Photius, Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Russia

After the death of Saint Cyprian, the Russian Church was orphaned for a long time in anticipation of a new metropolitan from Constantinople. The Grand Duke of Moscow Vasily Dmitrievich was busy at war with the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vitovt. Given such relations between the two Sovereigns, who ruled over the two divided halves of the Russian people, there was no unanimity in the choice of the leading hierarch. Vasily Dmitrievich, probably hoping to have a more enlightened pastor among the Greeks in the metropolitan than he could find among the Russians, in accordance with previous examples, sent to Constantinople to ask for a new archpastor for the All-Russian metropolis 1 . For his part, Vitovt, not wanting his Orthodox subjects to be under the same hierarchical control with Moscow, sent Bishop Theodosius, a Greek, to the Patriarch of Polotsk with a request to install a special metropolitan in Lithuania 2 . For a long time now, the Grand Dukes of Lithuania, feeling the influence of metropolitans on the mutual relations of states, asked the patriarchs to establish a separate metropolis in Lithuanian Russia. Even under St. Alexie, Olgerd wrote to the Patriarch: “give us another metropolitan, of Kyiv, to Smolensk, to Tver, to Little Russia, to Novosil, to Nizhny Novgorod.” V. The Prince of Lithuania, in addition to Little Russia, wanted to separate from the All-Russian metropolis and the possessions of the princes related to him and his assistants. – But the patriarchs, adhering to the original establishment of the hierarchy in Russia, tried to maintain the unity of spiritual power among the Russian people, and if they sometimes yielded to the demands of the Lithuanian sovereigns, then only for a time. Only for those dioceses that became part of the Polish possessions, and which, under the predominant influence of an alien religion, without immediate charity, could be subject to special danger regarding Orthodoxy, they agreed to the establishment of a special metropolis in Galich. “He sent here,” writes Patriarch Philotheus to Saint Alexis, “to my humility, the Kral of Lachy Casimir, who holds little Russia, and other princes sent here the Bishop and letters, informing that the whole land is without law,” that is, does not see the Metropolitan, who, living in great Russia, cannot often visit his remote dioceses in the South-West.” What were we supposed to do, continues the Patriarch? We are calling you to be a judge, what do you say? – It would be a different matter if the Sovereign of the earth were Orthodox and of our faith; Then perhaps we could have waited. But since he is not of our faith, but a Latin, was it possible to send them away with an empty answer? And he intended to immediately install a Latin metropolitan, as he said, and to baptize the Russians into the Latin faith. Judge for yourself, would it be good if this happened? I also thank God that Kral, before doing this, sent us and demanded a metropolitan. That's why we ordained the one he sent. We gave him Galich to be a metropolitanate, and the bishoprics of Vladimir, Przemysl, Kholm, all under the authority of the King of Lyakhia. We didn’t give him more than that, neither Lutsk nor anything else 3 . Now Vytautas repeated his previous demand to establish a separate metropolitanate for Lithuanian Russia. “We possess Kiev,” he wrote to the Ilátriapxy of Constantinople, “and therefore, it is necessary for the Metropolitan to live with us and manage the affairs of the metropolis, like ours.” But Patriarch Matthew, not foreseeing in the present case for the populous Lithuanian-Russian Church a similar danger that threatened the Galician Church, did not find it necessary to deviate from the ancient order in order to satisfy the demands of Vytautas, and ordained the monk Photius, known for his virtues, as Metropolitan of All Russia (September 2, 1408) 4 . Photius was a native of Morea from the city of Monemvasia 5, one of those few cities that, during the Latin rule in Morea, were able to regain their independence and were the property of the Greek empire on this peninsula 6. From his youth, he was raised in the desert, using the instructions of the pious elder Akakios, who was highly respected by the pious Kings and Patriarchs. Devoting himself to the thought of God, he renounced all worldly connections. “I had one desire,” he says in his dying will, one concern: to save my soul and present myself blameless to the Lord and God, my Creator.” With such a state of mind, he never harbored a desire to seek a higher rank - he remained with his mentor, Akaki, even when he was elevated to the throne of the metropolis of Monemvasia. But God's destinies worked out differently. At the time the Patriarch received the demand for a new metropolitan to Russia, Photius was in Constantinople, on instructions from Akakios, and, despite all the denials, he had to accept the holy and traveler’s rod in order to go to a distant country, foreign-language, but of the same faith. Although in the Morea, among the multi-tribal inhabitants, there were many Slavs 7, Photius hardly knew our language 8. It was hard for him to leave his friends. He took with him those close to him: Hieromonk Pachomius, from the Bulgarians, with whom he lived in the desert near Akakios, and the priest Patricius, from the Greeks. In Morea and Constantinople they did not forget him. In the synodikon of the Church of Monemvasia you come across the name of Photius, the Russian Metropolitan, among the names of the shepherds of Monemvasia, as the benefactor of this Church, who increased it with his labors and adorned it with many sacred offerings 9 ; from Constantinople, the teacher of the great Church of Constantinople, Joseph Bryennius, who was then famous for his piety and eloquence, maintained friendly relations with him. The Patriarch provided Photius with a desk document, which has reached us, one of all with which our high priests were released from Constantinople. In this letter, indicating the dignity of the newly elected Metropolitan, and explaining his duties, the Patriarch asks the Grand Duke and other Princes, as well as Russian Bishops and other clergy, to show him due obedience, as his spiritual father and mentor in faith and piety 11. Reluctantly parting with his fatherland, albeit in poverty, Photius did not soon appear in the capital city of his metropolis - Kiev (September 1, 1409). Perhaps complaints that Metropolitans rarely come here and live little by little forced him to spend about seven months in Kiev. In April 1410, he finally arrived in Moscow and was met far outside the city by V. Prince himself and the sacred Council 12. Moscow presented a sad sight then, after the invasion of Edigei (in December 1408). She had the appearance of a devastated city. Only the Kremlin survived the devastation: but even there in the metropolitan house, due to the long-term absence of the metropolitan and the troubled circumstances of the military, everything was deserted, so Photius found nothing in it 13. In addition to the devastation of the enemy, the cities and villages located near Moscow experienced a terrible visit from God through a destructive disease 14. The idea of ​​the imminent end of the world spread among the people. The seventh thousand years from the creation of the world were passing, and everyone expected that, with the end of this millennium, the end of the World would come. In 1408 the great indiction (13th) ended; It was necessary to make Easter calculations for the following years. No one dared to continue it further than 7000=1492 g 15. Nothing shows that Metropolitan Photius himself was inclined to make any definite calculations when there will be an end to the present order of things, expected by all creation, but for no one unknown. But, as a faithful disciple of Christ, he always remembered the commandment of the Lord: watch, for you do not know the day or the hour, in the same day the Son of Man will come, and he knew how to use the terrible signs of the times to awaken his flock to repentance and moral correction. The destructive disease arose again in places and raged with cruelty. In 1417, she devastated Novgorod, Ladoga, Rusa, Porkhov, Pskov, Torzhek, Dmitrov, Tver and their regions; they did not have time to bury the dead; many, sensing the approach of illness, took monastic vows; built ordinary churches; religious processions were established 16. In 1420, the disease appeared again in Pskov; first the children died, then the older ones. At the same time, it spread to the Novgorod region, Kostroma, Galich, Yaroslavl, Rostov and other places. From that time on, in the chronicles almost every year, until the death of Photius, sad words were repeated: the pestilence was strong... 17. These menacing phenomena were at times accompanied by famine. For three years in a row (1420–1422) no bread was born throughout Russia; prices for it have risen to incredible levels; the poor ate whatever they could find 18. A witness to the terrible manifestations of the wrath of God, Photius addressed the clergy and people with spiritual admonitions in words and messages. How he saw the moral influence of the clergy on his flock as the closest instrument for influencing the whole Church; then, first of all, he tried to instill in the priests and monks the concept of the high dignity of their rank and the responsibilities that were entrusted to them. In his district message 19 to all the clergy, he especially points out two great gifts, acquired by the grace of Christ to the priesthood: the right to bind and solve the sins of the repentant and the right to celebrate the great sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. “It is the work of God himself,” he exclaims, “to forgive human sins, and He commands us to do this work, earthly and unclean... The priests of the Old Testament served as the canopy: but we always have the very body of Christ in our hands, and were begotten by the Holy Spirit into sonship. Look, you who dare to assume great spiritual authority, what we should be, sent as intercessors to the King of Kings for the souls of men, and how pure our priestly hands should be, touching the Divine Mysteries, which even the heavenly powers do not dare to approach! In accordance with the high dignity of the clergy, the Archpastor demanded that priests behave purely and irreproachably in everything, be an example for everyone, “the light of the world, the salt of the earth.” In particular, he instilled in them reverence in sacred rites, vigilance in serving God, and vigilance about the verbal flock entrusted to them. “Hold the Church in splendor, like the earthly heaven, and especially the revolving altar, and enter it with reverence: for there is not the dwelling of an earthly king, but the tomb and bed and place of residence of the King of kings, surrounded by heavenly powers. When preparing for the sacred rite of the Mysteries of Christ, spend the night in prayer and standing before God, and only, if you are too exhausted, do you get little sleep until Matins; after Matins, do not indulge in any way to sleep, and after the sacred service, keep the shrine in the purity of life.” Drawing the attention of the clergy to the fulfillment of his high and difficult duties, the Saint forbade him to engage in other uncharacteristic activities of self-interest: not to engage in trade and not to give money at interest 20 . To prevent any temptations among the people, he ordered widowed priests and deacons to join a monastery, otherwise, he forbade them to serve as priests. “Half of them have already died,” he wrote 21, “why else remain in the world? Let them, thanking God, who so arranged their fate, enter monasteries, and, if they prove worthy, perform sacred functions there, and not in secular churches.” However, he himself had to retreat from the severity of this rule later, when a destructive disease, stealing its victims in different classes, revealed the need for priests, and widows seemed freer for deeds of love and self-sacrifice. In relation to the laity, the Metropolitan drew attention to various disorders in their lives that required correction. First of all, he orders strict adherence to church rules regarding marriage unions. Having learned that some, disregarding the sanctity of marriages, arbitrarily dissolve them and enter into new unions, others take wives without the blessing of the church, others, after being widowed three times, enter into a fourth marriage - he prohibits all such disorder, threatening violators of church rules with excommunication. At the same time, he instructs priests to teach their parishioners to refrain from foul language, adding that he has never encountered this evil to such an extent in any Christian people 22 . Teaching everyone to avoid intemperance, the Archpastor especially commands to observe the fasts established by the Apostles and after them by other God-bearing men, in preparation for the spiritual celebration of the great church holidays and for the consecration of the four seasons 23. Days of fasting should be dedicated to cleansing the conscience from sins through repentance before the spiritual father. “Inspire,” he writes, “to your children so that they will not be ashamed to reveal their sins to you. Now they are ashamed to reveal themselves to one person, and there, at the Last Judgment, our deeds will be revealed before the darkness of Angels and men. The spirit of the Archpastor was especially indignant at fights in which the litigants killed each other. Despite the fact that such a way of resolving disputes was allowed by the laws, it prohibits the priest from teaching St. Secrets to those preparing for a duel, and even to kiss the cross for them, under the threat of depriving the priest of the priesthood. The man who killed in a duel is ordered to be considered a murderer, and therefore imposes an 18-year penance on him; and the murdered person is denied a church burial 24 . Bearing in mind the inclination of superstitious people towards divination and witchcraft, which most women were involved in, he instructs priests to distract them from such matters with instructions and deprive them of the blessing of the church, and for the common people to move away from them and drive them away from themselves 25 . The rules instilled by Photius are generally strict; They often threaten violators with excommunication. He felt this, but excused himself by the difficulty of his situation: “If I do not use, he says, together with Chrysostom, acute medicine against the disease, the scabs will not be healed; But if I try, you won’t be able to bear it. I feel cramped on both sides. But it is much more painful for me if you and the Flock of Christ entrusted to you do not correct themselves. It pains me to impose punishment on you: but it is even more painful to see you delivered into the hands of the righteous Judge, as hypocritical and disobedient servants. You know how scary it is to fall into the hand of God alive! This is how the Archpastor cared about the spiritual well-being of his flock. “But he had to be distracted from spiritual pursuits by various circumstances to matters of a different kind. In the first years of his reign, economic affairs in the metropolis occupied him a lot and caused him a lot of grief. Under Metropolitan Cyprian, this part of government was determined by the joint decrees of the Grand Duke and the Metropolitan 26, but only in the Vladimir region, where the throne of the metropolis had previously been; As for the possessions of the metropolis in the Moscow reign, we do not see that they were correctly demarcated, and the proper relationship to the rights of the Grand Duke was determined 27. Probably, even under Cyprian, it was difficult to accurately and harmlessly distribute rights for both sides; this could have been hampered by various unrest during the unhappy state of the metropolis in the first twelve years after the death of St. Alexius. The correction of the unrest should have been made more difficult by the devastation and devastation caused by the invasions of Tokhtamysh and Edigei; During the four-year absence of the metropolitan after Cyprian, there was no one to do the correction. Be that as it may, only Photius found the treasury and volosts of the metropolis in plunder, and, despite any difficulties, decided to restore the rights of the Church. By this he put himself in unpleasant relations with many persons who, through long-term abuse, asserted their rights to church property. This even brought him into disagreement with the V. Prince, both because the abuses concerned persons close to the Prince, and because some fees from the disputed lands could be included in the grand ducal treasury. No one was found guilty of the theft of the church treasury. Therefore, Photius found it necessary to appeal to the conscience of the kidnappers. He issued a letter of admonition, in which he wrote: “Our common enemy the devil, catching human souls in his nets, deceived someone to take what was devoted to the Church of God. There was a lot of torture: but the guilty one did not atone for those being tortured, and did not reveal the guilt. Therefore, we ask and bless: let the one who stole that treasure not despise the one who weeps for it, and let him cast down what he has taken in the Church of God without any shame.” Offering such a lenient way to make amends, otherwise he threatened the unrepentant with church excommunication 28 . Church lands were seized by princes, boyars and even bishops; The grand ducal treasury used some of the metropolitan's income 29 . This brought the Metropolitan into disputes with powerful people. Two of his teachings to Vasily Dmitrievich have reached us, in which he urgently asks to respect the inviolability of church lands and income. In the first, mentioning the decrees of Constantine V. in favor of the Church, he says: “everyone knows the wondrous and God-loving institutions of the holy deceased great princes, your ancestors, even before the death of the ever-memorable Grand Duke John (Ioannovich). Your ever-memorable and blessed parent was still young then. But then, having come to age, he was filled with spiritual zeal - and having learned from the Divine Scripture that a king cannot be saved by much strength and a giant will not be saved by the multitude of his strength - when the Hagarians attacked him, threatening the destruction of the people named after Christ, he resorted to the guidance and support of the saint - and was a victor. Always staying in the rules of St. Fathers, he protected the rights of the Church of Christ like the apple of his eye. After him, Christ God placed you on the paternal throne as the Grand Duke and representative of all Great Rus'. The Church of God, which gave birth to you through baptism and raised you, prepared you so that you could act for its establishment and establishment, could supervise not only yourself, but also those subordinate to you, and so that you, inflamed with the love of God and the zeal of Phaneas, would hate and drive away all untruth and theft and wickedness and extortion, and would protect and protect the flock of Christ from all anger, and especially now, amid attacks on her by visible and invisible enemies. – I would like to talk more at length about your deceased ancestors, Yaroslav and the great princes who followed him. But for this reason I went directly to your parent, because you yourself were a witness of his virtues and his obedience to the Church of Christ. So, I pray to your piety, my son, confirm with your letter the gift brought to the Church of God and protect all its usual rights “and arrange all duties.” Having not received satisfaction of his request, Photius did not stop there. Disregarding all rumors, remembering that he was not defending his own benefits, but the cause of the Church, he wrote a second time to the Grand Duke, again citing the examples of Constantine V. and Theodosius, and representing the institution of Emperor Manuel Komnenos on church property. “But now everything ancient is silent,” continues the defender of church rights, “and the new speaks. I am being blamed. But it doesn’t matter to me whether I am praised or reviled; Blasphemy does not sadden me, and praise will not make me worse. - Whether we blaspheme or praise, I will remain the same as I was; for I am a servant of God, although a sinner. I will say with the Apostle: if I pleased man, I would not be a servant of Christ. A person who surrenders in everything to the will of God and does everything for the glory of His name has nothing else to look at - but to you, my son, let it be known that you are a man, and that you reign with God over His chosen flock; therefore, he must strive for His flock and for His truth against any rebellion, even to the point of bloodshed. “Let it be known to you, my son, that you are degrading the Church of God by violently taking from her what does not belong to you.” Proclaim, my son, to the Church of Christ and to me, your father: “Father, forgive me those who have sinned, and henceforth you will find in me a submissive son in everything that the law requires. I will correct the rights of the Church of Christ that have been violated; given and approved by my ancestors, but then abandoned and impoverished over the course of many years, I will restore it. Only grant forgiveness and blessing; guide me with your prayers for God’s good deeds, instruct me in words and strengthen me in spirit.” “This is my request to the man of God and the Great Prince of All Rus',” the Metropolitan concludes, I hope, blessedly and justly 30. With such persistence, Photius, although not soon, managed to restore the possessions of his department to its former integrity. No one could challenge his rights 31 . But the turmoil and disputes that arose from here, unusual for him, darkened his spirit; he involuntarily remembered his peaceful stay with his elder in the desert, and he deeply grieved over the joys that he tasted in solitary contemplation of God. The next year, after arriving in Moscow, Photius decided to go to another city of his metropolis, Vladimir. Here new sorrows awaited him. – The Vladimir Cathedral Church, not long before painted by two famous icon painters Daniil and Andrei Rublev 32, was famous for the wealth of its treasures. The Metropolitan appointed his priest at the cathedral to guard them, the Greek Patricius, who arrived with him, with the rank of keymaster, and he himself went to the secluded hermitage of Svyatozerskaya, the favorite residence of M. Cyprian when he came to his Vladimir possessions 33 . But as soon as Photius left Vladimir, news reached him about the attack on this city by Prince Daniil Borisovich of Nizhny Novgorod. Daniel, enmity against the Vladimir prince, secretly sent a detachment of Russians and Tatars to the city, who plundered its settlements, devastated and burned churches, and exterminated many inhabitants (July 3, 1411). At this time, the priest Patrick revealed himself as a martyr for the treasures of the cathedral church entrusted to him. Having locked himself in it, he managed to hide the precious church vessels on top of it, and remained in prayer before the miraculous image of the Most Holy Theotokos. But the doors were broken down; the wicked, having robbed St. icons rushed at the treasure keeper, demanding St. vessels and the church treasury, tormented him, burned him on fire, skinned him, dragged him around the city, tied to a horse’s tail, and thus killed him without getting what he wanted from him. At the same time, news reached the Metropolitan that the leader of this gang of robbers was seeking to capture him. Therefore, Photius found it necessary to take refuge in the most remote and dense forests near Lake Sengi. He was accompanied by the monk Pachomius, who had arrived with him from Morea. The place was quiet and serene, and resembled a secluded desert in which they had previously labored under the leadership of Elder Akakios. Seduced by the solitude, Photius built a church here in honor of the Nativity of the Mother of God, and repeated with tears: “Woe to me, a sinner! Did I think of leaving my kind silence, crying and tenderness for my sins? And what happened to me? From such silence, what turmoil and rumors did my soul fall into?”... The danger has long passed; A whole month had passed since his departure here, and the desert-loving Saint did not think of leaving his refuge, as if he had forgotten about the difficult responsibilities entrusted to him. The Grand Duke had already sent him a request to return to his throne 34 . The Grand Duke met the Metropolitan with cordial participation in his grief, consoled him like a father's son, and of course, could please him with the news of the beginning of negotiations with the Emperor of Constantinople Manuel regarding the marriage of the Grand Duke's daughter with the Emperor's son and heir to the throne John. Given the cramped position of the empire from the Turks, Manuel could promise himself support in this alliance, through which he entered into family relations with the Grand Ducal Houses of Lithuania and Moscow: for the daughter of Vasily Dmitrievich was the grandson of Vytautas. Photius blessed this intention; but since the bride was too young to get married, this matter was not suddenly brought to an end. And the marriage itself did not last long. Three years later, Anna died in Constantinople from a pestilence 35. With the return of Photius to Moscow, hostility towards him intensified among those whom he could touch in his research about church property. Some had already so clearly expressed their enmity against him that, not considering it safe for themselves to remain in Moscow, they retired first to Chernigov, then to Lithuania, spreading slander against Photius everywhere, and especially complaining about his pretentiousness 36 . Some quarreled him with the V. Prince of Moscow, others denounced him before the V. Prince of Lithuania 37 . Photius neglected rumors. Getting to know Russia better, he found new bright sides in it and forgot the insults. Communication with godly monks especially consoled his God-loving spirit. In one of his words, the Russian High Hierarch expresses with lively sympathy how pleased he was with the successes of faith and piety in the Russian Church. “In this great land,” he says, “with God’s help, many unexpected things are happening. Many pagan tribes, abandoning their former idolatry, are learning to sing with us the common Creator and Lord. So, for example, the Perm people, obstinate, full of the abominations of paganism, who were the dwelling place of the spirits of evil, as soon as the man of God and the great Saint Stephen was sent to them as a preacher, rejected their long-standing errors, and now the Perm country purely and Orthodox serves God according to the Christian law 38 . - At that time, many men labored in various northern monasteries, later glorified by God for the holiness of their lives - disciples of St. Sergius of Radonezh and other monks: Rev. Dionysius Glushitsky, Sergius and Pavel Obnorsky, Kirill and Ferapont Beloezersky; - near Moscow, St. Nikon of Radonezh, and in Moscow itself, Jonah, who through an ascetic life was preparing to be the successor to Photius. Among the monks close to the High Hierarch, Savva of Tver is also known, who, in addition to the severity of his life, was distinguished by wise reasoning, so that Photius more than once called on him for advice in difficult cases 39 . Loving the monastic life, Photius founded the Novinsky monastery near him, on land that belonged to the metropolis 40. The peaceful monastic pursuits, so close to the souls of Photius, seemed to make him forget about the needs of the other half of his metropolis, the southwestern one. During his stay in Kiev, he promised to personally supervise her from time to time 41. Meanwhile, leaving his vicar in charge of church affairs in Kiev, Vilna, Novgorod and other cities, he himself did not visit Kiev. The vicar was supposed to be in charge of “justifications and trials” in the Kyiv diocese, manage the estates of the metropolitanate, consecrate churches in his district, issue letters to those worthy of holy orders for installation by neighboring bishops as priests and deacons, and faithfully deliver church revenues to the Metropolitan 42 . But the actions of bishops in their dioceses and the general state of the Orthodox Church in a foreign state could require closer, direct supervision of the Metropolitan himself. In fact, the orders of the Polish King Jagiellon-Wladislaus in the Russian regions united with Poland, and the measures taken by him together with V.K. Vytautas of Lithuania regarding the Orthodox in Lithuania should have concerned the guardian of Orthodoxy in the Russian Church. King Vladislav, in 1412, was in Przemysl, wanted to show his zeal for the Roman religion in order to refute the accusations brought against him before the pope by the German order of allegedly being excessively benevolent towards subjects of the Eastern religion. The ancient cathedral church of this city in the name of St. He handed over John 43 to the Latin bishop, ordering in advance to remove from the church the remains of the ancient princes and other Orthodox Christians buried in it: the inhabitants of the city, seeing the violation of the sacred rights of their religion, were struck with inconsolable grief 44 . And in the next year (1413), concluding a condition with Vytautas regarding the indissoluble union of Lithuania with Poland, he confirmed the rights of the clergy in Lithuania only of the Latin religion, assigned the rights of the nobility and government positions only to those who belonged to the Roman Church, and allowed nobles to marry only with persons of the Roman religion 45. Thus, Orthodoxy in Lithuania was deprived of its social significance - the King of Poland constantly harbored plans to convert all those professing the Orthodox faith in his possessions and those in Lithuania to the Roman Church 46 . A new disaster was being prepared for the Russian metropolis - division. It stemmed from the long-standing desire of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania to establish independent governance of the Church of southwestern Russia. Vytautas’s adherence to the Roman religion cannot be considered an incentive for this; because he was not distinguished by such commitment. True, he apparently expressed a desire to preserve the shrine and treasures of the Kyiv Church, which were allegedly transferred to Moscow by the Metropolitans, in order to ward off the reproaches that he allegedly heard from others that he did not care about the good of the Lithuanian-Russian Church, because he himself followed a different religion. But more justly, such reproaches could be attributed to the fact that Vytautas, in the Treaty with Vladislav, deprived all Orthodox Christians in Lithuania of his protection, and humiliated them before his subjects of the Roman religion. As for the shrines and precious utensils of the Kyiv Church, these treasures are not visible in Moscow either, Vitovt says in his acquittal, as if the former metropolitans took from Kiev the holy relics, the monastery of the suffering of Christ, the scepter of the Most Holy Theotokos, Her robe and sidelias, various icons overlaid with gold 47 . If these sacred objects had been transferred to Moscow, then, without a doubt, they would have been known there and would have been preserved until later times. The Lithuanian-Russian bishops, according to worldly calculations, might rather have wanted to preserve the previous relationship with the metropolis, in which they could act more independently and independently at a distance from the Metropolitan. The certain exactions from them in favor of the metropolitan would not have decreased if they had their own metropolitan. Other more respectful reasons also spoke in favor of the unity of the metropolis: the unity of the Russian people in the Moscow and Lithuanian states, the antiquity of the existing order, the freedom and independence of the metropolis in a state of the same faith. – On the other hand, for advice and spiritual help, in any case, of course, the Lithuanian-Russian bishops might wish to be in close relations with the Metropolitan; amid the disagreements and wars that suddenly arose between the two states, all communications became difficult; but we do not see that such motives were strong in the primates of the Lithuanian Church; They don’t point to them at all. Vytautas began by convening the Russian princes, his assistants, and agreed with them to deny Photius control of the southwestern dioceses and to ask the Emperor and Patriarch of Constantinople for a special metropolitan for Lithuanian Rus'. The Greek Emperor then, as in the first centuries of the Russian Church, was recognized as having the right to participate in the affairs of our Eparchy 48 . The Patriarch was then no longer Matthew, who installed Photius over the entire Russian metropolitanate, but Euthymius. But in Constantinople they did not find the request of Vytautas and the Russian princes respectful, and Gregory, whom they wanted to see Photius in their department, returned without success. While relations with Constantinople were taking place, Photius, having heard about the movements that had arisen, hastened to go to V. Prince of Lithuania: but Vitovt did not allow him to cross the Lithuanian borders, and Photius, robbed, had to return to Moscow 49 . Meanwhile, Vytautas ordered the cities and villages belonging to the Kyiv cathedral to be rewritten, expelled the metropolitan governors and installed his own stewards in the church estates. Vitovt now saw the need to turn to the Lithuanian-Russian clergy itself. Having summoned the bishops and archimandrites of his region, he proposed to them his views and intentions and the failure of the embassy to Constantinople; accused the Emperor and Patriarch of selfish purposes, showed his zeal for maintaining Orthodoxy. The clergy did not dare to confirm the accusations against the Patriarch: nevertheless, they confessed to the disturbances arising from the removal of the metropolitan from Kyiv, and expressed the opinion that the bishops of Lithuania-Russia could install a metropolitan for themselves, following the example of former times. It was like this, they said, never under V. Prince Izyaslav of Kiev: we found it in the Russian chroniclers. But only Vytautas speaks of such voluntary consent of all bishops to the election of a new metropolitan, regardless of the Patriarch of Constantinople, in his charter. The bishops, in their announcement against Photius, do not write anything about this first meeting of theirs. And the chronicles mention threats and coercion to bishops from the V. Prince of Lithuania, and objections to his orders. They cited the church rule (4th Ecumenical Council, pr. 12), prohibiting two metropolitans from being in the same region, pointed to the unity of the metropolitanate in the Russian land from ancient times, which is not violated by the fact that the metropolitan lives in one or another city in his region, pointed to the separation of church government from civil 50; and we can consider the testimony of the chronicle to be fair, because Vytautas, after a conference with the Council, did not suddenly decide to begin to fulfill what he wanted, but in advance he once again sent to Constantinople with the same request. Sending ambassadors in March (1415), he demanded a final answer no later than July 20 or August 15, threatening otherwise to elect and install a metropolitan through only Lithuanian-Russian bishops. He extended this period for another three months, until November 14, at the request of the Greek ambassadors, who were returning from Moscow at that time. The deadline has passed; those sent to Constantinople did not return, and on November 15 in Novogrodk, Lithuania, Gregory was elevated to the metropolis. Who was this Gregory? By origin he was from the Bulgarians, as our chronicles testify, and was nicknamed Tsamblak 51. We know about his ministry before his elevation to the metropolis only from his words, for which he was famous. In the inscriptions of words he is often called presbyter and abbot of the monastery of Pantocrator - and in one, in memory of St. Martyr John the New of Novgorod was named abbot of the Pantocrator monastery and presbyter of the great Church of Moldova 52. In a laudatory speech to the All-Russian Metropolitan Cyprian, where he points out his acquaintance with him and his close relationship with Euthymius, Patriarch of Ternovsky, he is called the abbot of the Ilinair monastery. This word was already spoken in Russia 53. Tsamblak owes his arrival to Russia to Kiprian, as he himself says in the same word 54. But where Gregory was summoned from, whether from Ternov in Bulgaria, or from Sochava in Moldova, or from the Serbian Decani Monastery, of which he also, apparently, was abbot 55, remains unknown. Called to the Lithuanian-Russian metropolis, Gregory became a dangerous rival to Photius. It was in vain that he was suspected of leaning towards the Roman Church. In his words, he sometimes touches on its institutions, for example, celebrating the liturgy on unleavened bread, and condemns them 56. He was soon loved. His words, filled with living eloquence, spread even in great Russia, where his name was condemned. Renouncing obedience to the former Metropolitan and erecting a new one, the Lithuanian-Russian bishops issued two messages: one to Metropolitan Photius, the other to all Orthodox Rus'. In the first, they announce that even during Photius’s first visit to Kiev, they noticed some actions of his that were contrary to church rules, and then they heard about some act that supposedly subjected the culprit to eruption and damnation, but they do not want to announce it only so as not to bring the Metropolitan to shame. – The illegality of such an act is obvious: according to church rules, it was necessary to find out in advance the validity of the charges being brought and demand an explanation from the accused; but such a trial over the metropolitan could not belong to subordinates, without the permission of the highest church authority. It is unknown what exactly illegal act the bishops were pointing at is unknown. Perhaps this was one of those slander that Savva Avramiev, Foma Lazarev and others who fled from Moscow from the Fotievs’ investigations about the church treasury leveled against Photius. With another letter, the bishops are trying to generally defend the unauthorized formation of a new metropolis and the installation of Gregory. Having depicted the disadvantages that the Kiev Church suffered from the fact that the Metropolitan lived in Moscow, they do not hide that the first idea about the formation of a special metropolis belonged to Vytautas; they assure that the division of the metropolis, both before and at this time, was opposed by one Greek Emperor; - they justify the unauthorized installation of Gregory by the example of the election of Clement under Izyaslav, and by the example of the Bulgarian and Serbian Church. “But what can we say about the Bulgarians and Serbs? - the bishops continue. This is how it was instructed by St. Apostles. The grace of the Holy Spirit acts equally in all Orthodox bishops: appointed by the Lord himself, the Apostles appointed others, and these again others, and thus the grace of the Holy Spirit reached us humble ones; and we, as apostolic disciples, have the power, after many trials, by the Council to appoint a worthy shepherd to our fatherland. The apostolic canons say: two or three bishops ordain a metropolitan 57. We also have the power to bind and loose.” Eliminating the suspicion that by arbitrarily installing a Metropolitan they are departing from Orthodoxy, the bishops say: “Let this not happen. Devoted to the Church of St. Apostles and St. We protect and piously confess as Fathers, and we curse all heresy alien to the apostolic and paternal tradition; We also curse simony, who sells the gifts of the Holy Spirit for silver and gold. We recognize the Patriarch of Constantinople as patriarch and father, as well as other patriarchs; and the metropolitans and bishops of the East by their fathers and brothers about the Holy Spirit: but we cannot tolerate the violence to which the Church of God is subjected from the (Greek) King. The Holy Ecumenical Patriarch and with him the Council of Constantinople cannot by themselves appoint a metropolitan according to the rules; but they supply whomever the King commands: and therefore, the gift of the Holy Spirit is bought and sold. This is what the Father of the present Emperor (Manuel - John) did in our days with Cyprian, Pimen, Dionysius and many others. From here came heavy debts, many expenses, rumors, turmoil, murder, and, what is most regrettable, the dishonor of the Kyiv Church. – This act was written on behalf of eight Lithuanian-Russian bishops: Theodosius of Polotsk - Isaac of Chernigov, Dionysius of Lutsk, Gerasim of Vladimir 58, Gelasius of Przemysl, Sevastian of Smolensk, Khariton of Kholm and Euthymius of Turov 59. The bishops of those dioceses that were annexed to Poland, John of Galicia and Paul of Cherven, although they took part in the meetings, did not become part of the new metropolitanate 60. The Grand Duke of Lithuania Vytautas also issued his letter to justify his actions; only in his complaints against Constantinople he does not spare the Patriarch; he presents himself as acting in accordance with the will of the Russian princes and according to the reasoning of the bishops, and concludes: whoever wants to remain under the authority of the Metropolitan of Kyiv in the old days, let him remain, and whoever doesn’t want to, is free to move away from him (i.e. to Moscow). Just know that if we, not being of the same faith as you, wanted your faith in our Church to decrease and your churches to remain unsettled, then we would be free, when there is no metropolitan or some bishop has died, to send our governors to collect church revenues into our treasury. But we don’t want that, and therefore, the Council appointed a special metropolitan to the Kyiv metropolitanate, so that all Russian honor would stand on its own land 61. Having learned about the appointment of Gregory, Metropolitan Photius did not hesitate to respond to the letter of the Lithuanian-Russian bishops, with which they defended themselves. He does not refute the accusations brought against him and previous metropolitans; says nothing directly about Vytautas; places all the blame for the division on Gregory and the bishops who installed him; relies on the Patriarchal court, acquits the Emperor, condemns self-will by church rules, and inspires all the faithful to stop communicating with violators of the ancient order of the church, who have betrayed their oath promise. “Just as you received Holy baptism from the conciliar and apostolic Church, so you also received from her the only saint (metropolitan); and as you accepted, so preserve it until the end of centuries. Initially, the Church of Constantinople sends a single metropolitan to Kiev and all Rus'. - Gregory appeared in Constantinople to Patriarch Euthymius, promising rich gifts for consent to his installation; but they did not listen to him and excommunicated him. If the accusations of sacrilege were true, then Theodosius of Polotsk and Gregory Tsamblak could, with the help of money, achieve what they wanted.” – Photius reminds the Lithuanian bishops that each of them, at his installation, made a promise before the altar of the Lord, and confirmed it with his signature, not to accept another metropolitan except the one sent from Constantinople 62, and, citing one after another up to 30 church rules, proves that those who have communion with the excommunicated are themselves subject to excommunication from the Church, that he who accepts power is not from the legitimate bureaucracy of the Church cannot be a true shepherd, that those who separate from their head, without any examination of his guilt, and who arbitrarily appoint another shepherd for themselves, expose themselves to deportation 63 . It is impossible to think that in such an important matter Photius would decide to act alone, without the Council of the Great Russian bishops who remained faithful to him, especially since the opportunity to convene the bishops opened up by itself. At the beginning of 1415, Archbishop John of Novgorod, having accepted the schema, retired. The Novgorodians, using their rights, chose, by lot, the Khutyn monk Samson. To be consecrated as an apxbishop, he had to go to Moscow. Photius invited for this the Archbishop of Rostov Gregory and the bishops: Mitrofan of Suzdal, Anthony of Tver, Timothy of Sarah and Isaac of Perm. On March 22, 1416, the week of veneration of the cross, Samson, renamed Simeon, was ordained apxbishop. Probably, at the same time, the assembled Great Russian Hierarchs with their Metropolitan pronounced condemnation on the illegally installed Metropolitan of Kyiv 64. – It is noteworthy that in these troubled times, when the rights of the Moscow Metropolitanate to Kyiv were disputed, signs from the relics of the All-Russian High Hierarch, St. Petra. With these signs, the first Metropolitan, who transferred his see to Moscow, testified to the invariability of his favor to the city he had chosen, and consoled his successor, who was illegally rejected by the unauthorized. The new Bishop of Novgorod, having returned from Moscow, erected the first church known to us in Novgorod, in honor of St. Peter Metropolitan of Russia 65. Not content with general orders, Photius took care to protect from the harmful influence of the perpetrators of church unrest, especially the country close to the Lithuanian borders, and therefore, which should most value peace with Lithuania. “I hope my message has reached you,” he wrote to the Pskovites, about the division of God’s Church. Don't be surprised at what happened. The Gospel says that the last times will be difficult, and some will apostatize from the faith. Time supplies its servants. Maintain your true Orthodox faith and customs, and remove from your hearing the unrighteous writings of those who violate the Holy Scriptures. rules. But if anyone,” adds Photius, “from that rebellious country, Lithuania, comes to live with you, whether they are laymen or monks, receive them to you as Orthodox Christians who are fleeing untruth.” The severity of the judgment did not drown out the meek voice of love in the true Shepherd! Although the change made by Vytautas did not concern Orthodoxy itself and did not lead directly to rapprochement with Latinism, however, under the influence of a non-religious government, a danger could easily arise for the faith. Our chronicles say that at one time Metropolitan Gregory asked Vytautas: why does he adhere to the Latin faith, and not the Orthodox faith, which is followed by the Russians, most of his subjects? “The Grand Duke answered: “If you want to see me and all Lithuanians in your Orthodox faith, then go to Rome and prove to the Pope and his sages their unorthodoxy.” Otherwise, I will convert everyone to the Roman faith 66. – And Vytautas did indeed send Gregory with his embassy, ​​but not to Rome, as the chronicle says, but to the Council of Constance, before which at that time the King of Poland and V. Prince of Lithuania tried to exhibit their services for the Church in order to protect themselves from the censures spread by the German order 67. – The Lithuanian embassy arrived in Constance at the end of the meetings of the Council. It appeared at the Council on February 18. 1418, together with the ambassadors of the Greek Emperor Manuel, who were instructed to begin relations with the Pope about the union of the Churches, which subsequently ended with the Council of Florence. The Greek and Lithuanian embassies were received solemnly; but during their entire stay here, they were not subjected to any constraint in their faith; on the contrary, they were allowed to conduct worship according to their own rite 68. And since the newly elected Pope Martin V was in a hurry to quickly dissolve the Council, which demanded the transformation of the Church in its head and members, the matter of uniting the Churches was postponed until further relations. Thus, Gregory could return to Lithuania without running the risk of changing his faith at the Council, which burned Huss. The danger passed, but was not completely eliminated for the future. Pope Martin, in order to express his favor to the King of Poland and V.K. of Lithuania, named both his governors in their regions, and even in the cities of Novgorod and Pskov that did not belong to them, and at the same time entrusted the zeal of both Sovereigns with taking care of the return to the unity of the Church of those separating from it 69 . After this, one could expect new efforts on the part of V.K. Lithuanian to spread the Latin faith in the Russian regions. But circumstances have changed. The following year, 1419, Gregory Tsamblak died 70, and Vytautas not only did nothing more in favor of the Latin Church, but also did not care about replacing the idle see of the metropolis. The separate existence of the Lithuanian-Russian metropolis thus ended. There were, of course, other persons who favored the return of the metropolis to its former unity, to whom Metropolitan Photius thanks in his spiritual testament 71 . But the main reason for such a change in Vitovt’s actions, in all probability, should be the appearance of a dangerous rival for him, ready to help the Orthodox, Prince Svitrigail. His well-known disposition towards the Orthodox faith always attracted many Russian princes and noble people to him, 72 and aroused fears in Vytautas. For more than nine years, Vitovt kept him in prison. And finally, while Gregory Tsamblak was sent to the Council of Constance, the Russians managed to free Svitrigail from prison. The news of this was received by everyone with lively participation 73 and was supposed to inspire adherents of Orthodoxy, who were not promised anything good relations with the Pope. Thus, along with the fate of Svitrigail, the position of Orthodoxy in Lithuania also changed. After the death of Tsamblak, Photius, with the consent of Vytautas, again took over the administration of the dioceses separated from him 74 . And, in order to renew ties with his former flock, he went himself to survey his southwestern metropolis. At the end of 1421, just before the Nativity of Christ, he was in Lvov; spent the holiday itself in Vladimir; on the day of the Epiphany of the Lord he arrived in Vilna. During his journey, he met with Vitovt and other princes who were related to the house of the Moscow V. Prince, in Mstislavl - with Simeon Lugven, in Slutsk he baptized his son to Prince Olelko or Alexander 75. And to greatly strengthen his alliance with the Lithuanian-Russian flock, he sent out a district message to the Orthodox princes and clergy with pastoral admonitions. Recalling the past division of the church, the saint no longer blames anyone for this, but testifies that, despite the temporary removal, his heart always ached for the flock entrusted to him, and in the new disasters that then befell the Russian land, pestilence and famine, pointing out the corrective actions of God’s Providence, he called on everyone to repentance and correction of life 76 . With a special message, he aroused the zeal of the monks of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra for higher exploits, presenting to them as examples the virtues of the founders of their monastery 77 . Thus the epochal unity of the Russian Church was restored. The union of peace and love again cemented the separated dioceses, although even during the division, communication between members of one and the other metropolis did not cease 78. At a time when troubles were tearing apart the Russian metropolis, we see the special care of Metropolitan Photius for the Church of Pskov 79 . Pskov, being under the diocesan administration of the Novgorod archbishop, had a governor: but this governor, elected from among the Pskovites themselves, was in charge only of the shipping department and the collection of revenues 80. A certain date was set for the arrival of the archbishop, connected with the right of a “monthly trial”. The political enmity between Pskov and Novgorod, and the participation of the ruler of Novgorod in the affairs of the civil affairs of his city, hindered the closeness of spiritual relations between the archbishop and Pskov and forced the Pskovites to more often turn, for advice and permission, to the head of the Russian bishopric, just as they sought rule and protection for themselves from the Moscow Grand Duke. Due to its proximity to the possessions of the German Order and Lithuania, Pskov adopted some customs from Christians of the Roman Church, for example, to baptize not through immersion, but through pouring. The Metropolitan even heard a rumor that the Pskov priests, after baptizing a baby, anointed him with Latin chrism. M. Cyprian wrote to them about the abolition of pouring baptism, and sent the correct order of baptism 81. Photius found it necessary to confirm the observance of Orthodox custom, and thus with great severity rebelled against the use of the Latin world. “The Holy Fathers,” he wrote, approved and ordered to be baptized in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and then to be anointed with the Holy Spirit. honest great peace, which comes from Constantinople, from where you received the Orthodox Creed.” The Metropolitan wanted to visit Pskov himself for a closer look at his condition, but for a long time not finding it convenient, he demanded that at least a priest be sent to him from Pskov to teach him the church rules and to accompany St. peace 82. After that, the Pskov clergy repeatedly turned to the Metropolitan for resolution of their perplexities 83 . Among the questions related to worship and fasting, which he resolves on the basis of the church charter, there were also such as, for example, is it permissible to eat bread, wine and other products coming from German soil? Photius allowed all this to be used, having first purified it with prayer 84 . – The citizens of Pskov also asked for permission from the Metropolitan in a matter concerning their conscience: during the administration of their city by Prince Konstantin Dmitrievich (1412 - 1414), a charter was introduced for them and approved by an oath; meanwhile, they subsequently saw that in some rules it did not agree with the instructions previously received from the Metropolitan himself, and was burdensome for Pskov. But they were afraid to cancel this charter, embarrassed by this oath. The Metropolitan pointed out to them the imprudence in their actions, showed them what punishment, according to church rules, those who break the oath are subject to, but did not insist on compliance with the regulations, which, apparently, were burdensome especially for the class of poor residents, allowed them to “violate that new thing,” and blessed them to keep their antiquity 85. The hegumen of the Snetogorsk monastery, one of the oldest in Pskov, asked the Metropolitan for “the charter of the monastic order,” representing at the same time that who had previously been in Pskov for thirty years, on behalf of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Apostle-Bishop of Suzdal Dionysius, on the basis of the 6th rule of the Council of Constantinople twice 86 and the establishment of a ktitor or founder of the monastery, decreed competently not to have Absolutely no property for monks. Such a strict rule, apparently, constrained the brethren. Metropolitan Photius demanded a list of the ktitor's charter, and when it was discovered that there had never been such a charter written in the monastery, he canceled Dionysius' order as arbitrarily made in a foreign diocese. But presenting high examples of monastic life and the rules of the ancient founders of monasticism, he inspired the Snetogorsky brothers to strive to imitate them, both in other virtues and in non-covetousness. “God-wise work,” wrote the desert-loving Saint, “this is our wealth, divine and supernatural, always abiding and never perishing.” And, without going into the details of private rules for the external life of monks, he tried more to reveal to the monks the last goal to which an ascetic of piety should strive. – His loving condescension towards such monks who do not live in the spirit of repentance is noteworthy: contrary to the strict rule of Dionysius, he did not order them to be locked in prison or expelled from the monastery, but ordered the abbot to take the erring sheep to his frame, to heal the sick with spiritual means, like a skilled doctor 87. He was stricter in relation to those who erred in the teaching due to stubbornness. In Pskov there still remained like-minded people of the Strigolovniks, who appeared in the seventies of the fourteenth century, and repeating their reproaches against the clergy for placing them on pay, they kept themselves separated from the Church. Photius forcibly rebelled against such self-elected judges as against church rebels, defended the duties levied upon delivery by decrees of the Greek Church and ordered the Orthodox citizens of Pskov and the clergy: if those called Strigolniki do not turn to the path of truth, wed them out of your Orthodox society 88 . Then another time I wrote: I hear that some of you, neglecting their Christian name, value God’s great priesthood and monasticism at nothing, as if they did not believe in the resurrection. God knows how many tears their fall cost me. But if they do not take care to come out of the pit of destruction, you priests, do not accept offerings from them in the churches, and cut them off like rotten members from the healthy body of the Church of Christ. And all laymen, do not associate with them in food and drink. I am writing this for their understanding. If even after that they do not turn to godly wisdom, write to me: and I will execute judgment on them according to the Divine and sacred rules 89. Finally, the Metropolitan received news from Pskov that the city authorities, after investigating, punished those who persisted in their alienation from the Church, that as a result of this, some completely left the city, while others, although they remained, still do not come to their spiritual fathers to repent, and even blaspheme the order of the priesthood. Approving the zeal of the zealots of Orthodoxy, the Archpastor repeats to them the previous instruction to withdraw from communication with the disobedient, admonishing them with punishments, but not mortal ones, and imprisonment 90. Strictness, tempered, however, by prudence, necessary for that time, had a beneficial effect. From now on, the name of the Strigolniks disappears from our acts. The examined letters of Photius to the Pskovites reveal to us part of the usual activities of the Archpastor and can show how in general he acted in various relations with his vast flock. – But God’s Providence called the High Hierarch of Russia to another field of activity, where his attachment to Russia should have been more clearly expressed. Grand Duke Vasily Dmitrievich (February 27, 1525) died, leaving behind his son Vasily, ten years old 91, and four brothers: Yuri, Peter, Andrei and Konstantin. The last three, during the life of Vasily Dmitrievich, submitted to the new order of succession to the throne in the great reign, approved by Dmitry Donskoy, and agreed to recognize their nephew as the Grand Duke. The Prince of Galich and Zvenigorod, Yuri Dmitrievich, did not think this way, and did not want to seal V. Prince’s spiritual will with his consent, like his brothers 92. As soon as Vasily Dmitrievich died, that same night Metropolitan Photius sent his boyar to Zvenigorod to invite Yuri to Moscow to determine his relationship with the Moscow V. Prince. But Yuri did not go, but retired to Galich and began collecting regiments. The Grand Duke also moved his troops. Forced to flee, Yuri proposed a truce; but in Moscow, they wanted a more lasting establishment of mutual relations. And so, at a general meeting, Metropolitan Photius was sent to Galich with admonitions to the rebellious Prince. His path was hasty. In Yaroslavl, on the eve of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist (June 24), the Princes asked him to stay to celebrate the Liturgy the next day. But the desire to quickly establish peace in the great reign defeated all requests, and he immediately went to Galich. Received with honor, he diligently persuaded the Prince of Galich to cease his claims to the grand-ducal throne and make peace with young Vasily. But it was all in vain. Then he left the Prince and the city without giving them the saint’s blessing. And the destructive disease, which was already raging in various Russian cities, and in Moscow itself 93, immediately opened its operations in Galich. Yuri saw in this the admonition of God, and immediately went after the departed Saint, returned him to the city, and agreed to enter into a peace treaty with V. Prince, at least until the dispute about the great reign of the Khan of the Horde was resolved 94 . – In subsequent letters, we see, he called his young nephew his eldest brother 95 and for a long time, almost until the death of Photius, he did not seek primacy in the horde. Thus, through the efforts of Photius, the bloody unrest of civil strife was temporarily averted. But the Russian land suffered from another terrible disaster - a destructive disease. In the same way, she moved from German cities to Pskov, from here to Novgorod, Tver, Moscow, and abducted many victims in all cities and villages, in 1425, 1426 and 1427. At times it subsided, and then intensified with new cruelty 96. Contemporaries notice the various moral effects of this disease on the people's spirit. Ave. Paphnutiy Borovsky, who then lived in the Serpukhov Vysotsky monastery, later told his disciples: In the last year, 1427, the disease was revealed by scabs, which had a different appearance: some were malignant, others still promised hope of recovery. Whoever saw from his illness that he could no longer live, fearing God and remembering his sins, turned to repentance and confessed his sins; some even took monastic vows as an angel, and after being ill for three days, they usually died. But there were also such “insensitive” people that, not fearing the wrath of God, rejecting all human fear, they indulged in drunkenness: because then, after death, the property of many was left without care. And not only supplies of honey, but also clothes, livestock, and wealth were all left at the crossroads. There were few people left who could use all this; but even they took only gold and silver, and neglected the rest 97 . The child-loving Archpastor deeply sympathized with all these sufferings of the Russian land. “There are quarrels and internecine wars between the Princes: but for me sorrow to sorrow, sorrow to sorrow. Then came hunger and a deadly plague... And these sorrows and sorrows completely crushed and exhausted me; My vision was darkened from tears for the flock of Christ.” This is how Saint Photius confesses his sorrow in his testament. In his teachings and messages, he poured out the same feelings of compassion, and tried to impart saving consolation to everyone. “The Lord wants our conversion, not destruction,” he wrote in Pskov, when the disease there had subsided, “and therefore he strikes us many times, but spares the root so that there may be fruit. We also had the same visitation of God in Moscow and surrounding cities, in Tver, and in other places. And we thank the unsearchable destinies of God’s love for mankind for the fact that it does not suddenly, not unexpectedly delight its creation, but grants to the suffering a Christian death, with pure repentance, with the consecration of oil, and with the communion of the honest and life-giving body of Christ and His divine and life-giving blood. And many go to God in the likeness of the great angelic image. For those who depart with such preparation for eternal life, I trust in God’s love for mankind 99 . Among the horrors of death, the victorious phenomena of life over death itself were all the more gratifying. The line of contemporaries and disciples of the humble Abbot of Radonezh, to whom St. Alexy prepared the cathedra of the High Hierarch, like a lamp that had been hidden in mortal shadows for thirty years, by the wave of God, brought out from the bowels of the earth - burning with the light of unquenchable life (1422). Several years after that, in the last year of Photius’s reign, the merciful Lord, to the consolation of Orthodox Russia, revealed the incorruptible and celibate relics of St. Alexia, Sergiev's friend 100. Meanwhile, the last disciples of the God-bearing Sergius left the earthly field, one after another: in 1426 Ave. Ferapont of Mozhaisk (May 27), in 1427 Ave. Kirill Beloezersky (9 June), in 1428 Ave. Nikon of Radonezh (November 17), in 1429 a hundred and twelve year old elder, Ave. Pavel Komelsky, or Obnorsky. Photius' flock was deprived of its best members... In 1430, when Photius had been in Moscow for twenty years, a messenger came calling the Archpastor himself to another world. On Bright Week, on Thursday (April 20), after Matins, having completed the cell rule, Photius lay down to rest. Suddenly an extraordinary light shone in his spoon. The saint saw before him a luminous man, with a royal crown on his head and a golden staff in his hand. After some silence, in trepidation he asked the newcomer: who are you and how did you come in here when my doors are locked? “I am not one of the people of the earth,” answered the extraordinary visitor, “but an angel of God, sent to you from the Lord God of Hosts Almighty. The Lord God commanded me to tell you a word to confirm your life. Take heed to yourself and your flock. Christ God gives you a week to review your life and order about your flock.” Hearing these words, the Saint, in fear and trembling, fell with tears at the feet of the messenger of God, but he became invisible. This vision and the words of the Angel so shocked Photius that he remained lying on the floor for a long time, until the monks who lived near his cell raised him and laid him on the bed. He was still silent and did not open his eyes. Finally, having come to his senses, he told those around him what he had seen 101. What did the bestowed week mean? “Little by little, Photius’ strength was renewed, and the first week did not present anything decisive for him. So, it was necessary to wait for the resolution of the mysterious prediction from time to time. Without a doubt, the Saint faithfully followed the proclaimed command of the Lord, redeeming every day of the time counted for him with deeds useful for his soul and for his flock. He did not, however, shut himself up in his cell, but appeared where his duties required. Five months after the former vision, we see Photius, together with the Grand Duke, in Lithuania near Vytautas. Even last year (1429) there was a famous congress in Lithuania, at which the German Emperor Sigismund, at the urging of Vytautas, proposed to elevate him to the rank of King, and thus strengthen the independence of Lithuania, which the Polish officials did not agree to allow. At the same time, Sigismund, prompted by the requests of the Greek Emperor John Palaiologos and the unrest of the Western bishopric, expressed a desire to take up the matter of uniting the Churches, and his thought was clearly not inclined towards the benefit of the Roman clergy 102. In August of the following year, i.e. 1430, another congress was planned in Lithuania, at which Vytautas was to be crowned with a royal crown. The Moscow V. Prince, the grandson of Vitovt, was invited to this celebration, along with other Sovereigns. He was also accompanied by Metropolitan Photius, who was equally connected by his hierarchical relations with the Moscow and Lithuanian Princes. The disposition shown by Vytautas towards the Orthodox Hierarch in recent years obligated the Metropolitan, in turn, to participate in the supposed celebration, so joyful for Vytautas and important for all of Lithuanian Rus'. But the dream of the elderly Vitovt did not come true. The Poles intercepted the envoys sent by the Emperor with the crown 103; the illness, growing stronger day by day, put the final limits on Vitovt’s plans. On October 27, 1430 he died. The Grand Duke of Lithuania favorably received Photius, and when the shattered dreams of a royal crown forced him to dismiss the other guests, Photius remained in Vilna, almost until the death of Vytautas. - In Novogrodk, he later had the opportunity to see the new V. Prince of Lithuania, Svitrigail, whom all Russians wanted to see as their sovereign due to his disposition towards the Orthodox faith, - and was released by him with honor to Moscow 104. In general, Photius’s last journey to Lithuania could serve to confirm the rights of the metropolis in those parts 105. But, more importantly, the Lithuanian events opened the opportunity for Metropolitan Photius to clarify to Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich the correct view of the union of the Churches being undertaken at that time. And if the Saint found it necessary to write as an instruction to the Russians “about the procession of the Holy Spirit” 106, then there is no doubt that the relations between Emperor John Palaiologos and Sigismund’s intention to contribute through his means to the restoration of the church union, in which the Russians were to participate, could even more dispose the Orthodox Archpastor to confirm the young Sovereign of Moscow in the ancient faith. This can explain Vasily Vasilyevich’s disagreement at the very beginning with Isidore’s request to go to the Council in Ferrara, and then the demand that he bring the ancient faith with him. All that remained was to find or indicate the faithful guardian of this precious heritage, and the ruler for the All-Russian Metropolis. Photius did not anticipate the right to appoint a successor for himself, but, prophetically, even earlier he indicated a shepherd to the reigning city - in the monk of the Simon Monastery, Jonah 107. Finally, the seven-week period given to prepare for the transition to the blessed life expired for Photius, and on July 1, 1431, in the seventh seventy-day week as predicted, he reposed, 108 leaving the last word to his flock in his spiritual testament. Here, briefly depicting his many-sorrowful life, he asks everyone, and in return he himself gives everyone forgiveness, and entrusts the House of the Most Pure Mother of God and all its acquisitions to the care of the Grand Duke and his mother. - It is noteworthy that, having given his blessing to the Princes closest to the Grand Duke in terms of family relations, he refrained from pronouncing the name of Yuri Dmitrievich: because this Prince, but long before that, had dissolved the peaceful alliance with the Moscow V. Prince. – Recalling the state in which the property of the metropolis was found after Cyprian, Photius, turning to the Grand Duke, asked him to preserve intact everything that he had managed to acquire for the Church in the Moscow state, or in Lithuania: “Other things,” he wrote, “were ordered to be sent to Constantinople or to St. mountain; but I did not have time to do this, particularly on the occasion of the former church division, frequent due to zemstvo unrest; I bless you, the Grand Duke, to keep all this so that it is not appropriated by anyone; because it was offered to God for the cleansing of sins. And I order you, my son, the Grand Duke, to take care of my soul and remember me. Remember, my son, Grand Duke, that I gave birth to you in the font of divine baptism. And God is my witness how many illnesses I suffered for the sake of you, my son 109.” The body of Blessed Metropolitan Photius was laid in the Moscow Assumption Cathedral on the right side, next to the tomb of St. Cyprian, where it still rests in the southwestern corner of the church. Some monuments of St. Photius subsequently acquired particular importance. His message to Pskov, in which he resolves, among other things, the issue of singing hallelujah twice or three times 110, back in the 15th century. it was cited as proof that hallelujah should be said three times; We see this from the letter of an unknown person to Athanasius, ktitor of the great Lavra of St. Nikola, oh trumpet hallelujah. After other evidence in support of the threefold singing of hallelujah, the author, who lived in Pskov, says: “It is fitting for you, father, to listen, like Christ himself, Cyrus the Metropolitan of Kiev, Moscow and all Russia, Photius, who was written to us in the house of the Holy Trinity and in Pskov, and by the incarnation of the Son of God in the honorable Maiden Mary, moreover, The Mother of God, having sealed 111 with her seal, sent a letter, which to this day lies in the Holy Trinity, in which it is written to the mother: Hallelujah, Hallelujah, Hallelujah, glory to Thee, God 112.” Another monument to Fotiev gave the first reason to Patrarch All-Russian Nikon to exclude from the eighth member of the creed the attached word: true. This is the sakkos of M. Photius, still preserved in the Moscow Synodal sacristy, on the margins of which a symbol of faith is depicted in Greek letters, which does not have the mentioned application. This sakkos is also remarkable because it has silk and gold embroidered images of the Greek Emperor Palaiologos and his wife, and also the Grand Duke Vasily Dmitrievich and his wife V.K. Sophia. Photius himself writes about V. Prince Vasily “an ambassador to the Holy Patriarchy, and to the sacred Council, and to the holy Tsar, as if, according to God’s will, he will be chosen and sent, who is also the holy saint of Kiev and all Russia, according to the old duty” Act. East. T. I. N 13, p. 33. Photius with the above message and Vytautas write about this in agreement. Act. Western Ross. 1, 25 p. 36. Protocols of the Patriarchs of Constantinople in the XIV century. in Journal M. II of Enlightenment 1847., pp. 152, 153. This is what Photius himself writes in his spiritual testament. Soph. Time ed. Stroev. T. 2, p. 8. Years. Nick. T. 5, p. 100. Collection. state gram. and Great Danes. T. 2, p. 17, “he was appointed to the great degree of priesthood in the summer of 6917, September on the 1st day, the second indictment.” In the same will he also mentions the name of his ordainer Patriarch Matthew. Therefore, it is impossible to recognize as correct in Photius’s desk document the indication of the name of the Patriarch, instead of Matthew, Anthony, and the time of 1397, instead of 1408 (Act. Ist. T. 1, p. 482.). It cannot be thought that the Patriarch of Constantinople wanted to prepare a successor to Cyprian in him in advance. With such intention, he, having dedicated Photius, would not hesitate to send him to Russia or Lithuania; I would not keep him in Constantinople, without any benefit, for 15 whole years; I would not have given him a desk document so early, with an admonition to V. Prince Vasily Dmitrievich to listen to the newly installed Metropolitan. Moreover, if Photius, like Cyprian, had been prematurely consecrated as Metropolitan, then the Lithuanian bishops would not have missed this circumstance in their announcement against Photius, just as they did not omit to say this about others. Finally, from Photius’s will it is clear that little time elapsed between the dedication and departure to Russia. In our monuments he is called Amorite, Amorian, just like Thomas Palaeologus, the despot of the Sea, the father of Sophia - the King of the Amorites in the Synodikon of Monemvasia, he is called - Μονεμβασιώτης. Falhmerayer, Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea. 2 Th. s, 36. 265. n. f. Fallmerayer. 1 Th. Capitel. 5 s. 240 n. f. 2 Th. s. 316. “Do not despise my humility, for I am not skillful in your writing and language,” he wrote ten years after arriving in Russia, Additional. to Act. East. T. 1., p. 323 In the Degrees of the book. part 2. page 29. “M. Photius has not yet mastered the Russian language.” An extract from this synodikum was published in the description of the Greek manuscripts of the Turin Library. Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae Taurinensis. 1769. p. 422. His letter to Photius, probably soon after his departure to Russia, was published along with other works of Joseph Bryennius. This letter contains praises of the Archpastor’s virtues. The chronicles contain different indications about the time of Photius's arrival in Moscow. But most of them converge on April. In his spiritual testament, he repeatedly says: “It was known to V. Prince Vasily Dmitrievich and everyone that he came to Moscow to become the metropolis, after his brother St. Cyprian, Metropolitan of Kyiv of All Rus', was not found in the house of the church as a nonentity” Soph Temporary. 11.9. In East G. Ross. T. V, pr. 222. from the Trinity Chronicle a description of the disease that raged in 1408 in the volosts of Rzhev, Volotsk, Mozhaisk, Dmitrov, Zvenigorod, Pereyaslavl, Vladimir, Razan, Tarusa, Yuryev and some Moscow. Some set the date of Christ's coming even closer, precisely in the year when Easter would be on the day of the Annunciation. This happened in the new (14th) indiction for the first time in 1459. The chronicler included this remark in his chronicle from Paschal, but at the end of the year he had to add “and that summer was nothing less.” Sov. Time 11, 66. Similar expectations were common in Greece among the common people. Joseph Bryennius, in one of the two words “about the end of the world” says: “Many claim that the end of the World will follow after the 7th century, at the end of the year, on the last day of the 12th month, at the 7th hour of the last night.” T. 2. p. 218. Here the seventh century is called the seventh millennium. Paschalia in Greek, published during the Book of Hours in Venice in 1535, is called ??? Ducang. Glossar. Grec. T. 1. p. 1128. In Greece, the idea of ​​the imminent demise of the World was reinforced by the constrained position of the state from the Turks, who had captured all its regions and kept Constantinople, as it were, under a continuous siege. Novgor. 1 chronicle in full collection. Russian years. T. 3 p. 107. East. State Ross. T. V. pr. 222. 258 and 386. Nikon. Letop. T. 5 p. 75. 79. Pskov 1st Years in full. collected. Years. T. 4 p. 203. 2nd Year, T. 5. p. 24. Additional to Act. Histor. T. I. N 181. p. 325. Act. Arch. Com. T. I. N. 369. p. 462. The charter was given in August 1410. A document about this by Photius is placed in chapter 78 of the centenary. Here he also says: “Behold, in all his metropolis, he came from nowhere, and laid down such a prohibition and commandment to the widowed priests.” Additional to Act. Histor. 1. N. 181. pp. 328. 329. and Act. Arch. Expedition T. I. N. 369. p. 461. 462 Additional to Act. ist. T. I. p. 329. And then the image of fasting in St. Great Pentecost and on all Wednesdays and Fridays of the whole year p. 330. Act. Arch. Exp. T. 1. N. 369. p. 462. Act. Arch. Exp. T. 1. N. 369. p. 462. But when the Pskovites (1411) burned 12 “prophetic wives” (Psk. 2nd Let. p. 22.), this cannot be excused by the orders of the Metropolitan. In this cruelty and in the very type of execution one can see an imitation of the Western ones, to whom the Pskovites were closer than others, and from which they borrowed some other customs (see below). See Add. to the publication Creation. St. Ogts. Part VI. about St. Kyprian, Metropolitan of Kiev. That the possessions of the metropolis in the Moscow reign were separated from others that were in the Vladimir region is clear from the fact that there is no mention of Moscow in the act decreed on June 28, 1404. Even later in the century, the Moscow possessions formed a separate property of the metropolis. See the charter of John III. 1504. in the Act. Arch. Exp. T. 1. N. 139. And the acquisitions of the metropolis for their church and the income of Photius of the metropolis, they began to renew, and, what was lost, they began to search, either from the princes and boyars, what was wronged, or from some other covetous people, what was taken away, the villages and the authorities and the income and duties of Christ to the House and the Most Pure Mother of God and the St. the great wonderworkers Peter and Alexy." (Nick. Let. V, 33.). Archbishop Gregory of Rostov disputed with the metropolis the ownership of some lands that belonged to the village of Kudrinu, which was given to it by Prince Vladimir Andreevich (ibid., pp. 34 and 35). “On Three Mountains” there was a large courtyard of Prince Vladimir Andreevich with a Church; His village Kudrino remained at the see of the Moscow bishops until the time of the patriarch. Act. East. T. III p. 103. Both teachings with the same title: “the teaching of Photius, Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Rus' to the Grand Duke Basil Dmitrievich, are in the handwritten collection of Joseph of the Volokolamsk Monastery in 4 days N 414, compiled with the blessing of Abbot Nifont in 1536 - Syllable, as in other works of Photius (his unofficial papers), very dark. This is probably a faulty translation from the original messages, or the experiments of Photius himself in writing in the Slavic language. Attached to the last teaching was an extract from the rules on church estates, as can be seen from the following words: “these are the rules that your ancestors received from the Ecumenical Councils of your Nobility, hear.... But this extract is missing from the manuscript. In his will, he says “and that as soon as I came to my metropolis, I found the church house and the village empty, and God gave strength to the colic, built it and fulfilled it for everyone. In Nick. Years. V, 33 “he took all this from them and firmly established in the house of Christ and the Most Pure Mother of God and St. miracle workers Peter and Alexy, to the holy metropolis of all Russia - and buy income and duties and land and water and villages and power, and other things." On the acquisition of new villages of the metropolis, see the letters of Vasily Dmitrievich in the Act. Arch. Exp. T.I.NN. 20 and 25. About the Svyatozersky monastery, in Gorokhovsky district, see East. Hierar. Ross. T. 6 p. 609. Nikon years. T.Y. pp. 37–39 Sol Temp., ed. Stroev part 1 p. 415. Nikon. years. V, 41 About the marriage of Anna with John Palaiologos Dulas hist Вyzant. 1649. r. 53. 54. The modern historian Franz Hist definitely speaks about the time of her death. Byzant. 1. 1. with 35. Ed. Becker. r. 110. Joseph Bryennius spoke a consoling word to Emperor Manuel on the occasion of the death of his daughter-in-law. T. 2. r. 291. Anna was buried in the monastery of Constantinople, called ... about which see Ducang. Constantinop. Сhr. L.IV. r. 92. Our admirer Hierodeacon Zosima saw her coffin there in 1419. Sakharov Russian antiquity 1849 Prince. 8, p. 62. Nikon. years. V, 53, “the wicked people created many slander against him, those who fled from Photius from Moscow, their beings to the Chernigov Ruler, and from there to Lithuania to Vytautas.” Nikon. years. V, 51. “Having slandered him against his son V. Kn. Vasily Dmitrievich; Photius the Metropolitan also inflicted a lot of slander on the V. Prince and created unkindness. He also created seven many slander against Metropolitan Photius to Vytautas. An excerpt from the word “on the procession of the Holy Spirit”, placed in the notes to volume 1 of the Addendums” Act. Historical page 13. St. Joseph of Volokolamsk testifies to this Savva in chapter 10. of his will. Readings M. History. General, 1847. N 7. “On the Holy Fathers in the Rustech Monasteries”, p. 9. Stroeva index to the “Royal Exits” page 61. Vitovt writes “and we did not want to accept Photius the Metropolitan and he swore to be here again and build a church.” Act 3. Ross vol. 1, p. 36. Act. Histor. T. 1. N 48, p. 96. About this Church East. State Ross. T. 11, pr. 228 and Zubritsky about Red Russia, additions, p. 7. Dlugossi Hist. Polon. L. XI, p 831. “Barones, nobiles, boiari terraruin nostuarum Litthuaniae, donalionibus; privilegiis et concessionibus ipsis datis, – duntaxat Catholici et Romanae ecclesiae subiecti, – gaudeant, et caetei.... Dlugos. L. XI, p. 338 et sq. In 1416, he wrote to the Council of Constance that if he had not been busy with wars, then the peoples of the Greek faith in his land would have long ago turned to the Roman Church. Zubryatsky p. 21. We quote the words of Vitovt according to the translation of his letter from Latin, published by Kulchinsky, in his book Specimen Ecclesiae Buthenicae. The publishers found some damage in the Slavic text of this document. In their manuscript it was stated, “to another place they carried and gave the dispensation of the church and the holiness of the great passion of Christ, the Holy Mother of God will say at the step. See for other years. Ipatiev. under 1164 (in the Collection of Russian Let. T. 11, p. 92.) and in the desk document of Photius (Act, T. 1. p. 482). Nikon. years. T, V, p. 53. Nikon. years. T. V, p. 59. With the decline of Tsamblak, a certain Arseny was known in 1330–1350 at the court of the Greek Emperor, who took a significant part in state affairs. He owned significant property in Solun. (Cmitacuz. Histor. L. 11. g. 22. p. 267. et 24, p. 273. L. 111. cop. 42 p. 488 – 489. Lib. IV. c. 32. p. 838.). About the gentleman Tsamblak, mentioned in the satirical work (XIV century) Mazari’s journey into hell, printed. in Boassonade Anecdot Grace, Vol. III. r.121. The Great Moldovan Church must be cathedral or cathedral, and therefore in Sochava. See the letter of Alexander the Moldavian governor in Act. Zap. Ross. T. I. N 21. In the word in memory of the martyr John, it is said, among other things, “after 70 or a little more years, “even then the Christ-loving and great governor Alexander, who was pious with the ruler of all Moldavia and Poloria, - by the council of the then church ruling, - the holy Archbishop Joseph,” the relics of the martyr were transferred and placed “in the matchmaking metropolis in its bright city of Sochava, in its table.” About the relationship of Gregory Tsamblak to Cyprian, the laudatory word, among other things, says “you have taken away our fatherland (Kypriyan), since God has given it to you.... And you have appeared more from us (that is, in comparison with us); It will be given to you as if you are worthy, but we will be taken away from you as if you are unworthy.... We, Gregory of the Holy One, were honored to see his face in the smallest age, while still in adolescence, he left us. And old age has befallen us, no one has seen it... You also know, beloved, when you have seen this great treasure. The point is, from then until thirty years ago, when from you (from Kiev) he rose up to this great city and the land of the city (Constantinople?) the coming movement of the shepherd’s love of longitude is not to be counted as anything, and a certain language is transient, like the Istra river, i.e., living on the banks of the Danube, the temptations of this I brought it together and covered it with much sorrow. And as soon as the one who is coming to us is already close, then the churches that raised us and punished us with the father and teacher who gave birth to us (you?), with the blessed one (i.e. Cyprian), receive the blessed one (i.e. Cyprian) with the great grace of the blessed one (i.e. Cyprian), kissing, embracing... Since God will allow him to be offended along the way, he will deign to be so glorified in his fatherland, and to console his heart’s desire, and to be filled with unspeakable joy, having seen his fatherland so well-governed, as it is worthy of many praises, his own and the great Euthymius, holding such a feeding... Then this great luminary (Cyprian) was seen... “In this way you succeed, growing in the commandments of the Lord, and we strive to comprehend your (region?) so that we may see the shepherd.” However, Tsamblak no longer found Cyprian alive, “I am coming to you, - the Nemon River flowed through Lithuania, and on it the bitter meeting of us was announced about the death of Cyprian. This can be concluded from the inscription above the life of St. Stefan Dečansky “copied by Gregory the monk and presbyter, abbot, who was the same (also in Deči) monastery.” Close acquaintance with the state of the Serbian land at the end of the 14th century and at the beginning. XV century is also evident from the description of the transfer of the relics of St. Martyr Paraskeva to the Serbian land. This description is placed in the manuscripts immediately after the word of Euthymius Patriarch of Ternivsky, in memory of this martyr (Oct. 14). Perhaps the circumstances of the life of Gregory Tsamblak would become clearer to us if we knew his words of praise to Euthymius Patriarch of Ternivsky (between the manuscripts of Tolstoy’s 11, No. 205). In a word on the Great Four. There is no such rule among the apostles, but there is a rule: two or three bishops appoint the 1st bishop). And by this rule, bishops are not authorized to establish a special metropolis. This bishop was installed by Photius himself, as stated in another charter, after “the establishment of a single metropolitanate in the entire Russian land was strengthened,” in 1414 (Act. Ist. T. 1. N 18). Perhaps what is meant here is the fact that the Patriarch did not agree to grant the rights of metropolis to Theodosius of Polotsk. Act. Zap Ross. T 1. N 21. Act West. Ross. T. 1. N 25. See a similar promise in the confession of the Archbishop of Novgorod, 1424 in Act. Arch. Expedition T. 1 N 370. Act East. T. 1. N 19. District message about the illegal election of Gregory Tsamblak. The timing of this message is determined by the fact that Metropolitan Photius points to it already in his message to the Pskovites on September 6. 1416. In the Act. East. T 1. N 20. “And about this, my children, I write to you, that I have copied from the Divine Scripture and from the Divine rules about the division of God’s Church.” The above-mentioned message is divided exactly this way: first, the illegal act of the Lithuanian bishops is exposed with the words of Scripture, then with the rules of the church. See the message of the Russian Metropolitan to Christians in Kiev about Metropolitan Gregory Tsamblak, summarized in the Novgorod chronicle. IV. Floor. Collection Years. T. 4. p. 116. In many expressions it is literally similar to the above district message, so that it seems to be an extract from it. Here, by the way, it is also said about the Council “on occasion” that gathered, which condemned Gregory. Years. Novgorod. 1. page 106. Iok. personal Years. T. IV, year, 1415, p. 115. See Dlugoss. Hist. Pol. L. XI. p. 376 et caet. About the Greek embassy at Syropoulos Vera Historia unionis non verae L.II, c. 5. About the stay of the Greek and Lithuanian ambassadors in the city of Constance, from the modern writer Reichenthal, canon of Constance, in his history of the Council of Constance. (See Wesenberg, D, Grossen Kirchen Versammlungen d, 15und 16 Iahrhunderts. 2 Band. s. 255). Another contemporary, Lindenblagt, an opponent of Poland, directly says that the Russian clergy at the Council refused to unite with the Roman Church. Inventory of Kiev-Sof. Cathedral, page 103. Hist or. Huss. monimenta T. I. N GXIX et CXX. According to Nikon, years. T. V, pp. 73. Then there was a pestilence in Kyiv. “We have great concern with us about the rebellion of God’s Church, and for correction and unity, the people of the Lord, princes and nobles, men and wives, and to them may all be blessings and mercy from God, the Lover of Mankind.” Soph. Time Part 2, page 8. Ducibus et nobilibus Russiae miro modo ilium (Switrigal), quod rilimi eorum efferret, colentibus, writes Dlugosz, on this occasion Lib. XI. r. 39G. And speaking about the elevation of Svitrigail to the throne of Lithuania, after the death of Vytautas, he again notes: multorum sibi animos conciliaverat, Ruthenorum singularius, in quorum litum, licet esset Romanae religionis Princeps, ferebatur inclinatior p. 558. The circumstances of the liberation of Svitrigail are equally conveyed by both the Polish historian Dlugosz and Russian chronicles. (Complete collected chronicles. T. IV, p. 117.), and in letters of the German order (see Kotzebue’s work. Svatrigailo, in Russian translation, p. 67.). Again, Christ adorned His Church with peace and brought my humility into His Church, with the advice of the noble, glorious, Grand Duke Alexander (Vytautas). Dopoli, to Akt. ist. T. I, p. 338. From the chronicle of Danilovich in Narbut VI, page 420. St. Jonah called Photius the “mind” of Prince Alexander Vladimirovich. Act. ist. T. I, N 47. Addition to the Act. history T. 1. N 183. Addition to the Act. history T. I. N 180 second certificate. See the travels of the hierodeacon of the Trinity Sergius Monastery Zosima to St. land. In the tales of the Russian people. Book VIII, p. 61. However, there is no reason to think that the state of the Pskov Church exclusively attracted the attention of the Metropolitan. Without a doubt, other dioceses also had a need for relations with him, and Photius did not refuse them instructions. But in the collection of acts of the Russian metropolis, compiled in the first half of the 16th century. (Administrative Synod. Bibliography N 564), the letters written by Metropolitans Cyprian and Photem in Pskov could have been included in a larger number, for random reasons. See the collection of letters of M. Cyprian and Photius in Pskov in the hands of. Blush. Music N 264, and another collection of the merchant Tsarsky, from which additional documents for the Historical Acts in volume 1 were borrowed. Pskov. 1. years under 1435 Act. ist. T. I. N 35. There is no year for literacy. Judging by its content, it can be considered the first of those written by Photius in Pskov. At first it contains only general spiritual instructions, and does not indicate any previous relationships. In addition to those published in history. act. T. 1, there is also a message from 1419, mostly related to the celebration of worship, under the title “Message of Photius Metropolitan to Pskov; statute on the liturgy and all services,” hand. Synod of Librarians. N 562, gr. 127. There is also a response to a letter from the Pskovites about various disorders in their Church, sent with the priest Job. The unrest concerns widowed priests, marriages, etc. gr. 185. Act. ist. T. 1. N 23. According to the indictment, it should refer to 1416. Prince Konstantin Dmitrievich ruled Pskov twice, for the first time in 1407. But the statutory charter, which was discussed, should not be attributed to this time because Photius was not yet in Russia. It is not clear which resolutions contradicted the Metropolitan’s previous charter; but it is noteworthy that the Metropolitan exhorts at the end - “strive to show righteous intercession to the Lord’s poor people.” In the charter of Dionysius, it is unfairly given under the name of Rule 5 of the Ecumenical Council. Act. ist. T. 1. No. 26. Letter of Dionysius, also under No. 5. In a similar spirit, Photius’ letter to monk Paul No. 257 was written. The chronicle conveys information about the special circumstances of the birth of this son Vasiliev. When in. Since Sophia suffered from illnesses of his birth, Vasily Dmitrievich sent to ask for prayers to one holy elder who lived in the monastery of John the Baptist “under the forest beyond the Moscow River.” He answered through the messenger to the Grand Duke: “Don’t worry about the princess; She will be healthy and will bear you a son this evening, an heir for you.” And when Vasily, the spiritual father of V. Prince, who lived in the Spassky Monastery near the court of the Grand Duke, was born, suddenly, unknown from whom, he received notification of this and at the same time an order to name the newborn Vasily. In one of our chronicles (the so-called typographical one, containing the history of 1224–1534, M. 1784), it is noted that “I told about seven (about the naming of the name) Stefan the clerk, and about the previous prophecy of the elder Dementiy the printer, and the Grand Duchess Maria appeared to him.” p. 238. Dyak Stefan was mentioned in 1450 under V.K. Vasily Vasilyevich (Act. Arch. Exp. T. 1. p. 36); Vel. K. Mapia should be the wife of Vasily Vasilyevich, Mapia Yaroslavovna. The legend about St. The elder and his predictions refer in some legends to St. Jacob of Zheleznoborovsky, whose monastery was favored by the favors of V.K. Basil Dmitrievich. Histor. epapx. T. IV. page 116. Two spiritual letters of Vasily Dmitrievich without the name Yuri, in the Collection. gram. T. 1. N41 42 In Moscow since the end of May 1425. Nick. Years. T. 5. p. 85. Nikon. Lit. T. 5 pp. 82–85. State collection gram. T. 1. N 43 and 44. See Nick. Years. T. 5. under the indicated years. In 1427, the disease was detected in the form of pimples - if they were blue, they predicted inevitable death; if red, then the sick recovered. The life of St. Paphnutius, described by Vassian Apxiei. Rostov, - in hand. For teachings, see notes. 32 to volume 1 of additions to the Act. Ist., which lists various works of M. Photius according to a manuscript belonging to the Yaroslavl bishop's house. See also the table of contents of the books, who put them together, in the readings of East. General 1846, N 3. p. 77. Sent. in Pskov, by indictment, 1526 Act. Histor. T. 1. N 30. The year of the discovery of the relics of St. Alexy is seen in the “story about Alexy, Metropolitan of All Russia,” placed in Part IV of Nikon. Years. p. 65. Although in general and here, in a special legend “about the discovery of the relics of St. Alexei", ​​printed. in Stepen, book, 1. p. 470., the residence time of the remains of St. Alexei's life in the land is supposed to be 60 years, but this number is only approximate. At the indicated location Nikon. Chronicles of the Finding of St. Alexy's relics directly date back to 1431. Nikon. Years. T. 5. p. 98, Degree. book h. 2. p. 39 In both places it is said that the vision took place on the heel of Bright Week 1430, in Nikonov, added in memory of St. Theodore Vlasyanago, i.e. Trichina. 1430 this day actually falls on Easter, but not on Friday, but on Thursday. “There is no point in delaying,” said Sigismund, the return of the Greeks to the unity of the Church, because they profess the same faith with us, and only differ from us in that their clergy wear beards and have wives. And this should not be a disadvantage to them; their priests are content with one wife, but the Latins keep ten or more.” This speech, notes Dlugosh, really pleased the Russians, who live according to the Greek rite, and confirmed them in their errors (i.e., in the opinion of the Roman clergy). And they called Sigismund the Holy King, because he gave preference to the Greek faith over the Latin one.” Dlugoss. L.Xl. r. 555. Act. West. Ross. T. 2. N 144. Nikonov. Years. V. pp. 96, 97. The circumstances of the last congress are revealed in detail, but not impartially, by Dlugosz. LXI. r. 542 et sequ. See Act. Histor. T. 1, N 259 and 48. Act. Zap. Ross. T. 1 approx. 32 in the manuscript of the bishop's Yaroslavl house. Added to ed. Creation St. Fathers in Russian translation T. IV. about St. Jonah, Metropolitan of Kiev." So according to the chronicles; in some it is further added “in memory of St. Kozma and Damian" see options for Pskov. 1 Years in full collection years IV, 206. Only in Stepen, book. Part 2. p. 47, the death of the Saint is supposed to be July 2. In the legend about the death of M. Photius (Nikonov Degree Book) it is noted that “after the appearance of God’s Angel he lived one summer, three months and twenty days.” It's not fair; there should be one summer and three months without twenty days, which will be 435 days, or 62 weeks. and 1 day. It further says, “And this woman will be fulfilled as a week, according to the word of the Angel of God, seven weeks, and seventy days.” But if we assume the life time after the vision and in the amount as shown in reference. chronicle, (365+90+20+475), and then the explanation will not be entirely accurate (since 7 X 70 = 490). The will of M. Photius is known in two forms - in its original form, probably translated from Greek, it was placed in Sofiysk. Time ed. Stroev, part 2. page 3 et seq. In a revised and distributed form, published in Nik. Years Part V. pp. 100 et seq., in Collection. state Gram. T, 2. p. 18. Later insertions are visible here, among other things, in the fact that the preservation of what Photius acquired is entrusted not only to Vasily Vasilyevich, but also to his children and grandchildren, while V. Prince himself was 15 or 16 years old and was not yet married. It also omits some of the features of this will that we noticed. However, it should be noted that the middle part of it in both forms has a close resemblance to the testament of Cyprian, as was also noted by the chronicler (Sof. Time.). See above p. 38 note. 2 written August 1419 That is, he sealed it with a seal that depicts the Mother of God with the eternal Child in Her bosom. Such an image actually had the seal of the Metropolitan. Handwritten Moscow. Synod. Library XVI century N 466. l. 260, and to Makaryevsk. Great. Less than four months of August. 815. The time of this message can be judged by the following circumstance: when mentioning the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, the writer says that it happened “in these years.” You might be interested in: