1883 год

Thank you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, for your heartfelt, kind letter for the coming year 1883. “God grant that at least this year we all and dear Russia may live a happier and calmer time.” I ask you very much, dear Konstantin Petrovich, to write me a response to this greeting from Moscow. – Usually the answers were written by Taneyev, but this time it seems to me that it is necessary to compose an answer that is more suitable and not official, as usual. Please look through the edition of this manifesto and if you find it necessary to make any amendments, then send me the corrected one. I return Rachinsky’s letter with gratitude. “I am glad that I could do a good deed, thanks to you.” Regarding the Russian opera in Lent, things will work out by themselves, because this was only said in words and no positive orders were given. I received Stronsky today. Gatchina, 1883, March 12. Thank you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, for your interesting letter, which I read with a sad feeling for our blood Russians, who are perishing under the Habsburg yoke, as we once perished under the Tatar yoke. May God grant them the same happiness in being freed from it, one day, as we were freed, thanks to the constant efforts of the princes of the Russian country. As for the end of your letter, you know me, as long as I am alive and God wills for me to remain in my difficult post, to which He himself placed me, I will not allow this “lie” in holy Rus', rest assured of this; I am too deeply convinced of the ugliness of the representative elective principle to ever allow it in Russia in the form that it exists throughout Europe. Let them scold me, and even after my death they will scold me again, but perhaps the day will finally come when they will remember me kindly. Thank you again for your letter, write whenever you wish and find it necessary and with the same frankness as you always wrote to me. You know that I read your letters with pleasure and they often brought me and continue to bring me a lot of benefit. Read this anonymous note. – Unfortunately, there is a lot that is true about real courts. After reading, return it back. Gatchina, 1883. March 17. All these misunderstandings about the Voluntary Fleet make me extremely sad. It went like this: Shestakov warned me that one of these days he would be heard in court. council case about subsidies Good. Fleet and at the same time asked me to allow me to frankly express his opinion and gave me his note with his thoughts and views on Good to read. Fleet. After reading this note, I saw that Shestakov was very excited against the D.F. Society and at the end of the note he added that, of course, despite the fact that the existence of D.F. would be very unpleasant for him and contrary to his conviction, he bows to my decision and will not object to the ruler. subsidies. With such a view and with such convictions on the part of the Minister of the Navy, there was no point in thinking about the continued existence of D.F., and I decided to agree with Shestakov’s proposal, telling him that in any case he would talk and warn you about my decision. Last Monday Shestakov told me that he had a conversation with you and that at first you agreed with his proposal, but a few days later you wrote to him that you find this outcome of the matter impossible. At the same time, he proposed that the D.F. Society be listed from the min. finances to the Naval Ministry, to which I expressed my consent. That's all that was discussed between us. Alexey remained on the sidelines all the time and did not tell me anything about his view of this matter, which, unfortunately, he was never interested in. I was positively convinced that the antagonism between the Navy Ministry and D.F. is so strong that there is no other outcome, and the matter will not only not develop, but, on the contrary, will continue to decline and worsen. Now just figure out how best to put an end to the D.F. Society and liquidate the affairs. Indeed, it is a pity to abandon this useful business, especially since the Society has brought great benefit to the government and Russian trade, and the business, it seemed, could develop, but the obstacles would be insurmountable and the Navy Ministry would positively be the worst enemy of our Society. - God grant only that the sea. min. would continue our relations with the Far East, which we started so successfully. I fully understand how sad and difficult it is for you to give up this whole business, which, thanks to your energy and good desire, has been going and developing so successfully, but the business as it is set up now cannot proceed and willy-nilly must be ended. Gatchina 1883 March 21. Having talked this morning with Alexey and Shestakov about the case of Dobr. Fleet, I have once again come to the conviction that there are absolutely no particularly difficult issues for liquidating the affairs of society. All contracts concluded for this year are sea mines. undertakes to fulfill and deliver the tea at the appointed time. It seems to me that absolutely nothing prevents us from starting the liquidation of the Society’s affairs now. As for the person who will be appointed from the Company for liquidation, it depends entirely on you who to appoint. I fully understand that, given the mass of your own affairs, it is impossible for you to personally deal with this liquidation. It seems to me that it is not worth us getting together to talk about all these things again, because in principle this matter is decided, and there is no way to talk about the details, because I will not have enough time. This matter doesn’t seem so scary to me at all, and everything will work out for the better. It will be much easier for you personally to transfer this matter to the Naval Ministry and get rid of this unnecessary burden. Please, dear Konstantin Petrovich, get down to this business and try to ensure that it goes smoothly and does not arouse too much passion. In my opinion, the matter is not lost, but may develop even more widely. I am always ready to donate for a good and useful cause with pleasure. You will receive 1000 rubles from Taneyev. for the Mogilev Brotherhood and 200 rubles. to the Svisloch Women's Folk School. I’ll try to send an icon of the Mother of God one of these days; If I forget, remind me after a while. TELEGRAPH in Petersburg. 32. Adopted from apparatus 31/III, 1883. The Empress and I thank you very much for the books you sent and for the greetings to the holiday; we were happy to celebrate Easter at last all together, but I spent the entire Holy Day locked up in a room completely ill. Now I’m better and getting out, but I’m weak. Dear Konstantin Petrovich, can I ask you to forward this letter to Prince. V. P. Meshchersky. I don't know his address or where he is. I would like to see you and talk with you before the coronation and will assign you a day and hour in Neskuchny. Please come to see me tomorrow not at 2 o’clock, but at 12 o’clock. Dear Konstantin Petrovich, I beg you very much, take the trouble to forward this note to Prince. V. P. Meshchersky. I hope that you have completely recovered from your illness and are enjoying the Oranienbaum air. I am happy to accept this boy into the instrumental class at the singing choir. - Write about this to Mr. Sheremetev. Do the parents agree that their son remain in St. Petersburg, and that they responded to his notice. I tearfully beg you to forgive me for my actions that brought you into such a bitter state. Truly I tell you that I would be ready to endure the most severe punishment, so that only you would forgive me. I myself see that I did wrong, running away and leaving my parents to worry and think about themselves, who took care of me, using their last strength just to do the best for me, who loved me truly, like their child; I feel all this and severely reproach myself for my actions. No matter how bitter it was for me to leave those whom I loved with all my soul, no matter how bitter it was for me to part with my dear sister, but the love of music prevailed over everything, and I made up my mind; decided to leave everything and go to the feet of His Imperial Majesty to tell him the purpose of his flight and ask for his help. And so I go, today is already the 24th day, enduring hunger, cold, and all other hardships, but consoling myself with the thought that I will achieve what I want. My clothes were all torn, I sold the belt for 1 ruble. 50 kopecks, which I have already eaten, and now I eat alms, which I beg in the guard booths. I spend my nights anywhere, sometimes in weeds, sometimes in straw, sometimes in sleepers - as necessary. It’s already starting to get cold here, but despite all these hardships, I don’t lose heart, if only God gives me health. I wanted to return from Rostov, but I didn’t dare, because no matter what eyes I would look at people after such an act, and people would no longer consider me what they considered me before. I bow deeply to you and ask for your forgiveness. Give your regards to all our household; I remain until the grave, a son who loves you and is unworthy of your love. The letter was written 730 versts from Vladikavkaz, at the Kamenskaya station in the Don Army Region. The letter was not sent for fear that my father would send me back by sending a telegram. Served 7th 2:22 p.m. Thank you for your kind letter, although I am feeling better, the pain is still severe. I ask you to come see me on Saturday at twelve o'clock. TELEGRAPH ............... Ornb .......... Received from the device from Peterhof I 31st 1883 I am extremely sorry for poor V. E. Bazhanov. Tomorrow at 2 1/2 I would like to serve a memorial service in his house on Elagin. I canceled this order and there will be no opera. Your Imperial Majesty deigned to let me know that regarding the permission of the Russian opera, the post was only spoken in words, but no positive orders were given. Today, March 1st, I received from gr. Vorontsov official notification that, according to his report, on January 17, Your Majesty deigned to allow opera performances on the Russian stage during Lent. Dear Count Dmitry Andreevich! I consider it useful to inform you that Kokorev was just now with me and showed me a letter Makov wrote to him before his death. He begins with the fact that by morning he will no longer be alive - he decided to commit suicide. “Circumstances have developed in such a way that I have to be guilty without guilt. Better death than family disgrace." Then he asks to forgive him that he dies” without having time to pay off his debt to him. He asks him to take care of his wife and family. He asks to send an artel worker to make funeral arrangements, because there is no one to give orders. He feels sorry for his daughters who are left alone in the house. Terrible and amazing. What secret is hidden behind this death? And isn’t it crazy to imagine that this death will save the family from shame - if he expected shame? Another surprising thing is this. Kokorev, who has known Makov for 15 years, says that he essentially has nothing and that he has always been in need. The money (he didn’t ask how much) was borrowed from him by Kokorev when M. was a fellow minister. Kokorev met Makov from the old man Evreinov (Nesselrodovsky), who was close to Makov and arranged his last (second) marriage. Every week on Mondays Makov dined with Evreinov. Makov led the most modest life, a home life, or, more correctly, an office life. He did not accept anyone - no one, at least from the circle known to me, knew his family. He didn't play cards. With a modest lifestyle, he should have had considerable savings from large maintenance salaries, and for all this, they say, he needed. But he had some suspicious connections everywhere - intimate relationships with Klimov, Barykov, Tokarev. They said that they had something like a company for the acquisition of land in the Western Territory. I asked Kokorev what kind of woman Makov’s wife is. Kokorev, after thinking, answered: “How can I tell you, a woman is, first of all, greedy and brutally right.” Another detail, or better yet, gossip. I once heard from Baranov a suspicion that something was wrong politically in the Makov family. It was as if he had some kind of governess who was in relations with the nihilists and was suspected of something. Mr. Director of the Economic Department. Last February, on the 13th day, the Emperor, according to my most humble report, most mercifully deigned: of those shown in the estimate, St. Synod sums of 2 thousand rubles, for use known to His Majesty, to issue, through me, a thousand as an unspoken allowance to the Russian priest Fr. Ivan Naumovich, living in the Austrian Empire, in Galicia. Therefore, I instruct you to deliver the indicated thousand rubles to me, for secret dispatch to its destination. This is the hole Shestakov plunged us, himself and the treasury into with his, dare I say, frivolous report. In introducing him, he did not even read the charter of our society. He also did not realize that our society was, after all, organized as a private one; it is neither a government institution nor a public office. Service in it is voluntary and, moreover, without any personal interest - like a free sacrifice. No member of the board, neither the treasurer nor the inspector, can be prevented from leaving his place. Now that society has really ended, and all the patriotic interest that held people together has disappeared, they, of course, do not want to stay on. their places; and the very continuation of commercial activity became, as I said above, impossible: all property was ordered to be taken into the treasury. So, here are the results of the game that N. A. Shestakov proposed to Your Majesty: – Complete confusion of relationships and legal obligations. - Burdening the Naval Ministry with a new business, which it has not dealt with recently and to which it is not accustomed. - A new complication of the maritime economy and a burden on the treasury, because, of course, the maritime industry for the postal service of steamships will require much more than the 600,000 rubles that were promised to us in the form of payment. - The ruin of the business is truly patriotic and successful, because the Navy Ministry in any case refuses to carry cargo. It would be much better if our ships were transferred, with the same obligations, to the Shipping and Trade Society. – An extremely difficult impression that will be made in popular opinion. These are the reasons why today I dared to once again disturb Your Majesty with a strong request to stop, if still possible, the decision made, at least in order to change its appearance and wording. I'm in a lot of pain; It hurts to see how hard workers who are close to this business walk with their heads hanging. It was necessary to look for an outcome for it, but it suddenly broke so suddenly. I am afraid that my application is already late and that it is impossible to go back. Then I will have a zealous, most submissive request to Your Majesty. Truly my strength has weakened; from morning to night I devote myself entirely to the work that I am called to serve in my rank. I did almost the impossible, while still remaining chairman of the Voluntary Fleet Society - and this impossible became possible only with the normal activities of the society. Every day at 4 o’clock I hurried home: at this time I was busy with reports and orders for the Voluntary Fleet, with the help of Bakhtin, a tireless and conscientious worker. Now, if I had to conduct the liquidation of the Voluntary Fleet, I would not have enough time or strength. My nerves cannot withstand this work, especially under such sad circumstances and with new people with whom I do not agree on the concept of this matter. So, I would ask, as a favor, permission to resign from the title of Chairman of the Society. The rest of his affairs can no longer be carried out by free forces, and it seems that it would be best if the manager of the naval ministry directly instructed those entrusted on his behalf to accept all affairs and accounts for their further management. Moreover, he also has his own subordinates on the board - Veselago and Golovachev. Your Imperial Majesty I thank you from the bottom of my heart and sincerely congratulate you on this great holiday. Rejoice, Your Imperial Majesty, with all your household. May the risen Christ illuminate you with His light, may He strengthen your hand to all truth, may He soon lead you to new joy and a new triumph of the wedding and confirmation of Your Imperial Majesty, loyal subject Filled with gratitude to God for saving the fatherland in Bose, our late grandfather, the Blessed One, undertook to erect, in Moscow, reborn from the ashes, a church to Christ the Savior in order to preserve the eternal memory of that unparalleled zeal, loyalty and love for the Tsar and the Fatherland, with which the Russian people exalted themselves in these difficult times, and in commemoration of gratitude to the Providence of God, which saved Russia from threatened destruction. For 70 years the incessant efforts of the monarchs of Russia continued to put this thought into action, but neither Alexander the Blessed nor our deceased grandfather and parent were destined to fulfill the vow of 1812. We were destined by God's providence to see the fulfillment of this sacred covenant. Today, by the grace of God, this majestic church is consecrated with a church blessing and is open for prayer and sacred memories. This event, long awaited by all the people, took place on the bright days of our sacred coronation among the sons of Russia loyal to us and the fatherland, who gathered from all over it to testify in the face of the whole world how holy and indissoluble from century to century is the union of love and mutual faith connecting the monarchs of Russia with the loyal people. May this church, in all future generations, be a monument to the merciful Providence of God for the restoration of Our Fatherland in a time of severe trial, a monument to peace after the cruel battle undertaken by the humble and pious Alexander not to conquer, but to defend the Fatherland from the threatening conqueror. May it stand, according to the behest of its founder, for many centuries and may it smoke in front of St. the throne of God was a censer of gratitude until later birth, along with love and imitation of the deeds of our ancestors. Dear Count Dmitry Andreevich. I keep thinking about Odessa, when Gurko leaves there. I am looking through the military book with great difficulty. I don’t know many, but I know the highest ranks, and my thought does not dwell on any one with confidence, or at least with hope. Of the secondary ranks, among which one must necessarily search, I will dwell on two, the names of which I consider it worthwhile to present to your attention. One Bobrikov, a major general, I personally don’t know him much, but when I met him, he gave me the impression of a serious person. I have always heard very good reviews about him, and reasonable people consider his line of thought to be impeccable. Another, whom I don’t know personally at all, but have heard good reviews about him, is Dukhovskoy, chief of staff at Brevern, in Moscow. We still need to ask about this: his first service was in Tashkent with Chernyaev, if I’m not mistaken. Another thought came to me of Baron Korff, who was in Simferopol and had a business trip to exterminate phylloxera in the Crimea. I saw him only in Livadia. Some consider him capable, others, on the contrary, an easy and limited person. I heard they also called Naglovsky, Gurka’s chief of staff in Odessa. I know this one personally. In military affairs he probably showed ability, but I do not think that he was a good and firm administrator. He is a kind and honest man; He studied a lot, but his thoughts were unclear and, in my opinion, limited. Sincerely respectful and devoted I’m very glad that you decided to go abroad on vacation, you need it. – I read Rachinsky’s letter with interest. May God grant us to finally get rid of this issue. – Indeed, the tavern is the death of Russia. Since tomorrow I’m going to a memorial service for V.B. Bazhanov, I ask you to come see me on Tuesday at 2 o’clock. A. I have already had the honor to report to Your Imperial Majesty that the doctors advise me to leave business for a while and go abroad for a vacation. Traveling abroad is very unpleasant for me, and I struggled with this thought for a long time; but on the other hand, I see that as long as I remain in Russia, I cannot escape from my worries. Finally, my wife, who has been convincing me for a long time, seduces me with the name of Salzburg, which I always remember with delight. So, I decide to ask Your Majesty’s permission to go abroad for one month. I would like to do this: leave here around August 10 for Warsaw, then go from there to Kholm, where it will be useful to see and explain with whom we should and who should be prosecuted in the case of the former Uniates. Then go to Vienna and Salzburg, and return home around September 15th. If it pleases Your Majesty to deign to do this, then I would like to come to you for a short time before leaving. I hear that on August 4 you plan to leave St. Petersburg for Krasnoe Selo, and therefore I propose to report to Your Majesty in Alexandria on Monday, at about two o’clock in the afternoon. Here I am relaxing on Lake Zell, in the midst of such delightful beauties of nature that I completely forget myself and forget all the worries that I left behind me in St. Petersburg. However, I think it would not be amiss to go back for a minute with my worries and tell you a few words about what I saw and heard in Warsaw upon my arrival. I saw Gurko soon after his return from Odessa, where he left his dying son without hope. His situation is difficult, because the years of Albinsky’s rule have sown seed in the region that is difficult to plow up. It is especially difficult to rebuild the petty bureaucracy and the composition of rural administration: all of this consists of Poles, or of Russians who have adopted a Polish coloring. I heard one thing from all the Russians: for the sake of Bora, let them think about Vilna, where there has been no proper government for so long. Many are convinced, and, it seems, not without reason, that the true center of Poland and its systematically expanding activities is not in Warsaw, but in Vilna. In Vilna, they say, firm and reasonable Russian governance is more important than anywhere else. Meanwhile, Totleben has long been a man without strength, sick; and Nikitin, on his own, as a temporary ruler, deals only with current affairs. Soon a new appointment will be required; I have heard the opinion from serious Russian people that Kakhanov, the current Petrokovsky governor, would be most suitable for this position. I have heard praises about him for a long time and he himself has always made a good impression on me. He has been governor for a long time, has considerable experience and knows the Poles and Poland very well. Last year he came to St. Petersburg with the intention of leaving his position, but he was persuaded - including me - to persuade him to stay; but he was already tired in his place. However, he would undoubtedly perk up if he were appointed to Vilna. He is already an old lieutenant general and his promotion would not surprise anyone. “You know what poverty there is in people today, precisely for such appointments - that is why I am bothering you in your solitude with this message.” I sincerely wish you to return to St. Petersburg with renewed strength, where I will also begin to gather after September 15th. Today I’m thinking of returning from here to Salzburg - I love this place very much; I’ll take another short walk to the lake and that’s enough. I can’t resist writing you a few words about my impressions. Taking advantage of the first days of bad weather, I began reading the notebook I received from you (the conclusions of the Kakhanov commission), and have just finished reading. All the time it seemed to me that I was under the influence of some severe nightmare. Alas! This is reality, the most terrible and sad. In recent years I have read a lot of crazy, stupid, illiterate and mediocre projects, but I have never read anything like this. Exactly the writing of guys playing the game of state legislation. There is not even a second thought here - this would require an inventive mind. Here all the cards are revealed and some idiotic game is shown. The implementation of such a project seems unthinkable to me - perhaps we will not live to see anything like this. This would be such a low fall of state minds in Russia that the soul does not even agree to think about it. The project was written as if on purpose in order not only to break up all power in Russia, to split it into myriads of grains of sand that are not connected by anything. Any control in this system becomes impossible. If the people who wrote and discussed all this did not want to play a toy, then they had in mind to organize some kind of government, to create some kind of functioning mechanism of administrative will. But there is no mechanism here, just endless writing, writing and writing, spread from the very top to the last village. In truth, I say: hardly the most stupid of the German professors, alienated from life, could have written up something like that. And when you read it, it becomes scary. It’s scary because it was not feuilletonists and writers of magazine articles who took part in the creation of all this, but modern Russian statesmen, senators and members of the State Council. After all, here are the names of Kakhanov, Kovalevsky, Polovtsov. These people may not be ministers in Russia today or tomorrow, but is it even possible for a minute to recognize the mind that accepted and approved such a structure as the state mind? God, what else can we expect! But perhaps they themselves did not give themselves a clear understanding of what was written on their behalf: in that case, what unforgivable frivolity in such an important matter! It surprises me: was I. N. Durnovo really silent, did not object and agreed to all this? I once heard Kakhanov’s words in passing in P-burg: “This is where the estate is now ext. affairs brings criticism to our positions. It is strange, however, that I. N. Durnovo did not object, being a member of the commission. And besides, this is not a draft law, but only general assumptions.” It would be extremely interesting and even important to know (and you can find out): 1. Do all these provisions constitute a conclusion from the journals of the commission, and were these journals signed by all members? Finally, were these provisions themselves signed by anyone, and by whom exactly? 2. Did the commission members go to all meetings? It would be interesting to know exactly who was present at which meeting. I know how indifferent the members of such commissions can be. It could easily be that others have no idea what is written here. I am sure that, for example, Polovtsov very rarely attended these meetings. One hand was certainly at work here, and therefore it is advisable to know: 3. Who edited all these provisions? This is very important to know. It seems to me that mainly two people worked here: Barykov and Andreevsky, the latter from extreme professorial stupidity, combined with jealousy of the introduction of scientifically liberal institutions. Kakhanov undoubtedly looked through everything - I know him - he will not miss this case. But he hardly wrote. And here's something else you should know: Who exactly is the commission's office composed of? They have a large office - I saw it myself, and it was recruited at Kakhanov’s discretion from different places and by free agency. It would be interesting to list everyone who works there. But I have already tired you. I’ll add it when we meet, probably soon. Salzburg, September 11/23 On Friday at 2 o'clock I will be very glad to see you in Gatchina. Thank God that we waited for the safe return of Your Imperial Majesty, thank God that you had time to rest and gather strength for the coming long winter: God grant us now peace and good success in everything. In the first days I do not dare to disturb Your Majesty, but soon I would like to ask permission to appear in Gatchina for some necessary matters. They say that a groundbreaking ceremony for a new church is scheduled for Thursday: maybe on Friday or Saturday at 12 or 2 o'clock, would you please allow me to appear for a report. I wanted to go to you myself, but I see that I won’t have time, and therefore I am writing. You know what kind of game foreign newspapers systematically play with false news from Russia. This game is connected, on the one hand, with stock market speculation, and on the other, with that party here and abroad that wants to shake confidence in the strength of the current and generally any government in Russia. Unfortunately, any gossip coming from abroad is taken for granted in our society and spreads quickly in all areas. The absence of the sovereign and the court from St. Petersburg contributes a lot to this. It's been about a month since it was put into use, mostly. Austrian magazines, the news that the sovereign returned from Denmark with constitutional ideas, and that, in consultation with gr. Tolstoy, Pobedonostsev was instructed to write a draft constitution. This absurd fable has become so widespread among us that many high-ranking officials believe it, talk about it in their living rooms, etc. It is clear that it has penetrated to the remote ends of Russia and is already causing turmoil in the minds. I am sending you a sample of cuttings from a German gas. (“N. Freie Presse”). I read articles like this twice a week or more. Finally, these rumors began to penetrate into Russian newspapers: the first news appeared in German newspapers published in Russia. I am sending a clipping from the current issue of “New Time”. The article in English will show you what absurdities the organization of printed gossip about this subject reaches. Spectator newspaper, article by a Russian emigrant. It seems to me that something needs to be done against this. Wouldn’t it be useful to put it in “Right. Vestnik" message, in which, having explained the system of false news about Russia in general, mention, in particular, and as an example, the fable that was spread regarding the constitution. Many foreign newspapers have correspondents here, so to speak, selling false and tendentious telegrams from St. Petersburg. It seems that it would be possible, by following these telegrams, to verify here whether such a telegram was truly sent from here and by whom. It would be possible, having traced these correspondents, to completely expel harmful people from Russia; and in other cases it would be discovered that the telegram was composed (as happens) in the editorial office of the very newspaper where it appeared. I present these considerations for your consideration. Today in Novoye Vremya I read news that the well-known position of the Kakhanov Commission will be published in the Government Bulletin. I don't know whether to believe this rumor? It would seem very inconvenient and inappropriate to print for the public on behalf of the government a plan for such a general and radical reorganization of all authorities. A very serious turmoil will undoubtedly occur in the minds of this. That's what it seems to me. It seems to me that it should be published in “Government”. Vestnik" a short message about the illness of the sovereign. After the sudden cancellation of the parade, alarming and absurd rumors began to circulate, which are usually exploited by unreliable people. I know that in pub. meetings they tell each other in each other’s ears that the sovereign has been shot. It is not difficult to imagine in what form these rumors will be repeated inside Russia. Yesterday it was known that the sovereign was better, but the pain was still severe. All-subject. the report of the synod, which required a signature, was returned to me by the empress, signing that it should be sent later. Take the trouble to order the most comprehensive report to be drawn up, asking for permission to publish it in the Government. Vestnik” is the highest command, and return this letter to me. Sorry to bother you again. I have already had occasion to inform you of the confusion in Moscow on the occasion of the announcement of the highest order on deputations. They can’t understand what’s going on and are amazed why there’s such a mystery. The Governor General calls for people from joint-stock companies, trading houses, etc., and yet, of course, he will not gather everyone who should be in charge. Now I have received a new letter from one of the most respectable representatives of the Moscow merchant class. He writes: What should they do? “I am still besieged with questions; Such confusion was caused by the behavior of our boss; but of course I am aware of my inability to give any explanations for the interpretation of the real meaning, and therefore I advise you to hold off in the hope that this will become clear.” It would seem that these misunderstandings could be put to an end by the open publication of the High. commands. Dear Count Dmitry Andreevich! Let me bother you with my writing. It seems to me that after yesterday’s statement in the Government. Vestnik” about the sovereign’s ill health, it would be necessary to make an additional statement in a more reassuring tone in a couple of days, saying that everything is going well and that the sovereign is accepting reports, but is not leaving yet. The last lines of the statement made, that the disease requires absolute calm, and that long-term treatment is necessary, give the news a somewhat harsh tone and undoubtedly caused concern to people who may not have immediate information. I feel much better, thank God, I can get dressed and go out for a walk. The arm does not hurt at all, but it is weak, and not all movements are still possible. For the sake of urgency, I am bothering Your Imperial Majesty with the attached report. Now I was happy to see that Your Majesty signed the report with a pen and with his right hand, and Prince. Obolensky brought the news that you got dressed. Glory to God - and may God bless you. The murder of Sudeikin is an extremely regrettable event. But what I fear most is that it might cause unnecessary embarrassment. God forbid to lose heart in this matter, as in all others. We are waging a struggle that is not happening to us alone now. The murder of a police detective is now commonplace in political affairs. Remember how recently they killed 0. Kern, it seems, and Pornell was executed for that. Conspiracies and proclamations are now an ordinary thing. That something like this would happen to Sudeikin was always something to be feared, and he himself agreed to it and was aware of it. There is no one - we need to act with others who are at hand, and not stop. We especially need to think about correcting the damaged system of our state and public institutions. We must always be prepared in advance for events like this murder. Thank you from the bottom of my heart for your congratulations and good wishes. I wish you a happy and peaceful holiday. I have already had the honor of reporting to Your Majesty about Nechaev-Maltsev, and you allowed me to remind you about him when the reception resumes. He's here now. If there is a reception next week, would you be kind enough to allow him to introduce himself to Your Majesty on Wednesday? (Note in the margin: “Okay. A.”). Accept, V. and. In-in, my heartfelt congratulations on the threshold of the New Year 1884. May God's blessing and God's mercy be upon you and your entire household in the coming year. Now, for the third time during the reign, you have to enter the New Year and carry over the threshold the heavy burden of power over the whole world entrusted to your rule - in such a difficult era for rule. The people feel in their hearts how difficult it is for you, and they pray for you fervently everywhere. The Providence of God, having placed this burden on you, showed you a destiny that is entirely in the hands of God, inextricably linked with the destinies of the people, who have held on for centuries by faith in God and hope in the sovereign. If anything can encourage and strengthen you, it is faith in God’s providence and in people’s prayer. I pray to God that he will preserve you quiet joy in your home and family, and may he send you happiness in finding people who are reasonable, faithful, strong in thought, burning in heart, firm in word, right, and not double-minded and self-seeking servants. God bless the coming new summer for you and for Russia. God was pleased to call us to ceremonies. all the throne in times of unrest and in a moment of terrible shock. In the midst of the heavy feelings of grief and horror that enveloped, along with us, the hearts of our faithful subjects, it was untimely to appoint and organize a coronation ceremony. We decided in our hearts not to begin this sacred action until the feeling of indignation at the terrible crime, to which the benefactor of his people, our beloved parent, fell victim had calmed down. The grave sorrow that enveloped us and all the faithful sons of the fatherland did not allow us to proceed to the celebration of the sacred coronation until our hearts calmed down. Now the time has come to do the will of the Lord and fulfill our cherished desire and that of all the faithful sons of the fatherland. Following the example of our pious sovereigns and ancestors, we set out to... and receive St. anointing, adding ...... May the Lord keep us and our kingdom in peace and security, may he pour out upon us the spirit of wisdom and understanding; may he help us, with the laying on of the royal crown, to fulfill the vow we have faithfully accepted - to devote ourselves entirely to the prosperity and glory of our beloved fatherland, to serving the truth and caring for the good of our people, entrusted by God to our rule. On the significant day of my coming of age and the solemn oath of allegiance to the Tsar and the Fatherland, I was pleased to receive St. from you as a blessing from above. icon of the Mother of God and receive greetings from you and the flock of the Don Army entrusted to you. May God help me to honorably and zealously fulfill the title destined for me by the will of God, on the paths of the world and, if God pleases, on the battlefield in defense of the fatherland, together with the brave sons of the Don. I read every day everything included in the m-in. etc. paper, but I don’t remember the idea of ​​​​establishing an auxiliary cash desk for reporters and, I admit, I don’t even believe in the possibility of such an idea. However, I’ll test my memory by making an accurate reference. The Emperor ordered me to invite you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, to a meeting with His Majesty tomorrow, Saturday, at 12 o’clock, on the matter of issuing the redemption amount for peasant plots to the landowners in full, without losing a fifth. From the attached certificate you will see, dear Konstantin Petrovich, that Soloviev will not make any speech at the literary evening. Due to your Excellency’s letter to the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod of the resolution to demand from Mr. Solovyov the text of the speech he is preparing for tomorrow’s literary evening in favor of the Dostoevsky public school, I consider it my duty to bring to your attention that the newspaper article; regarding this speech is hardly worthy of attention, since such a speech cannot be made in view of the fact that the program for the evening included exclusively excerpts from the works of Dostoevsky, which constitute the exclusive subject of the proposed literary reading. Director of the Plehve Department At a literary evening in favor of the Dostoevsky public school, the trustee of the St. Petersburg educational district allowed the following excerpts from the works of the named writer to be read: 1. Marmeladov’s story from the novel “Crime and Punishment,” chapter II, pp. 14–29. 2. The general’s story about Napoleon from the novel “The Idiot,” part 4, chapter IV, pp. 208–223. 3. Funeral of “Ilyushechka”, from Roma. “The Brothers Karamazov”, pp. 267–280 from the Collection of Russian Children. 4. “The boy at Christ’s Christmas tree.” Writer's Diary for 1876, pp. 9–12. 5. Nellie's story from rum. "Humiliated and Offended", pp. 418–437. 6. From rum. “Teenager.” – “At the master’s boarding house” (date with mother), pp. 141–146 from the Collection of Russian Children. 7. “Summertime” from Notes from the House of the Dead, chapter V, pp. 85–109. 8. Funeral of Pokrovsky from Roma. "Poor People", pp. 42–44. 9. Confession of S. T. Verkhovensky from rum. "Demons", Chapter II, pp. 265–281. The Emperor told me that since the permission for Russian opera by fasting was made unofficially, it would be possible to cancel it. The Emperor instructed me to ask you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, to come to His Majesty for a meeting tomorrow, Friday, at 11 1/2 o'clock in the morning, on the matter of rewarding landowners for the forced purchase of peasant plots. Makov’s letter to Kokorev was read to me this morning by Durnovo, to whom Kokorev himself gave it. Makov’s suicide shocked me so much that for two days now I’ve had a severe nervous headache. While in the affairs of the estate in. There is no evidence to accuse him of bad actions, and the actual audit of the office will begin only tomorrow. When we meet, I’ll tell you his conversation with me a week ago about the Perfilyev case, which can partly explain his tragic death. There is no doubt that it is in direct connection with this sad matter. A terrible scandal. I’ve been in the service for 40 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this in higher spheres. The Emperor is extremely saddened by this, and this is very natural. In a word, Makov can’t get out of my head. What a time! The gospel is open and a loaded revolver to take one's own life. It's hard to write further. I hasten to notify you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, that the manifesto will immediately be rewritten and presented for signing as soon as the sovereign returns from the Church of the Savior. His appearance right now is very opportune. I hasten to inform you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, that a bulletin on the state of the sovereign’s health will be published and it will be said that His Majesty is accepting reports, but is not leaving yet. These ballots are compiled in the courtyard. Today the Emperor feels much better; he says that he slept well the first night. I will report the highest command regarding deputations to the Senate, and that means it will be published. I completely agree with your views and thoughts, dear Konstantin Petrovich; but I admit that poor Sudeikin can’t get out of my head, no matter what he does - he’s in front of me. I am offended and annoyed that these robbers could deceive such an experienced person in police affairs; I feel sorry for the man and the irreplaceable detective. It's not in my nature to lose heart; on the contrary, the more difficult the circumstances, the more the energy intensifies. But I repeat, this event completely turned me around; God forbid that it does not affect my physics. The Emperor was extremely merciful to the family of the deceased: without any request or reminder on my part, on his own initiative, he ordered that the widow be informed that he was granting her 5 thousand rubles. lifelong pension and places her children in educational institutions at public expense, which I did last night after the funeral service. This made the best impression. Now these scoundrels are plotting to kill me. Of course, my intimates take all precautions; but since you cannot guarantee their success when you are dealing with such robbers, it seems to me that in case of misfortune with me, you should now think about a person who could replace me. This would be prudent and would ensure the right course of action. I don’t know who Nabokov intends to appoint to the 1st Department of the Senate; he didn’t consult me ​​about it. Today you will find in the Government Bulletin, dear Konstantin Petrovich, a notice of the sovereign’s ill health. My health is better, the swelling is insignificant, the pain has decreased, I slept better. But still he can’t get dressed, his hand is in a bandage. Dr. Gears believes recovery may take another week. Tomorrow I won’t be in Gatchina, I’ll only receive accurate information in the evening; if there is nothing new and the improvement turns out to be noticeable, then I will not tell you anything based on the saying point de nouvelles bonnes nouvelles. ...While preparing matters for leaving the service, I vowed not to bother anyone with unsolicited advice. I don’t bother you with my reports either. But in your note dated the 17th you gave me a few words about the sovereign’s health. Then the telegraph brought news of Sudeikin's murder. Against my will, a few words escape from a painful thought. Is it not possible for you, the dignitaries standing near the throne, to remember from time to time that Russia is not limited to St. Petersburg and Gatchina? If this truth had not ceased to be known to the entire government, then probably the telegraph, warning about Bismarck’s runny nose and Grevy’s calluses on his feet, would have promptly and skillfully, not exclusively through the hands of Kokorev, would have informed Russia about the incident that happened to the autocratic Russian Tsar. For 13 days there have been persistent rumors, very alarming, about His Majesty's health. We try to refute them. And it would seem that one cannot believe them, if only because such important government news as the schedules for this winter’s court balls are lying on the table, and 13 days later wildly edited news appears, partly confirming the rumor and partly causing new bad rumors. I recognized Sudeikin in Kyiv, where I was sent by Count. Loris. Remembering him as a capable officer, I thought of preparing him as a successor to the chief worker Fursov, summoned him to St. Petersburg and installed him in the city administration. It would take a long time and would be pointless to wash the laundry of the past, soiled by the league of nihilists, scoundrels and idiots. When, I will say briefly, for the successful funeral of the late sovereign, for the establishment of order in St. Petersburg and for the destruction of the March 1st gang and, I dare to think, for laying the right foundation for the agency, I was demoted and exiled to Arkhangelsk, among the people who were not afraid to see me was Sudeikin. From time to time he gave me some information and, sometimes, asked my opinion. ... Recently, speaking to me in St. Petersburg, Sudeikin, among other things, told me about one of his agents, a former criminal, whom he had taken from Kyiv. After making several questions, I told Sudeikin that if I were his boss, I would not have given him permission to act the way he acted and, secondly, I would have immediately planted his agent, who would end up selling him with his skin and intelligence information. Although I don’t know anything except for brief newspaper reports, I am firmly convinced that Sudeikin’s killer is his favorite agent. It is necessary to take him at least from the bottom of the sea, it is necessary not because he killed Sudeikin, but because the police action plan, if there was such a plan, and the police information are in the hands of the killer. Sorry for being more annoying than I thought. He spread about this matter because he considered it an important phenomenon, clearly proving that a new, and perhaps new gangs of action are ripe and those who are responsible for preventing a repeat of March 1 need to stay alert. Remember, I told you that there is no need to worry about the coronation. I knew it would go well. Now it's different. We must think and act not on paper and not by the judicial authorities. God forbid I'm wrong. Your heartily devoted servant Dear friend Konstantin Petrovich. I would not like to postpone the end of the interrupted conversation and could see you this evening or tomorrow afternoon or evening (after the all-night vigil). Will you be at home and when is most convenient for you? I congratulate you on the bright holiday and royal attention, dear Konstantin Petrovich, and I earnestly ask you to sign the attached journal and return it to me today, so that tomorrow I can present it to the sovereign. Sincerely and unfailingly devoted to you Please tell me your opinion about what posthumous honors should be given to Makov. I visited him this morning, I saw him on the floor, in a robe, in a pool of blood. It's a terrible picture that I can't get rid of. V.K. (between us) is perplexed about what he should do. I would come to you myself, but I can’t leave my desk. Dear Konstantin Petrovich. I ask you to return to me the highest command that I conveyed to you about the opening of the Russian Opera, since His Majesty deigned to prohibit Russian performances during Lent. According to my most humble report, the Emperor, on the 17th day of January, deigned to allow opera performances on the Russian stage during Lent, with the exception of the first and last week. I have the honor to notify Your Excellency of this royal will. Min. imp. yard gr. Vorontsov-Dashkov Dear Konstantin Petrovich. I hasten to return to you this No. “Neue Freie Presse” that you sent me. Indeed, there have already been several articles in different magazines similar to the one you indicated. For example, I’m sending here “Spectator”. This is terrible nonsense, and yet many people abroad believe it. I am convinced that this article will be reprinted in other journals. "Journal de St. Petersbourg” often lightly (that is, in a mocking tone) refutes many absurdities, but you can’t keep up with them all. Our official press is poorly organized. I barely manage to skim through local magazines, but I can’t manage foreign ones; Perhaps they will outline some article. If you order a refutation, then, in the absence of a special person for this, you have to wait several days. In this way, false news may be fueled. I've been thinking about the need to do something for a long time, but I can't think of it. Katakazi would be excellent for this matter; but he keeps busy trying to be a minister, secretary of state, etc., in a word, claims are impossible. About the Journal de St. Petersburg" I can handle it. I enclose No "Indépendance Belge", containing very interesting articles: about the University of Oxford, correspondence from Constantinople and especially from Melbourne. Why isn’t everything developing like this for us? Dear Sir Konstantin Petrovich. As a result of your letter, which I received today and, in order to eliminate unwanted publicity, I have the honor to forward to Your Excellency a bill for 15/t. guilders in the name of the archpriest of our embassy church in Vienna, Mikhail Raevsky. At the same time, taking advantage of the consent expressed by Your Excellency, I humbly ask you, when sending the attached bill of exchange to Archpriest Raevsky, to give appropriate instructions regarding the use of the sum of money now transferred to his name. I humbly ask Your Excellency to accept the assurance of my utmost respect and sincere devotion. Your Excellency, Dear Konstantin Petrovich. I have the honor to forward the receipt of Adolf Ivanovich Dobryansky [to receive fifteen thousand guilders. Father Naumovich will come to Vienna himself to receive the money, and therefore I will send him a receipt later. With deep respect and complete devotion, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's humble servant and pilgrim Archpriest Mikhail Raevsky Vienna, April 11, 1883. The undersigned received fifteen thousand guilders from his father, Archpriest Michael F. Raevsky. Adolf Ivanovich Dobryansky Vienna 7/19th April 1883 I especially value your opinion because you express it directly, of which I saw evidence last night. Therefore, I decide to ask you to read the enclosed circular to the trustees when the univ. Charter of 1863. Please return it to me. I dare to hope that you will be convinced that the then ministry did not at all abdicate its responsibility to manage universities through trustees, to lead them. It was necessary, observing their actions, to continue the same system. Sincerely devoted Golovnin I consider it my duty to bring to the attention of Your Excellency that a note about the Moscow Telegraph is currently being compiled. After tomorrow it will be sent to Count D.A. Tolstoy, who, on the basis of it, will raise the issue of the said newspaper at a meeting of the city. ministers. As for Lapin’s acquisition of Russkiye Vedomosti, I heard about it back in Moscow from Pastukhov, the publisher of Moskovsky Listok. But no one else knew anything like this. We have no information about the atom. In yesterday's issue of "Russian Vedomosti" there was an announcement that subscriptions to this newspaper are continuing, and next to it there is an announcement about subscriptions to "Russian Courier". All this makes me doubt the truth of the rumor about the merger of the two newspapers. However, I turned to the chairman of the Moscow censorship committee with a request to clarify this matter. Please accept the assurance of the sincere respect and deep devotion with which I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most humble servant I learned about the Odessa book catalog even before I read the correspondence of Moskovskiye Vedomosti. Its compiler is a certain Andreevsky, who was once expelled by administrative order for his relations with anarchists and returned to the city. Loris-Melikov. The catalog represents something truly outrageous; it contains references not so much to books as to articles from Otech. Notes”, “Words”, “Deeds”, “Russian Thought”, etc. Unfortunately, the first edition appeared two years ago, and now the second has been published, for which the censor will of course be punished, and in addition I will propose gr. Dmitry Andreevich, arrest all copies of the book. But for this I am waiting for the information I requested from Odessa. At the same time, I consider it worthwhile to inform Your Excellency that the police department, with our assistance, has already developed new rules for enhanced supervision of libraries, reading rooms and reading rooms. Your Excellency's most humble servant Your Excellency is of course aware of the process of Mr. D. A. Tolstoy with the editor of the Berliner Tageblatt, who published vile slander about him. The said editor was convicted and, in addition, his newspaper was banned in our country, and this is very sensitive for him, because the Berliner Tageblatt has quite a few subscribers in Russia. Now he turned to gr. Tolstoy with a letter of very interesting content. I was allowed to make a copy of it and I am sending it to you on the assumption that, perhaps, you did not deign to see the count in recent days and he has not yet had time to inform you about this incident. I would like to note that measures have already been taken to clarify who exactly the mysterious mask is referred to in the letter. One must hope that the revelation will not be slow to follow, because from the tone of the editor it is clear that he seems to be asking for a request and is ready to answer it immediately. And the promise of amnesty for his newspaper should make him even more reluctant to be secretive. With deep respect and sincere devotion Moscow March 5, 1883. To your letter dated March 3rd, I hasten to answer that after our conversation in St. Petersburg about Russian theatrical performances during Lent, I no longer allow myself to touch on this subject. But having read the clipping attached to your letter, I must frankly say that this, in my opinion, is nothing more than a figment of the writer’s imagination, because if, in fact, something similar was noticed in Moscow, then I would be the first to know about it; and yet I did not receive a written or verbal statement from anyone, and no one told me anything, either personally or even by anonymous letter. Therefore, classifying the excised lines as one of those isolated impressions that newspapers usually present as public opinion, I think that they do not deserve to be paid special attention to them or treated with sufficient confidence. Please accept, dear Konstantin Petrovich, the assurances of my sincere respect and devotion. I sincerely regret that you did not find me; I was with you and also had to leave you a card, not finding you at home. I am sending it to you. not uninteresting, it seems to me, my correspondence with min. ext. cases regarding Pashkov, well known to St. Petersburg, who apparently is seriously considering transferring his New Apostolic activity from the banks of the Neva and from St. Petersburg living rooms to the huts of peasants near Moscow, since the Lord God has so far been merciful to them from such people’s educators. Perhaps sometime in your spare time, for fun, you will skim through the attached documents. Dear Sir, Prince Vladimir Andreevich. As a result of Your Excellency’s letter dated July 5th No. 1002, I have the honor to notify that along with this I inform retired Colonel Pashkov that if he contacts you, Your Excellency will not encounter any obstacles to allowing him to temporarily settle on his Zvenigorod estate. Granting, then, to Your Excellency, upon the installation of Mr. Pashkov to reside in the Zvenigorod district, to make an order to establish secret supervision over him, I cannot pass in silence the indications contained in Your Excellency’s recall that the path chosen by the retired Colonel Pashkov was incorrect for presenting his petition. In my opinion, the appeal in this case to the central government seemed legal, since this government generally took the initiative to cancel the measures of local authorities to protect public order and tranquility (Article 2 It is laid down, O State). protection) and, moreover, expedient, because before securing Your Excellency’s favorable permission to return him, Pashkov, to the Moscow province, he had to clarify the question to what extent such permission was in the view of the supreme government, by whose instructions the local authorities were initially called upon to establish vigilant supervision over the activities of Pashkov, which, until these instructions were followed, did not pose any opposition met. Please accept, dear sir, the assurance of perfect Dear Sir, Count Dmitry Andreevich. By letter dated July 18, No. 441, Your Excellency deigned to notify me that at the same time an order was made to inform retired Colonel Pashkov, so that if he wishes to settle temporarily on his Zvenigorod estate, he would contact me with a request. Bringing to Your Lordship my sincere gratitude for the favorable and fair assessment expressed in this order of the considerations expressed by me in the letter dated July 5 and concerning the desirable establishment of correct relations between private individuals and the local governor-general power, I, turning to the feeling of the same justice that guided Your Lordship in the present case, allow myself to ask for your favorable attention and to my following considerations, caused by the second part of the letter Yours dated July 18. In this part of the aforementioned review, Your Excellency, turning to the theoretical side of the issue of the rights of private individuals, as well as the advisability of them turning to the central government, in cases like the present, with petitions regarding the orders of the local authorities, please express that in Your Excellency’s opinion, the path currently chosen by Colonel Pashkov is the correct and legal path. Let me, referring to my letter to Your Excellency dated July 5, ask you, dear sir, to kindly remember that in my said letter I did not raise the question of the formal irregularity or illegality of Colonel Pashkov’s appeal to Your Excellency with a petition to cancel the order I made in relation to him: I only found - and I dare to think, not entirely unreasonably, that the way, chosen by Colonel Pashkov to install himself, contrary to my resolution, within the Moscow General Government, represents, especially in view of the techniques that were adopted by Mr. Pashkov, “but a completely desirable precedent” and is capable of shaking the authority of the local government in the eyes of the population. It seemed to me that I had some right to characterize the action of Colonel Pashkov in this way in this case, for Your Excellency, from my review of July 5, knows the self-confidence with which Mr. Pashkov announced to the local police about his forthcoming undoubted return to the estate, despite the existing prohibition on my part from entering this estate, and, as you please recall, this statement was made by him publicly at the very moment when the police authorities approached him with a proposal to obey the aforementioned order of the governor general and leave the province, the very entry into which was made by the colonel Pashkov is an act of the same self-confidence and the ability for him to violate the demands of legitimate authority with impunity. In the same way, I dare to think that I had reason to consider the very measure I took in relation to Mr. Pashkov to be correct, consistent with the meaning of the Regulations on State Protection, and therefore, perhaps, not subject to cancellation. Your Excellency, perhaps, will recognize the validity of this opinion of mine, if you please take into account that Mr. Pashkov’s anti-religious propaganda was aimed at seducing the peasant masses, arousing rumors and murmurs among the surrounding rural population and a feeling of just indignation among the local clergy. But even greater confirmation of the expediency of the measure I took, based, moreover, on the right of the Governor-General precisely defined in law (clause g of Article 16 Pol.), appeared at the time when Mr. Pashkov, as Your Excellency knows, when asked to stop gatherings of peasants and his preaching to them, openly announced his refusal to submit to this proposal and did not even stop before formally declaring his determination to continue his anti-state activities “at least in secret ways.” I allow myself to think that in the presence of such circumstances, with greater justice, it seems to me, the inaction of the local authorities could have caused well-deserved criticism than its application of a measure that, perhaps, was nowhere more appropriate than in the present case. In view of the above, Your Excellency, perhaps, please admit that being fully inclined, in accordance with your wishes, to provide possible leniency on my part to Mr. Pashkov, on the conditions set out in my letter dated July 5, I nevertheless had reason to think that my orders in the present case, being strictly consistent with the circumstances of the case and the exact meaning of the law, being, moreover, only a direct fulfillment of the duties incumbent on me and at the same time without going beyond beyond the limits of the rights established for the governor-general power, cannot, as a result of Mr. Pashkov’s petition to Your Excellency, be subject to abolition, and that in any case, if such abolition were recognized as urgent, despite the stated facts, then it could be formally carried out only according to the procedure established in the second half of Art. 2 Pos. 5 on measures to protect the state. order and public peace. Having outlined to Your Excellency the motives and motives that guided me in communicating to you the considerations and arguments that found a place in my review on July 5, I ask Your Excellency to treat my present explanations favorably. Presenting them with all directness, which on my part is only a response to your favorable attitude towards the issue raised in this case, I thereby appeal to your Excellency’s sense of justice, fully confident that you will deign to see in my above-mentioned explanations the same character of straightforwardness that I cannot help but see in your, dear sir, letter to me of July 18th. I humbly ask, Your Excellency, to accept the assurances of my complete respect and devotion. I am enclosing on the back of this a curious extract from a Parisian magazine and take this opportunity to wish you health and peace of mind in the coming New Year. Thank you for the clipping from the Zarya newspaper. Ugliness! The other day I read a terrible disgrace - about a schoolgirl cab driver who wanted to kill and rob another cab driver, and was also acquitted! And just yesterday, at a meeting, the charlatan and open-minded Loris-Melikov, among his speeches, said that he looks at the charter of November 20, 1804, as if it were a shrine. That's enough! It’s scary to think what would have happened to Russia if he had stayed with K. Sincerely Devoted Videant consules not quid, etc. Yesterday Prince Nikolai Petrovich Meshchersky was with the gr. Levasheva, born. gr. Panina. She spoke with joy about the appointment of Derviz and explained that he belonged to the party to which she herself belonged, ergo to the Red. You've probably read the short but powerful article “Mosk. Ved." in the Sviridov case. Read the editorial “St. Petersburg. Ved." December 25th. It is advisable that these articles be read by those who are in charge. Your efforts with us to correct the school will be in vain if our schoolchildren, from junior to senior, are corrupted by the court. The cases of Sviridov, Ostrovleva, Melnitsky, a parricide justified recently! A judge, i.e., the chairman of a court in Moscow, who allows the Melnitskys’ lawyer to publicly mock the police detective who discovered the theft, to interrogate how much salary he receives? Don’t the leaders of justice really see that the law needs to be corrected? Nowadays those who do not follow the proverb are called fools: Il faut menager la chèvre et, le chou. Après moi le déluge; it will happen in our lifetime. Congratulations on this great holiday. I admit that I spend it with terrible pain in my heart at the sight of these accumulated outrages, reminiscent of the worst times of Rome and Byzantium. Marshal Prince Vladimir Sergeevich Obolensky asked me to convey to you a telegram from Miklukha, who, upon getting married, asks for permission to baptize the children of a woman according to the Protestant rite. Prince Obolensky showed this telegram to His Majesty and, moreover, reported that he would convey it to you. I read newspapers very rarely, so I only read today in the Church Bulletin that you requested 50 thousand rubles annually at the disposal of the synod for the provision of benefits and rewards to the clergy and religious institutions for the establishment and maintenance of schools for public education. God bless you, dear Konstantin Petrovich. You know that my “Social Questions,” written back in 1880, advocate the positive need to transfer the matter of public education to our clergy and that all government money that is now being spent on teachers’ seminaries should be transferred to the disposal of the synod to increase its costs for the education of our clergy. How is it possible to allow such an anomaly to happen in Russia? The government pays Messrs. professors and teachers of gymnasiums, almost entirely hostile to him, sowing sedition, much more than science teachers in theological academies and seminaries. Is this really supposed to be the policy of Christian rulers, of the Christian kingdom? Of course, if facts have appeared that point to this anomaly, then we understand that these facts were born and developed unnoticed by our sovereigns themselves under the influence of current reports on each subject separately, due to the lack of a government program and due to the indifferentism that has infected the majority of our high society since the time of Voltaire. May God help you to transfer all public schools to the jurisdiction of the synod and to the direct management of parishes, or at least to ensure that the teachers in public schools are priests. In this only way you will enable priests to ensure the financial existence of their families and create the opportunity for the weak not to have a burning need to extort funds for this from parishioners, the masses of the poor. And the zemstvo, with its claims to govern and educate the people, excited by the liberal press, must be brought to its senses by the Minister of Internal Affairs from being carried away by the fashionable trend. The zemstvo does not have the money to fulfill the duty assigned to it by law - to feed the people during famine, to help them sow the fields and to fight livestock deaths and fires that ravage the Russian land, and it, as I recently calculated in the Zemsky Yearbook for 1879, costs 4,900,000 rubles. for what he calls public education. I feel in my heart that our sovereign, with his healthy Russian mind, enlightened by Christian views on his rights and duties before the One from whom he is called to autocratically rule us, will respond sympathetically to everything that, in the department entrusted to you, you tell him, even if it is not to the taste of your fellow government officials. Oh, if only our finance minister was a man with a Russian soul, that is. believer, then it would not be difficult to free the zemstvo from spending these five million and, having accepted them into the account of the state, transfer them to your disposal! After all, the zemstvo urgently has to build highways, that is, access roads to the railways, and it spends its funds on public schools. By the way, I’ll take my heart by saying here that, by agreeing on the part of the synod to some benefits for schismatics, you should have asked for special funds for a more active struggle of our church against free-thinking ignorance, which gave rise to the separation of all our sectarians from it. In our age without money, it is impossible to fight successfully against the error that influences the poor through more than one misinterpretation of St. writings and exploitation of the weak sides of our fallen nature, but also with money itself and even the false liberal press. I know you will say that the government has no money and the budget is barely coming together. Of course, I will not advise turning to loans, the harm of which for Russia was so well demonstrated by an author I know in the brochure you sent, but believe me, as a person who has been working in the sphere of economic life for twenty years in almost all of European Russia and who, thanks to the Christian worldview, managed not to enslave himself into slavery to the golden calf, believe me, money for the needs of the government, and even such that alone can turn a loose the structure of our state life on the national path to independent development, there will be. Only they are looking for them in the wrong place, and, under the influence of banker advisers, resorting to foreign loans, they have enslaved us to foreigners in this way, so much so that in those years when, according to settlements with foreigners, we have to pay them extra and due to the lack of gold for this, we have to offer them our papers. Isn’t it natural that foreigners, in connection with our bankers, take advantage of our need and speculate on the depreciation of our papers? In this situation, the former Minister of Finance, together with the current one, in order to restore the rate of banknotes, which, in their opinion, had fallen due to excess, came up with the idea of ​​removing fifty million banknotes from circulation annually, as if gold that was zero would be given to us cheaper, because we would have fewer banknotes to buy it. The artificial reduction of money in circulation restricts turnover, paralyzes economic life, and gives rise to discontent. And this is not political, especially in the times we are living through. Sorry, I started talking about domestic politics involuntarily, since I haven’t left the room for a very, very long time and, of course, I cannot force myself to be indifferent to everything that you hear and what you receive news about from the provinces. Do not be angry at a long letter and trust the feelings of deep interest 6, respect and devotion that he has for you From my letter dated December 6, No. 4506, Your Excellency is aware that Viktor Alexandrov’s (Krylov) drama “Near the Money,” already banned by the Minister of the Interior from being staged in private theaters and proposed by the Minister of the Imperial Court to also be removed from the repertoire of the Imperial theaters through a gradual delay in the timing of its performance, would be completely inconvenient for Moscow. Meanwhile, two performances of this immoral play that has a bad influence on the common people, scheduled in the Imperial Moscow Theater precisely during the Christmas holidays and with an interval of no more than four days (December 28 and January 3) are less appropriate than ever, since on these days factory workers and artisans flock in droves to public spectacles. In view of such an undesirable placement of this play in the Festive repertoire of the Imperial Theater in Moscow, I consider it necessary to forward to Your Excellency a copy of my letter on this subject to the Minister of Internal Affairs. Please accept, dear sir, the assurances of my complete respect and devotion. Copy from a letter from the Moscow Governor-General to the Minister of Internal Affairs, dated December 28, 1883, No. 2729. By letter of last November 30, No. 2425, I had the honor to inform Your Excellency that in view of the immorality and corrupting influence on the working class of Mr. Krylov’s (Viktor Alexandrov) play “Near the Money,” which is already prohibited for production on private stages, by a circular dated November 16, I would consider it inconvenient for presentation in Moscow on the stage of the imperial theaters. In your review dated December 7, No. 4616, Your Excellency notified me that “the Minister of the Imperial Court, in view of the various rumors spread in the public regarding its prohibition, considered it necessary to give several more performances, gradually delaying the dates of such performances, and then finally remove the said drama from the repertoire. Meanwhile, this play, presented on November 22 and 30, today, December 28, is again performed on the stage of the Maly Theater and is also scheduled for January 3. Presenting this harmful play in the days of the most lively revelry of factory workers and working people in general can only intensify the disintegration of bad passions and produce on the common people an effect contrary to social peace and order, the care of which is my direct responsibility. Considering it my duty to report this on the basis of your Excellency’s well-known circular message dated November 4, 1883, No. 1507, I ask you, dear sir, to accept assurances of my complete respect and devotion. I consider it useful to forward to you for your information copies of letters from Prince V.A. Dolgorukov and the file on Chicherin’s speech. To judge the weakness of the government, one must know that the most energetic figure in it is Prince. Dolgorukov, who decided to write about the former and Moscow scandal and now, however, feels in a peak position, because the mayor with a disdainful smile listened to his modest, private remark, declaring that he acted (and therefore will continue to act) according to his conviction. Moscow, January 2, 1883. A copy of a letter from the Minister of Internal Affairs to the Moscow Governor-General. Your Excellency's letter dated January 20 about the speech delivered by the Moscow mayor Chicherin on January 12 at a dinner for Moscow University students was reported by me to His Imperial Majesty. After listening to him and reading the speech itself, the Sovereign Emperor deigned to command Your Excellency to invite Mr. Chicherin to his place and inform him that His Majesty finds this speech completely inappropriate and not consistent with the title of the mayor of the capital. Fulfilling this highest will, I ask you, dear sir, to accept the assurance, etc. A copy of a confidential letter from the Moscow Governor-General to the Minister of Internal Affairs, dated January 20, 1883. Regarding the famous speech of the Moscow mayor, Mr. Chicherin, delivered by him on January 12, I consider it my duty to inform Your Excellency that after its delivery, Mr. Chicherin was with me and responded to the disapproval I expressed of his action, as if in his opinion it was necessary to say so in the form of praise for students and the impending changes in the university charter. Disagreeing with him, I repeated my disapproval to him. Regardless of this, I was entrusted with Moscow. Chief Police Chief to report this incident to the State Police Department, enclosing the text of the speech from the Russian Vedomosti, for which it was edited by Mr. Chicherin himself. Later reprinted in several St. Petersburg newspapers: Novoye Vremya, which even spoke of it with approval, Golos, Novosti - this speech is thus entirely subject to government supervision, and I will not hide from Your Excellency that, in my opinion, it deserved strict condemnation from the highest government; for the direction reflected in it, covered by imaginary conservatism, is in essence more dangerous than nihilism itself, but its harmful influence on society and especially on the city duma, where, unfortunately, representatives of different classes like such rantings as if coming from the mayor. Mr. Chicherin’s speech, although condemned by right-thinking people, nevertheless makes a pleasant impression on the dissatisfied and on young people. At the present time, when passions hostile to the government are beginning to subside, the slightest hint, or even the faintest shadow of such thoughts, which tend towards public censure of the actions of the government, should be taken very seriously. I would not think it would be superfluous to confirm circularly or in some other way that those participating in dinners and in general in all kinds of public meetings make speeches only after preliminary review by the local administrative authority. So, in noble, zemstvo, city, and all, without exception, meetings permitted by law, the speeches made must strictly relate to the subjects of permitted discussion and not move onto political grounds. Not limited to the existing obligation on this subject assigned to the chairmen of such meetings to monitor the speeches made here, the chairmen themselves should also be held accountable before the government for the speeches they themselves make. If we do not put an end to such disorder, which manifests itself in public debates, then these latter and what is happening between them in the Moscow City Duma may turn into a kind of parliamentarism, towards which a tendency has already been noticed, and then the government will, of necessity, be forced to resort to strict punitive measures, which may entail consequences far and wide such that it is difficult even to foresee them. In general, the self-government granted to cities and zemstvos at one time deserves full government attention, which, not being sufficiently coordinated with the basic state structure, reveals a constant desire to evade the influence of government administration - necessary and useful. It is enough to point out that the internal financial arrangements of these institutions - this enormous force for all kinds of enterprises - are not subject to government control. Everything I say here stems from my many years of experience and knowledge of people. That’s why, when he was confirmed in the position of car wash, the city. head of the city of Chicherin, I could not help but foresee that the local administration would be required to be especially vigilant regarding the direction that the new mayor would take in the Duma. Then, noticing that his opening speech went beyond the limits of permitted reasoning, I made exceptions in it in strict accordance with censorship rules. Having fulfilled for my part everything that my official title obligated me to do, I could only answer the questions of Mr. Chicherin, who was then leaving for St. Petersburg, that if his opening speech was allowed to be published in one form or another, I would only have to carry out those instructions of the highest government that would be communicated to me. This is the case in the most submissive report of your predecessor, Mr. Ignatiev was presented to the Emperor in such a sense that Mr. Chicherina, by the highest order announced to me, was published in newspapers almost unchanged in its entirety, with the exception of only two harsh phrases. Treating Mr. Chicherin's opening speech with due caution, I had in mind to restrain him at the very first stage. In conclusion, let me add that at the holiday on January 12, the students of Moscow University behaved beyond all praise, while, on the contrary, the professors, beating students, behaved indecently, like young men from the student bench. But if adults, and some of them are already elderly, occupying a social position, begin to make speeches in the spirit of car washes, city, heads, and if strict measures are not taken against such oratory, then you can never rest assured that no surprises will happen in the future that are unpleasant and harmful to the government. I was told that you were inquiring about me and, perhaps, were wondering why I, being in St. Petersburg for a week, did not have time to visit you. Now that it is being discussed in the department. state council draft of the university charter, I would not like to give reason to think that I am intruding on you with judgments on this matter, in which, to my regret, we disagree. Contrary to, I don’t know why, the prevailing opinion, I am not at all inclined to impose unsolicited advice and only speak when asked, or when I see that they want to talk to me. Our long-term friendship could give you a more accurate understanding of everything in this regard than current rumors. For too three years you have been managing affairs that are of significant interest to me, no less than to anyone else: have I ever intruded on you with any projects? Now you are discussing the regulations of theological academies: have I bothered you with my unsolicited thoughts on this subject? I might rather be reproached for not using the right to good advice that some short personal relationships might give me. You have told many people that you are familiar with the draft university charter from conversations with me. Have you confused me with someone else? Only once, almost three years ago, did I happen to talk to you about the content of this project. This was in the summer of 1880, shortly after the fall of the city. Tolstoy, replaced by Saburov. You were on the heir's train on the way to Crimea, and I needed to see the then dictator, Count. Loris-Melikov, who was traveling on the same train, and I joined you in Moscow before Serpukhov. Here I had to talk about the outrages of Saburov, who was then touring the Moscow educational district and rioting students. Here, I said, are the consequences of the change of gr. Tolstoy, for whose support you bitterly reproached me a year before. At the same time, I regretted that he did not manage to finish his work and carry out the draft of a new university charter that he had already submitted to the State Council, and began to outline its essence, but you impatiently interrupted me and warmly spoke out for the plan dictated to Saburov by Golovnin and Milyutin and the foundations of which (with autonomy, with a corporate structure of students, with deputies elected from them and their meetings) were the same summer most highly approved in Livadia, according to Saburov’s report, together with Milyutin. Now, of course, you don’t regret either Saburov or his plans. I also had a heated discussion with you about Saburov’s successor, Baron Nikolai, who was more dangerous than Saburov, but, fortunately, soon made himself impossible. But at the same time, I have never been able to talk to you about the university charter, Mr. Tolstoy. Everything that could. to give a reason to talk about this subject was quickly rejected. So, it was not through me that you became acquainted with the draft charter. Judging by the position you have taken regarding him, I cannot help but conclude that you trusted in your judgment about him a person of the opposite way of thinking to mine (and, in essence, to yours) I don’t know why it seems to you that most of all you should protect yourself, and other people in power, from contact with me in matters of national importance. What have I done to deserve such an opinion from you, which would not be surprising only from your opponents? I’m not even talking about my way of thinking, which does not fundamentally disagree with yours, but on the university issue I have at least no less right to attention than others. I was a university student (and whoever has not been a student himself does not know the intricacies of university life), I was a university teacher, not an outsider, but a full-time one; According to the lyceum, which has its own university department, I am in continuous relations with the university and monitor its affairs ex officio. I have experienced in practice the needs of university life; I know all its twists and crannies. My judgments on this subject are not of a summary nature, which cloud the mind with fog, but are made from the abundant details of the experience. Why am I such a poisonous creature that everyone should avoid me in this matter and close their ears, and that everything in which my participation can be suspected should be considered a priori worthless? However, by the way, I did not take any part in the drafting of the project. Tolstoy and I.D. Delyanov and, perhaps, would find something in it to be changed, so that all its paragraphs would correspond even more and more deeply to the main idea, which I cannot help but sympathize with, in the fidelity, practicality and benefit of which I have a full and mature conviction. But whatever your opinion about the nature of my convictions, have you really returned to your previous view of Count Tolstoy, who now occupies, not without your assistance, a leading position in the government? Is it really gr. Tolstoy, to whom the very security of the state was entrusted, is so frivolous that, having managed the matter of public education for fourteen years and having spent ten years working on the university issue, he succumbed to fantasies blown by the wind and introduced to the State Council a draft law filled with such monstrous incongruities that you found yourself forced to enter into a coalition even with the sworn opponents of your way of thinking, just to save Russia from destruction, planned gr. Fat? Is it really possible, finally, that the current Minister of Public Education, familiar from his university days with the life of universities, has passed through all levels of management in this area, and served under Count. Tolstoy, the chairman of all commissions on the university issue, who visited all the universities of the empire, accompanied by people like Georgievsky, Lyubimov, Gesen, tested, trustworthy and undoubtedly knowledgeable and who personally discussed with almost every teacher of all universities, is it possible that he, so careful and circumspect in everything, is carried away by the stormy influence coming from me to the point that I have to restrain this frantic innovator with the help of conservatives, like Messrs. Golovin, Pepper and tutti quanti? Is all this really natural? Think, dear Konstantin Petrovich, do you really feel that you have studied the university issue so deeply, and are you really so convinced of the harm of a measure for which people who are like-minded and not fools stood with all the strength of mature conviction. A statesman must have strong self-confidence, but he must also have a wise distrust of himself. You have distinguished yourself with undoubted merits, you have valuable qualities, but you, like everyone, have your shortcomings. Everyone needs to know their own shortcomings, take them into account when acting, and not at all be offended when their well-wishers point them out to us. You see perfectly in the pure ether of principles, but you do not so easily recognize people passing by and things passing in the darkness. Dear Konstantin Petrovich, isn’t now the time for all honest and politically sensible people to strive most of all for a strong and visible connection among themselves, not to shy away from each other, but to bear each other’s burdens and mutually make up for their shortcomings, and to be vigilant so that a cunning hand, in a moment of our mistake, does not spur on any of our skates, for just as everyone has his own shortcomings, so he also has his own skates. Given the desolation of which you rightly complain, I should not be neglected. Our common opponents seem to understand our solidarity better than we do: look, they unite us even in fantastic tales about a supposedly upcoming constitution. The efforts of the party of disintegration, which follows the motto: the worse, the better, tend to not allow a single measure, not a single law that would testify to the consistency of the current government and the possibility of good legislation under our form of government. The reform of universities would be the first organic measure of the current reign, which would have to be strictly followed by others, in the judicial department, in local government, etc. If, in the views of this party, university reform cannot be prevented, then it should be spoiled so that it comes out un coup d'epèe dans l'eau. The failure of this legislative measure will affect not just one university, but our entire state affairs. All that remains is to remain silent and leave everything to the will of God. Deep respect and long-standing good relations with you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, obliged me to express with all the frankness and frankness that had accumulated in my soul, and, having completed these lines, I already feel that I have relieved my soul. Believing in your heart and knowing your dedication to the cause that we both serve, I send these youths to you without hesitation. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Your Excellency for sending the article, which has already been typed and will be published in full the day after tomorrow; I will send you the proof tomorrow after typing and correcting possible typos. Please accept my sincere congratulations on New Year's Day; I personally was deprived of the opportunity to stop by yesterday. The usual, difficult editorial night with the New Year's issue, which deprived me of sleep until 5 o'clock in the morning, was complicated by the undignified act of the Senate, due to the anger of our magistracy at the publication of the decree about Lyubimov. The Senate took advantage of the fact that the journal of the Committee of Ministers of 1869, which highly approved our editorial order, was not coordinated with the code of laws, according to which all decrees are first announced to the Senate. publications, and forgetting that for 14 years we acted in the literal sense of the said magazine com. ministers, almost on the eve of the New Year sent us a decree - not to print anything from the Highest. commands earlier “Sen. Vedomosti", published twice a week. Mue had to personally explain everything to Count D. A. Tolstoy, D. N. Nabokov, Frisch and Evreinov, and, if not for my passionate, personal rebuke to the magistracy, the Emperor yesterday would not have found in the “Government Bulletin” either the important decrees signed by him to the State Council, or all the decrees to the Senate. They poked at me the code of laws and the decree of the Senate based on it, sent to me on December 21 - the Senate, which, before the decree about Lyubimov (see, moreover, my articles about the excellent book “Against the Current”), was silent for 14 years when, with the Highest permission of 1869, we previously published “The Senate. Vedomosti" not only all the decrees on members of all councils, but also this year, a week earlier, "Sen. Vey" announced the decrees on the appointment of Bannovsky, Girs, Bunge, Delyanov, etc., which I indicated in a written response, with reference to our number and "Sen. Ve-y.” I was incredibly happy about the news of the appointment of E.M. Feoktistov and I hope that he will pull out quite a few pins and various nails still sticking out in various literary and administrative spheres. Forgive me for this long letter, but I consider it my duty to inform Bass about this unworthy campaign of the hooks of our highest magistracy, which now wants nothing more, no less than to abolish the “Right. V-k” for his sympathy for Lyubimov and forcing him to live by reprinting even official information. I would like to thank our Excellency for pointing out the inappropriately leaked news. I sincerely repent - my fault, and as you will see, this will not happen again. All dispatches arrive at night between 12 and 2, creating a true hard labor for me, forcing me to sit in the editorial office 300 nights a year - waiting for dispatches and their correction. I was bribed by the newspaper “Mosk. Leaflet”, which has connections with the office of the Governor-General and has already reported a number of similar, unrefuted information about the upcoming coronation celebrations. From now on I will definitely not miss anything like this. Yes, I thought about what had slipped through, but - I repeat - referring to the “newspaper rumor” and throwing out the “goddess”, I was bribed by the thought of the newspaper’s proximity to the local authorities and the Duma. I am enclosing the original so that you can see how many purely tendentious dispatches I threw out in one night from the same source, which at the same time is clothed in the toga of “subsidized officialdom” (The Agency, as in the form of a tariff reduction, is given 400,000 rubles per year of preferential free forwarding of dispatches). 3. And if I give away all my possessions, and give my body to be burned, and do not have love, it profits me nothing (First Epistle to the Corinthians, chapter 2). Dear Sir Kostantin Petrovich. A 13-year-old boy who ran more than 2,000 miles, hiding from the gendarmes, living on expensive alms, sleeping under sleepers - all this in order to get to the St. Petersburg Conservatory - a remarkable fact, of course, arousing at least people’s curiosity; although, on the other hand, his 27-day walk from Moscow to St. Petersburg, at a time when many travel in 1st class for nothing, due to the special courtesy of the passing authorities, is an extremely regrettable fact, exposing the modern level of hearts in general and the railway ones in particular, which did not shelter the talented youth-wanderer. You sheltered a boy who, apparently, fell ill from excessive walking and mental agitation. I cried and blessed you, dear sir, reading what was published today in Novoye Vremya, and I cannot help but tell you that your deed reconciles me somewhat with the fate of living with the people of our time, illuminated me with the warmth of your deeds in the name of love. May the Lord God preserve you for the honor and glory of our homeland for many, many years and grant recovery to the little wanderer who has taken refuge under the mighty wing of an earthly angel... I don’t need anything from you, and therefore accept my letter as simply as it was written, at the request of my spirit, now forever devoted to you. With utmost respect, I have the honor to be, Peter. Sukhodolsky (Academician-painter). I stand so far away from my minister, Mr. D. A. Tolstoy that he has no right to take the initiative to discuss issues on which he himself does not challenge me. If at this moment I try to express to you my best opinion on a subject that seems to me very important, it is because my old acquaintance with you and your favor towards me give me some right to treat you with a frank word where it comes to the good of the dearly beloved homeland both by you and me. And the point is this. I know that yesterday there was an emergency meeting of the press council, which was dedicated to discussing the punishment deserved by the newspaper “Golos” for its recent truly outrageous articles. The opinions of the members, unfortunately, as I was informed, were divided into exactly two halves, one of which considered giving the newspaper a third warning, with its suspension for a certain number of months, while the other considered it sufficient to limit the publication of private advertisements in Golos. The purpose of the punishment thus depends at the moment on which of these two opinions receives the approval of the minister. One can be very afraid that Mr. D. A. Tolstoy, driven by the same feeling of delicacy and generosity regarding the publication, which was always so hostile to him personally, will now once again lean towards the side of the least severe measure. In this case, it would be impossible not to consider such a decision very regrettable. In the current spiritual state of our country, when minds, shaken and unbridled by a number of years of government anarchy and revolutionary propaganda in the press, have not yet had time to settle into the proper system of calm and correct thinking, such an organ as “Golos”, unfortunately so widely distributed both in St. Petersburg and in certain parts of Russia, serves as an instrument of constant anti-government agitation - especially, I dare to think, dangerous in the present moment, when, in view of the imminent time of the wedding of the sovereign in Moscow, it would be so desirable to pacify all unrest and extinguish everything that could cause a fire to break out. From the south of Russia, by the way, where “The Voice” is read avidly, I receive from relatives and close acquaintances news of a very alarming nature about the anarchic undertakings there. There can be no doubt that the criminal plans of the leaders of the “revolutionary movement” are connected by living threads with what is being preached at the present time in the favorite organ of the “liberal” camp, and that they find in the tone of its articles, in the insidious selection of the news of the most gloomy nature that they communicate, the strongest support in recruiting feeble-minded and wavering youth into their ranks. Until now, I myself have always been much more on the side of leniency than punishment regarding the press, and even, I confess, I was not entirely convinced of the danger of the influence that “Golos” has on our public. This wrong opinion was supported in me by what I happened to observe both in St. Petersburg and inside Russia in those eras when Golos was suspended for a more or less long period under ministers Makov and Count. Ignatiev. Subscribers complained about this for several days, then subscribed to another newspaper and completely forgot about the suspended one, and often began to scold it. I explained this to myself then as much by the instability of the Russian reader as by the frivolity of the newspaper itself, which, in my opinion at the time, was filled with liberal chatter much more for the sake of fashionable “trends” than in view of any actual malicious purposes. But at the present time, I cannot help but see in the tireless and caustic antics of “Golos” the opposite of the entire existing order in the state, a systematic campaign with a revolutionary goal, guided but very definitely and clearly outlined by a plan. In view of those special circumstances and the threatening dangers that I spoke about above, I, Konstantin Petrovich, decided to warn you today that tomorrow, Saturday, February 12th, the gr. Tolstoy's resolution of the press council, which revealed such sad hesitation among people serving the government on the issue of anti-government affairs. I personally, of course, would come to you with this legend and would illustrate it with many interesting details, if my sick eyes did not chain me to a dark room, as a result of which I dictate the real lines to my wife. With deep respect, sincerely devoted to you Twenty years passed yesterday my service in the rank of abbot. Sincerely and deeply respected Konstantin Petrovich. A special kind of circumstance is leading me to you now, perhaps. You will scold me for my untimely visit without an invitation, but I could not resist the feeling that sent me to you. The manifesto, which announced the upcoming coveted coronation, illuminated all the hearts of the faithful sons of Russia with bright joy. The sacredly impressive words of the Orthodox autocrat to all the people spoke clearly and powerfully in the depths of the people's spirit, penetrated into its secret places and aroused in it, so to speak, a thirst for prayer, in which the tsar desired to unite before the Lord with his subjects. The people accepted the call to this common united prayer from the lips of the king with loyal reverence and pious sympathy, and, having risen in spirit to the consciousness and within themselves of the sacred need to unite in such prayer with their father the king, he searches for the people: What is the best way to ask the king from the Lord precisely those gifts for which the king himself, in the face of the people, recognizes the most necessary need for the extraordinary feats of the highest and most difficult service on earth - royal? And many of the people come to us with a similar request, as we live in the work of prayer: “teach us how and what kind of prayer we should pray now for our father-sovereign, who calls us to prayer.” It is this people’s request that I now come to put into your hands. You alone can satisfy her. There is a whole host of saints near you. I, for my part, can only express the idea that we should not, especially at the present time of spiritual and moral decay, neglect the beautiful, pious and loyal upsurge of the people's prayerful spirit, excited by the call from the height of the throne. Such a movement clearly speaks and testifies to how sensitive the heart of the Orthodox people is to the broadcasts of the autocrat and what a powerful connecting force Orthodoxy serves between the Tsar and the Russian people. The manifesto has already outlined the thoughts, feelings and desires of the person preparing to begin the wedding. It is not difficult to connect them with each other, make the usual dismissals and beginnings for individual prayers, and, having printed them, distribute the leaflets in churches, as is already done with brochures. And the true, Orthodox people in all parts of Russia will pray with their sincere, believing prayer, coming from a simple heart. And this prayer will ascend in propitiation to the throne of God, and it will stand invisibly at the royal throne, like a protective guard, reflecting an arrow flying in the darkness, and all other plans of adversaries. Apparently now the same invisible barrier is already in the prayer read since the past year for the protection of our most pious sovereign from all evil circumstances. May it be granted to us always and under all circumstances to offer special prayers required by circumstances for prosperity and for his success in all his exploits for the good of the people. We, that is, the sisters of the monastery, from the day we received the manifesto, decided among ourselves to offer a special day-night continuous prayer for their majesties until the day of the sacred coronation, dividing the night and day hours between ourselves. One of these days I will send a report on the hospitals with a note about the school attached. In thought, soul and heart, I am with you very often and always with a prayer for help from the Almighty and All-Powerful, in all difficult and sorrowful circumstances. Yes, the Lord spends all gold in a furnace. It's sad to know that you get sick often. My health is improving and in the summer I am going to the desert to complete the treatment interrupted in the winter. Soulfully devoted and... Maria With fear and pain, I read in the newspapers that it was planned to reopen theaters in V. post. How many disasters have they already brought upon Russia since the time of their discovery on the days supposed to be sanctified by prayer and repentance. Oh, if only they had remained closed! An idea occurred to me that at present seems to me to be completely appropriate in its meaning, as a measure capable of visually and at once raising the Russian spirit in us, awakening dormant traditions in it and reminding us that the Russian Tsar is not at all a Western emperor. I mean the king's clothes during the coronation. If the sovereign, instead of the common general’s uniform, had dressed himself under purple in our ancient royal vestments, with barmas on his shoulders and with a cross on his chest, then it is easy to imagine what a stunning impression the appearance of our Russian Tsar on the Red Porch in this not masquerade, but his genuine, historical royal image would have made on the people. At this moment, the turn that Peter the Great was thinking about in the Duma, from someone else’s temporary path to our own, destined for us by God himself, would begin with our own eyes and within us. This solemn moment would be wonderful. There can be nothing strange to the eye here. After all, the German Austrian Emperor was crowned with the crown of Stephen in the Hungarian national costume. And Napoleon I created a special costume for his coronation, in which, of course, he looked much more majestic than in his usual uniform. And he had his own, it belonged to him alone. I cannot help but tell you this idea, which does not have a simple effect, but, in my opinion, contains a very serious meaning for us and, if I could, I would teach it to the sovereign on my knees. And how this outfit would suit him! Forgive me generously that for the third time I dare to bother you with my letter. I am guided by one sincere, spiritual desire: may the reign of our most pious monarch be blessed by the Lord and prosperous, and for this the sinful prayers of the sovereign’s loyal subjects alone are not enough; It is necessary for the heavenly powers to take part in this, so that the Orthodox saints of God, especially from the children of the Orthodox Russian Church, offer their prayers for this to the throne of the Most High. If I'm not mistaken, it was customary in Rus', during every new reign, to open the relics of saints. Is it possible that before the expected and declared in the highest manifesto the triumph of the coronation of the Emperor, the above-mentioned custom of previously reigning sovereigns will be left, in this case, without attention? There is no rumor about the discovery of the relics: the Orthodox Russian people rightly expect the outcome. Moreover, in these difficult times, among enemies who are tireless in their malice, amid the rebellion of thoughts, the unbridled will of some pernicious people, we can say with confidence that both our sovereign and our fatherland need prayer books in heaven. 50 years ago, in our memory, the angelic Father Seraphim lived and labored in the Sarov desert; both during his life and after his death, he provided many benefits in his prayers to those who sought help from him. Why not mark the beginning of the reign, before the sacred coronation of the sovereign emperor, with the discovery of the relics of the pious saint, revered by all of Russia, whose prayers were effective even during his life, especially now they will be successful for the great sovereign, when Seraphim stands before the throne of the Most High in the face of the seraphim? I repeat again: forgive me generously if I allowed myself to write to you about this, as a person standing close to the throne. With my deepest respect, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most humble servant Vinogradov, head of Moscow women's gymnasiums. Having read the manifesto with emotional excitement, I thought about you among other things. And in this thought I wanted to hug you so much - I can’t tell you about that... The manifesto brings tears to your eyes, and at the same time it exudes what it should exude, encouragement coming from faith... May God bless the path of our dear sovereign to the May celebration, may he protect you and help you. Sunday, September 25th. I sincerely congratulate you on the holiday of the great saint and protector of our land. Since the Voluntary Fleet is living out its last sad days and you are still our leader, I allow myself to turn to you with my most humble request, to petition our highest patron to appoint me a member of the State Council. I dare to think that I am no less worthy of Galagan and Bobrinsky and hope to be no less useful than them. I am quite sure that you have not forgotten and will fulfill your once-made promise to prove in practice your good disposition towards me. With complete respect and the same devotion, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most humble servant I want to try to raise capital to build a decent church in Vienna. Today is exactly two months since I addressed you with a letter, to which I still have no answer. In this letter, I asked you, as our chairman, to petition the highest patron of the Voluntary Fleet to appoint me as a member of the State Council. But, after the appointment of Galagan and Bobrinsky, well known to me, and after, with the help of God, twice in my life (1878 and 1880) I, an unworthy instrument of God’s providence, managed to distance the terrible disasters of war from my fatherland, it seemed to me that I, no less than others, and especially no less than the above-mentioned persons, could be useful in the rank of member of the State Council, and allowed myself to turn to you with a request. Another reason for my request: in order to be successful in my petitions, we need an official position, and you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, know that I am constantly bothering about someone or something for the benefit of the state. In anticipation of your favorable response, I ask you to accept the assurance of my complete respect and devotion to you In effect Art. owls I am highly produced. by order of March 3, 1876. Metropolitan of Moscow and Your Eminence, Your Eminence Bishop. I consider it my duty to convey to your Eminence that on this 5th day of March, a certain lady revealed to me during confession that her son-in-law - her daughter’s husband, the Moscow parade ground - Adjutant Shestakov - arouses in her strong suspicion of his malicious intent against the Emperor, in which case he is in close alliance with the 2nd Moscow Commandant Unkovsky. To prove her suspicion, she conveyed to me some facts that she had heard from her daughter, Shestakov’s wife, who, out of precaution on the part of her husband, although she is deprived of free access from the house, sometimes gets the opportunity to visit her mother by deception. During such and such visits, her daughter conveyed to her the following: on the 1st day of March 1881, a most cheerful feast was held in her husband’s apartment, and precisely on the occasion of the catastrophe with the late sovereign. Then, during the stay of the now reigning emperor in Moscow in September last year, when Shestakov’s duty was to supervise the guard in the presence of His Majesty, he shied away from his duty at night and spent this time in Petrovsky Park in a dacha he had hired specially for this time. Finally, at present, their immediate goal, according to their daughter, is to kidnap the daughter of the Emperor, Grand Duchess Ksenia Alexandrovna. In conclusion, I consider it my duty to explain to your Eminence that judging by the sincerity with which the said lady conveyed all of the above to me and by the spiritual confusion that was very noticeable in her as a result of her bewilderment as to whether to report this to whomever she should or to remain silent for now, one must think that everything she conveyed to me is the absolute truth, especially since she herself, without any prompting on my part, swore to the fidelity of everything she said the holy cross and the gospel. Your Eminence, the most humble novice, priest of the Intercession and St. Basil's Cathedral Your Excellency. Today I read that the royal regalia had already been brought to Moscow. Therefore, the coronation should take place in May and even on May 15, they say. I don’t know, maybe higher state considerations required this, but people don’t get married in the month of May, so as not to suffer. Not a single coronation took place in May, and most importantly on May 15th the murder of Dmitry Tsarevich was commemorated. It is not superstition, forgive me, but the convictions and faith inherent in the Russian people that give me the courage to turn to you with an indication: is it convenient for the sovereign to be crowned on May 15, will this not make many grieve in spirit and worry about the future reign of their beloved monarch, who will accept the scepter and the orb under a bad omen? As a faithful servant of the sovereign, I appeal to Your Excellency with the hope that you will find a means and a way to influence so that the coronation day does not coincide with the day of remembrance of the murdered Dmitry Tsarevich. Please accept the assurances of my deepest respect and devotion. Your Excellency Dear Sir Konstantin Petrovich. Not being able to personally present to His Imperial Majesty the note with a letter addressed to our monarch, I turn to Your Excellency with complete confidence, as the only Russian patriot in feelings, soul and thoughts, boldly placing all my hopes on your loyal devotion to the throne and fatherland, and I deeply believe that my note in the original itself will be known to His Majesty and no one else. Dearest regards to Your Excellency sincerely devoted most humble servant, your F. I. Molotov house No. 8/26th, apt. No. 10. Captain Karl Fedorovich Koch officials: Dmitry Stepanovich Aichuroch Non-commissioned officers: Nikanor Dorofeev Nikita Larionovich Larionov Stepan Grigorievich Katantsev Lavrentiy Danilovich Semenov Peasant Pyotr Pavlovich Pavlov Your Imperial Majesty Not by an oath signed on paper, and not by an oath of promise made by me upon my accession to the All-Russian throne of Your Imperial Majesty, but by the true and heartfelt duty of a loyal subject, which I am always ready to contribute personally and with my understanding to the benefit of the interests of the supreme power, as a truly Russian ingenuous person, I dare to lay down the enclosed note at the feet of Your Imperial Majesty. I would be more than happy if Your Imperial Majesty deigned to listen to me personally on the contents of this note, since with all my sincere desire, it is impossible to put everything on paper, but in any case, I am already happy that, although it is too late, I fulfilled my duty. I firmly remember the sacred words bequeathed to the Russian people in the manifesto by our now God-elected monarch, regarding the eradication of “sedition and theft” nesting everywhere, not excluding persons approaching the throne under various pretexts, I here mean minor employees up to and including the carpenter and chimney sweep in the palace. Selflessly devoted to Father Tsar and his royal government, I consider myself happy if I can render a loyal contribution to the benefit of my dear fatherland at a time when the administrative government needs useful information and statements. Now I will move on to the thought with which it is desirable to introduce the one who should know about this. More than anyone knows, it is the highest representatives that the progressive development of the Russian people, following their latest civilization, has gone so far from the path that leads to the general benefit of the same people and the glory of the state, which is a concern everywhere, and even more so, the moral level of intelligent youth with their rising generations has stood out and for many it has recently moved into the area of sedition: indifferentism, atheism and terrorism, collectively aimed at the violent destruction of power supreme with all its foundations and its representative at the head. As during the reign of the martyrdom in Bose, the deceased sovereign emperor, and now, the highest guardians are entrusted with protecting the inviolability of the supreme power, and the personal safety of the person of His Imperial Majesty is entrusted with protecting a whole team of so-called guards, assembled from different classes, nations and religions. Meanwhile, such indiscriminate acceptance of guards, introduced by its former chief, Mr. Haase, can be assumed to be nothing more than a failure to fulfill the highest command that followed when recruiting the newly formed supervisory staff of the gendarme corps in 1867. This order stipulates: “in no case should Catholics, Poles, baptized Jews and purely Orthodox Russians, married to baptized Jewish women and Catholic Poles join Orthodoxy be allowed into the service” - this is only in the gendarme corps; the guard of the sacred person of the sovereign emperor, formed from the same corps, I dare to believe, is much more important than the gendarmerie teams; Meanwhile, the team of security guards is overcrowded with both nationalities. I will not dispute that there are no capable individuals from Jews and Poles, undoubtedly there are, but let them bring benefit to the government in that institution, which is not subject to the highest distrust of them. At the same time, I dare to add my opinion, based, among other things, on data taken from the Polish catechism, published on the basis of religious principles, regarding the preparation of the Poles for the rebellion in 1863–1864. According to the meaning of the given Polish order, in no case can one trustfully rely on Catholic Poles, even if the Russian Roman Catholic Metropolitan Fialkovsky himself was at the head of the guards, and not just some Ludwig Znamerovsky with Lowitsky and their other fellow believers. Consequently, the admission of Catholic Poles and baptized Jews into the royal guard is nothing more than disobedience to the highest command, which has not been canceled to this day. With all this, may we be allowed to pay attention to such a coincidence as the trip in July of the past 1881 of our now safely reigning sovereign Emperor to Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod and then to Kostroma, to bow to that historical place and holy place like the Ipatiev Monastery, in which lived the founder of the dynasty and still reigning imperial house in Russia, boyar Mikhail, and Who was accompanying His Imperial Majesty? The same co-religionists, fellow tribesmen who, when boyar Mikhail Feodorovich was elected tsar in 1613, sought to destroy him. To this they may tell me, it’s not true, there were Russian people there too. It’s true, there were a lot of them, but they were all so scattered from the king’s father that many didn’t even see him, our sun, at all. I’m not saying that there wasn’t a single lucky one among us Russians, there is more than one, perhaps, but those who stood closest to the emperor and surrounded his august wife and the children who were with them were Znamerovsky, Lowitsky, Malkevich and others, but it’s time and it’s high time for the Poles and Jews to fulfill the command of the Emperor Alexander Nikolaevich, who died a martyr in God. It may very well be that trust in classes, nations and religions does not cause any particular harm to the cause for the benefit of which they were formed together, but for harm, and malicious harm, intentional harm, a large mass of scoundrels is not needed, but one degenerate who crept into this environment is enough, that to the greatest misfortune we see what harm they brought to us, the faithful, and the benefit to their hellish plans of only two individuals who were completely in other conditions for the person of the sovereign emperor than the guards. It should be noted here that this is not Rysakov and Elnikov, no. and this is the scribe Kletochnikov and the artisan Khalturin. It does not seem difficult for a guard to do any harm and carry out a seditious plan, and even more so for such a guard as he had to do in the summer of 1882 on the recommendation of Major Tikhotsky, a well-known political figure in the Sumy Hussar Regiment, who is still held in the fortress. That is why, before making a determination, you need to strictly analyze the person who is planning to become a security guard and know all his thoughts and inclinations. It is not enough that the guard behaves soberly, which they do not particularly try to distinguish themselves from, but he certainly must be an honest, moral person and distinguished by a special love for the sovereign emperor and his entire royal family, there should be no place for irony in him when mentioning members of the imperial family, and everyone must symbolically know that, if necessary, he is obliged to sacrifice his life first to save the king and be able to do it deftly, and not run away as shamefully as the guard Stromoerg and others from their post on the 1st of the ill-fated March, when their energetic and skillful activity was necessary, and not to smile as smugly and impudently at the encroachments on the kings as the guard Sakharov smiled at the above-mentioned occasion that shook the entire Russian land. When the guards change, in most cases it turns out that the scoundrel quits, and the dirty trick takes her place, or vice versa. In order not to burden us with unnecessary variations, I, leaving aside the complete incompetence of the security team, which was proven by it during the above-mentioned misfortune that befell us on March 1st, unprecedented in the entire globe, I dare to address only those with whom it, after such a sensitive event unprecedented in humanity, is replenished. All the same people, even with greater shortcomings than it was before, and she especially became confused when she was transferred to the management of Mr. Fursov. I won’t bother naming the entire personnel of this team, although I would have every opportunity, but I will report only on two guards: one is Arkady Vladimirovich Postnikov, and the other, not so long ago identified, Ivan Mikhailovich Korotkov. I will report on the subject of what can be expected from such individuals, albeit pure-blooded Russians. Postnikov has repeatedly stated that when he leaves the guard, he will be the first socialist. Both the team and its boss, Mr. Znamerovsky, knew about his desire to be a socialist, but when, in the fall of last 1881, about 20 security guards were expelled from the team, the circulation of this dismissal included more and more impeccable people, honest workers and pursuers of socialism, and Postnikov, who declared himself a socialist, remained and was probably left untouchable forever. Recently, a certain Mr. Korotkov proved his exemplary ability and trustworthiness when he was still in the St. Petersburg emergency prison with political prisoners of the first group in the Nechaev case, and now, thanks to his selfish indulgences, a certain Alexandrovskaya, who was under arrest there, went down for the night with the same political prisoner Svechnin in the same cell and, being under his, Korotkov’s, supervision and responsibility, became pregnant in prison and there gave birth. There are many other actions behind him that do not recommend him, but it seems inconvenient to put such heterogeneity on paper. The royal servants Gorodetsky, Mikhalesky and Mikhailov are good in the same dose, whose entire activity consists of playing cards for money, reaching sums of 300 and more than 1000 rubles: the whole team knows about this game and Znamerovsky, who practices this gambling game day and night, not only with his subordinates, but with strangers. This is what is unbearably hard and painful for a Russian person who loves his sovereign father and his entire royal family with all his soul and all his nerves, that his benefactor and life and well-being are entrusted to such individuals in whom there is no presence of the first necessity in a person - this is religion, but it would not be useless to pay the most serious attention to its stability in the team of guards, and to everything stated above with the general direction of their good thinking. About some of the individuals named in the note presented here, information was obtained through intelligence, which reveals in them a shade of ill-intentioned direction from another side. In the past 1881, in the month of February and beyond, living in the house No. 19 apartment No. 16 on Millionnaya Street, the guard of His Imperial Majesty, the provincial secretary Ludwig Vikentyevich Znamerovsky, now the assistant chief of this guard, drew unseemly attention to himself (the house administration) by the fact that two days before the 1st of the ill-fated March he introduced himself as sick, and the day before he presented a doctor’s certificate of illness; in reality he was not sick. Moreover, none of the guards ever presented a certificate of illness, and no one was ever required or is required to do so, even if someone was considered sick for a long time, and even now this is not the case. Meanwhile, having so prudently introduced himself as sick, he, Znamerovsky, on the 1st of the above-mentioned March, on which he presented a certificate of illness, early in the morning he left somewhere, and when he returned, no one noticed him. This departure and his imaginary illness on the said day of March 1st are explained by a biased purpose. Before the passage of the martyrdom in Bose, the resting Emperor Alexander Nikolaevich, to the playpen, for some reason Znamerovsky considered it necessary to once again inform his son through the boy that he was sick and could not go out, but when His Imperial Majesty was transported mortally wounded, then a few minutes later Znamerovsky left the apartment, as if he had never been sick, cheerful, with a smile on his lips and a face that represented complete pleasure in the disastrous event for all of Russia, which brought our unforgettable monarch to the grave. According to the same intelligence information, it is known that Znamerovsky was also recommended to patients a few days before the attempt on the sacred life of the martyr Emperor by the damned Solovyov on April 2, 1879. In order to pave the way to further ranks and strengthen his more fundamental official position, Znamierowski forwarded his service record, which he had submitted to his superiors, deleting from it the beginning of his service as a lower rank in the Warsaw police, and instead wrote that he began it directly from the ranks, while he never passed the exam for promotion to the rank, and could not hold it, because he did not graduate and did not receive any education. The mentioned Gerard Gerkulan Matveyevich Lovitsky, being an agent in the abolished III department, presented approval certificates about Kletochnikov, who had entered and later served in the said department and was now sentenced to execution, and personally warned the veterinarian Kravtsev and the student Scriabin about the search that was taking place at their place of residence in house No. 13 on Troitsky Lane. Kravtsev and Scriabin collaborated in the underground newspaper “People and Volya” and the articles they wrote for this newspaper were handed over to the former judicial investigator Shklyarevsky for correction and proofreading. About the third person named in the note, serving in the royal guard, Ivan Mikhailovich Korotkov, except for the case explained in the note, his merit in enlisting in this guard was only in the fact that he took in raising the illegitimate child of the head of the guard, Colonel Evgeny Nikiforovich Shirinkin. Lord, and all this seems to us to be promoting immorality. At student evenings held during the last season of 1881–1882 in Vishnyakov’s kitchen, located in building L” 33 on Nadezhdinskaya Street, one woman was noticed who called herself Olga Alexandrovna. Having later made acquaintance with her, we managed to find out that based on her actions and the impromptu residence in St. Petersburg in which this woman was from January 24, 1881 to April 6, 1882, in the house L "22nd, apt. L" 12th in the fifth company of the Izmailovsky regiment, she was a serious socialist revolutionary. At student evenings, she sometimes took on the administrative part, and most of all, she brought pleasure to those who gathered for the evenings with revolutionary songs and material benefit to the revolutionary fund through the sale of entrance tickets to the evenings to her friends. When the student evenings in the kitchen were closed, this woman took part in the sale of entrance tickets to the evening organized by the socialists on February 25, 1882, in the imperial singing chapel. At one time, during a conversation from the heart, she explained that there was no socialist in St. Petersburg whom she did not know and was not accessible to; She also entered the apartment of the famous Gelfman and Sablina, located on Telezhnaya Street, and knew what preparations were being made there for the atrocity of March 1, 1881. Continuing the conversation about this, she, among other things, explained that there are many on the socialist side, and for example named the editor of the newspaper “Golos”, who always stood in solidarity with the editors of revolutionary newspapers published by socialists, and that he took a lot of harsh articles from the revolutionary committee for printing in the newspaper “Golos” he published, and he sent his articles that he could not print in his newspaper to an underground printing house, which knows well where it is located, and the employees participating in it, with a representative at the head. More than other socialists, she is useful to the revolutionary cause also because she is in friendship and kinship with Vikenty Malkevich, who is part of the royal guard, from whom she receives all the information to inform the revolutionary bureau about the movements of the royal family and orders at the highest court, and in return for the information received, she sometimes allows Malkevich to distinguish himself in front of his superiors by delivering him some worn-out underground newspaper. Her name Olga Alexandrovna is a fictitious name, but her real title is the bourgeois Petronel Rafailovna Rutkevich, [who on April 6, 1882 left St. Petersburg to an unknown location, having checked in at Gatchino. At the same time, it was found out that she often left her apartment, being absent for three days or more. If in general, with very few exceptions, our press is not at all distinguished by good intentions and has only tried to create difficulties for the government amid the alarming circumstances of recent times, then two of its organs, especially before all others, attracted attention with their harmful tendencies and the insolence of their tone. Both of them - "Moscow Telegraph" and "Russian Courier" - are published in Moscow. A hostile attitude towards the existing political and social system in Russia, a systematic desire to undermine respect and trust in the government equally constitute their distinctive feature. All attempts to curb them with punitive measures were unsuccessful. "Russian Courier" was banned for three months and, after the expiration of this period, is now being resumed, without, of course, intending to change its direction. As for the Moscow Telegraph, after three warnings it was also suspended in November of last year and, upon its resumption, in the very first issue it declared that it would not lower its banner and would not retreat a single step from its previous program. Then two more warnings were given to him, which, however, did not bring him to his senses in the slightest. Such persistence seems especially strange if we take into account that the editor of this newspaper, Mr. Rodzevich, does not enjoy any particular social position, does not have a fortune, and therefore should, it seems, value the newspaper, which serves as his only source of existence; It is also strange that he resorts to expenses for her that are not at all consistent with his means - for example, he subscribed to a special telegraph wire. All this involuntarily raises the question of where he gets the money for his publication. When resolving it, one circumstance cannot be overlooked. Recently, the Main Directorate of Press Affairs had the opportunity to verify that even the pledge, which, according to the law, he submitted to the censorship department, did not belong to him, but, as can be seen from the notarial deed completed in Warsaw, to a Polish woman, Mrs. Mazurovskaya. This circumstance hardly seems accidental and perhaps explains why the Moscow Telegraph defends Polish anti-state tendencies with such zeal. The harmful direction of the Moscow Telegraph is revealed not only in what it preaches, but also in the borrowings it makes from other newspapers. With extraordinary care, he selects from everywhere what shows the state of affairs in a gloomy light; He devotes entire columns to extracts not only from the capital, but also from many little-known provincial newspapers with the obvious goal of making a difficult impression on the reader. He achieves this goal in the best possible way, because, along with sensational news and judgments in the worst sense of the word, he diligently avoids everything that could give a different light to the picture. The worthlessness of the prevailing order in Russia, the worthlessness supposedly rooted in the very principle of our state institutions, and the need for radical changes in them - this is what the Moscow Telegraph proves in almost every issue. “Society,” he says (No. 41), “thirsts for the development of certain forms that serve as an expression of its initiative,” “it is necessary to transfer the essential functions of Russian state life, the most important functions for the masses, to another environment” (No. 67), i.e. in a public environment; The future of Russia undoubtedly belongs to the local zemstvo forces, and the whole task of contemporaries, to whom this future is dear, should be not to delay its advance and not to go against the constant, clearly expressed demands of historical progress.” Then only Russia, in the words of the Moscow Telegraph (No. 59), will find a way out of the evils depressing it, “when society and the people themselves manage the economic side of their lives, and each individual unit will receive a real voice, real participation in the common cause”; such self-government, the newspaper continues, should dominate in the volost, district, region “and, finally, in the state.” Society, the Telegraph assures, is fully aware of these truths, “but since social consciousness exists, it must be satisfied as a natural right of society” (No. 36). In anticipation of the time when the legal order will be established, by which many of our press organs usually mean constitutional institutions, the Moscow Telegraph portrays the current state of affairs in the most hateful light. Every unsightly occurrence, every misdeed of even a minor official gives him food for unscrupulous generalizations. He even started a special section for himself: “Police crimes,” under which he places the trials of various police ranks, and in his editorials he almost directly says that our entire administration is total robbery; “It’s scary to live in a society,” he exclaims, “where the authorities do not enforce the laws” (No. 41), “there is almost no day on which cases of flagrant disgrace do not take place before the court in one or another city, not excluding capitals and administrative centers.” The highest local administration, according to the Moscow Telegraph, is no exception. The case of the former Kazan governor Skaryatin served as a reason for him to bring all governors in general to an extremely unattractive level. “This matter is extremely instructive,” says the newspaper (No. 67), “since it clearly reveals to us the glorious activity of one of those powerful hands whose guardianship over society and the people is recognized by our pseudo-guardians as the ideal of social order and the only sure means of saving the fatherland. At the trial these ideals appear in all their amazing nakedness... The imperious hand is now before us." It can be said positively that there is no such question, there is no such measure adopted or projected by the government that would not be subjected to not only censure by the Moscow Telegraph, but also the most malicious insinuations. As evidence, one can cite his antics against the draft university charter submitted to the State Council. He sees in it “a blow to the independence of university teaching, a blow to the correct development of education and social mores” (No. 58); according to him, in countries that value the great acquisitions of civilization, they are always afraid to embark on such alterations that are inspired by “revolutionary conservatism.” The newspaper predicts what should happen if a new charter is introduced: “a part - and a significant part - of student youth may perhaps turn into the reactionary pan-urgian herd, but the majority of young men will most likely join the ranks of the restless and dissatisfied.” When Golos was banned, the Moscow Telegraph published a sensational article in which it stated that “it was the best and most influential, in the public sense of the word, newspaper”; “one hundred thousand Russian educated people will greet the sad news with the same heavy feeling as we do”... It is also necessary to mention how the Moscow Telegraph approaches foreign policy issues. He deals with them little and only in order to make very clear hints as to the meaning of his doctrines. His main goal is to prove that broad liberal institutions must, despite all obstacles, certainly triumph in Europe, and that Russia will inevitably come to the same result. With particular bitterness she attacks Bulgaria because the constitution granted to this country after its liberation was suspended there. “Bulgarian events,” this is how the Telegraph ends one of its articles (No. 37), “can serve as a good historical lesson, since in Bulgaria in miniature what is happening in other countries was repeated. Everywhere we see the same, albeit more complex, struggle between two currents, two camps. And the results of the struggle must be the same everywhere, just as the essence of the struggling principles is the same. On the one hand, the real interests of the people and at the same time the interests of human culture and civilization, on the other - the dark, selfish pursuit of personal goals, under the guise of protecting the foundations and people's well-being, and the destruction of the best public institutions and acquisitions. But not everywhere the masks are taken off so quickly and easily and the game opens up.” The most outrageous thing is that the Moscow Telegraph constantly tries to assure its readers that at present the government is an organ of a party that has everything against it. the best mental forces of the country, everything that is in Russia is the most honest and enlightened. This party, according to the newspaper, is itself heading towards its destruction and it would be unwise for its opponents to stop it on this path. “Is it necessary,” exclaims the Telegraph (No. 68), to warn our guardians from falling into the hole that they are digging for themselves? Does a general communicate his plan to the enemy on the eve of battle or point out his weaknesses? On the contrary, the art of tactics prescribes taking advantage of these weaknesses and even inciting the enemy to indulge in self-deception and delusion... What has the liberal part of the press done so far and what tactics have been followed by people striving for the progressive development of Russia? They turned their gaze and advice to the government; they believed that by revealing evil, warning against mistakes, they were thereby helping to strengthen the existing order.” At present, the newspaper continues, such a course of action is impossible: “existing conditions do not allow such service to the state,” the press, the mind and activities of citizens are under the tutelage of well-known government places and persons, whom it would be unwise to strengthen with instructions and advice. The Moscow Telegraph accompanies these unworthy antics with some ominous, although not entirely clear, hints. Having painted a picture of the entertainment that has recently taken place in St. Petersburg, he says: “Many, probably, have not forgotten the old opera “Lucrezia Borgia”: in the last act, amid the feast and the clinking of glasses of jubilant and wasted youth, suddenly a funeral bell is heard and an ominous song is heard. Something similar happened in St. Petersburg on the first day of Maslenitsa. After the dance, masquerade, pancakes and skating... the ominous warning message spread with the speed of lightning... The stunning impression it made can be partly compared with the nervous shock produced by the funeral sounds that unexpectedly interrupt the feast in Lucretia. Mr. Makov’s suicide shows that the course of events is happening faster and, of course, somewhat differently than one might have expected.” From the above it is clear that the Moscow Telegraph, which has always been considered one of the more harmful newspapers, does not at all think of changing its direction. Its editor obviously serves as an instrument in the hands of a party formed from heterogeneous, equally dangerous elements, and determined not to retreat at anything in order to maintain unrest and ferment. in society. To cancel the orders of governors-general and commanders-in-chief, the Minister of Internal Affairs seeks the highest permission either through the committee of ministers, or by a most authoritative report, depending on the nature and urgency of the matter, and informs the committee of ministers about the highest orders that have taken place according to the most authoritative report. You may be puzzled by this word. In all honesty this is the truth. I am not interested in you as a minister (ministers are Christians only in name; they have long laid their hands on the fate of Russia without understanding its Christian needs), I am interested in you as a minister - a convinced Christian.