Finance's concern for prohibiting the work of minors and educating them is now much needed. Then in our Duma, in the same way, workers’ pay books, designed by the Governor-General’s Commission, are now being examined (although such consideration is not provided to the Duma by any law). Vowels Lanin, Muromtsev, and behind them the bourgeoisie, raise a whole working question - they talk about the emancipation of slaves; Alekseev echoes them. The Duma meeting takes on the character of a rally of socialists - the situation is difficult, you can’t figure out what to do. With the deepest respect and utmost devotion, I have the honor to be your most humble servant Your Excellency Dear Sir Konstantin Petrovich. Having recently heard from the Bronnitsy tradesman Anisimov, a supplier of firewood in Moscow women's gymnasiums, that at the Spirovo station, Moscow-Petersburg. and. etc., an explosion is being prepared, which was reported to him by his workers who were in Spirov and heard the rumor circulating among the people there, out of duty as a Christian and a loyal subject, I decided to inform Your Excellency about this, as a person close to the sacred person of the Emperor. If this rumor is true, then there is no doubt for whom the explosion was being prepared by our villains who killed the angel king. May God save the great sovereign from such attempts and our fatherland from the new shame of regicide and the general misfortune that could result from popular excitement. If the rumor about the explosion was caused by popular fear, as a result of many villainous attempts to kill in the past reign, then I humbly apologize that under the influence of the same fear, intensified by the new murder of General Strelnikov, I took a few minutes from you to read this letter. May the Lord bless you in your feat of improving life and enlightening our clergy. Accept the assurance of deep respect and perfect “devotion to Your Excellency your humble servant Moscow women's gymnasiums I wrote bad ones, but this is not entirely true.