1880 год

Thank you very much for the book. – Yesterday I was pleased with the sovereign’s response to our note. – The sovereign said: “I read your note and completely share your view,” and asked how I thought I would take it further. “I asked the sovereign to talk about this with Milyutin and then decide her fate.” – I’ll write to you what happens next. I have the honor to present to Your Highness a copy of the third part of the “Course of Civil Law” that I have just published for your library. Baranov may be tomorrow, Saturday, at 2 o'clock. Today, Friday, Baranov will go out for the first time since his illness and will be with D. A. Milyutin for explanations on a well-known case. Tomorrow, Saturday, he intended, with the permission of Your Highness, to introduce himself to you. I advised him to appear at 2 o'clock, if Your Highness would please to receive him. It is heard that while you were in Gatchina, on Wednesday, Your Highness deigned to approach the pier where our boat is moored. I don’t know if anyone happened on the spot who guessed it or was able to point it out. I did not see the boat and did not approach it, since I did not happen to be near the lake. No matter how much I would like to see Baranov, in order to avoid possible rumors, I think it is better for Baranov not to go. I have made the necessary orders so that everything is ready for Your Highness’s arrival in Gatchina on Tuesday, January 8th. Apart from me, there will be no other board members: only the boats participating in the action will be on site. I wanted to tell Baranov to wait on the spot, since his presence seemed useful to me to clarify the matter, but I stopped in view of Baranov’s current situation. If Your Highness does not deign to recognize his presence in Gatchina as inconvenient, then please let me know. I was just getting ready to write to you about my intention to go to Gatchina tomorrow to inspect the boat. I propose to leave here with a common train at 11:1/4 am. - I propose to go together and let Baranov and Dzhevetsky know. According to Baranov, Your Highness expressed the intention to go to Gatchina this week on Wednesday if there is no hunting. But on Wednesday the arrival of the Empress is expected, along the same road, at 4 o’clock in the afternoon. It occurs to me that if Your Highness deigns to go out to meet us, then maybe we could agree with this and inspect the boat in Gatchina that same morning. You can accept and thank him, but think about how to arrange things. Your Excellency, Dear Sir Konstantin Petrovich. In June 1876, I had the good fortune to submit to the feet of His Imperial Highness the Sovereign, the heir to the Tsarevich, my all-submissive petition for the acceptance of a plot of land belonging to me with a two-story house (located in the Don Army Region, on the shore of the Sea of Azov, near Taganrog, at the Morskaya station) and capital in interest-bearing securities for a nominal amount of 25,000 rubles so that the land, This house and capital served as the basis for the establishment of a school of the Russian Voluntary Fleet in memory of His Imperial Highness’s stay at the theater of military operations during the last Eastern War. After a comprehensive discussion of the above petition, as Your Excellency deigned to explain to me, the Voluntary Fleet Committee found it difficult to organize the proposed school and did not find it possible for the Voluntary Fleet Society to implement my assumption, since such an independent institution would require significant funds for its maintenance, which the Society does not yet have, which is why my assumption could not be realized. Wishing, on my part, to commemorate the stay of the sovereign heir in the theater of military operations with some kind of good deed, I, in return for the above assumption that did not come true, had the good fortune to present 22 thousand rubles in cash at the disposal of His Imperial Highness for the purpose of inventing an underwater vessel that could be of great benefit in a naval war against the enemy. At the present time, I express my readiness to donate another (30,000) thirty thousand rubles in cash for the construction of a house for women's handicrafts at the St. Petersburg school, which has the good fortune to be under the august patronage of His Imperial Highness the Sovereign, the heir to the Tsarevich. Bringing this to the attention of Your Excellency and in accordance with my personal explanations with you and His Excellency Nikolai Andreevich Ermakov, I have the honor to most respectfully add that upon the receipt of the most gracious permission of my most submissive proposal, I will not fail to contribute the capital itself at the direction of Your Excellency. In anticipation of your and Nikolai Andreevich’s favorable reviews, I respectfully ask you to accept the assurance of my deepest esteem, with whom I have the honor to be Your Excellency I sincerely thank you, dear Konstantin Petrovich, for the obligatory message of the returned note. – After reading it, I became scared. All that remains is to ask God - may he turn away all sorts of troubles and misfortunes from us. Thank you very much for Derviz’s letter and for the newspaper articles, which I read with interest and for the most part I completely share these views. I allow myself to most humbly ask Your Imperial Majesty to read the enclosed letter that I received from abroad from Paul von Derwick, and the special note enclosed with it. I am addressing this letter to Your Excellency not out of the right of partnership, which I generally don’t like to refer to, but out of the ever-present need to bother those who are already burdened with business. However, besides this reason, I also have another: for some reason it seems to me that you will take part in my undertaking. I decided to donate a large sum of money (half a million rubles, and if necessary, perhaps more) for the establishment in Russia of an educational institution that would have a special and primarily public purpose. Reflecting on this topic, I came to the following conclusions: 1. Our rural people need daily leaders - better ones than those they currently have. 2. Such leaders cannot be sought either in the abolished nobility, or in the village clergy, or in any class of people that fits the category of “bosses” - in a word, such leaders must be created. 3. The village people here, as elsewhere, need medical care, and they are imbued with extreme distrust of the kind they receive from the zemstvo. 4. If the government took upon itself (as it still does in serious cases) constant care of public health in the villages, then from its agents in this field it would create a class of people who, being in continuous contact with the people, would have every opportunity to gain the favor and trust of the people, without at all becoming their “boss.” 5. Such a class would be useful to both the people and the government only if its influence on the people was well-intentioned and reasonable. Good intentions can be partly ensured by the careful choice of people (doctor, grandmother, nurses); but the quality and extent of the political influence of these people will always depend on the skill and vigilance of the supervision that exists over them. 6. The establishment of such supervision over village hospitals will give rise to the introduction into the village environment of people capable of influence and leadership. 7. In order for these people to be inspired by one common idea, so that they serve the cause only for the sake of the matter, and so that they serve from the heart, it is necessary: ​​to take them from young people who are independent in their condition and prepare them with a special education. 8. The specialty here is a close acquaintance with those subjects that are related to the interests of the peasant; but the main task of a special school is to instill in youth that spirit, not to say, “that pride” that is characteristic of such a high calling. 9. I would like to establish such and such a special institution for youth who have already completed their gymnasium course in Russia If, after reading the previous lines, you felt the urge to smile, throw my letter with all its attachments into the trash bin: I respect your statesmanship, and I will not be offended by the lesson. But if you find that my thought deserves attention, then take the trouble to read the accompanying extract from my literary work dedicated to Russia. You will find there an explanation of the motives, some practical details, and at the same time an indication of the means for carrying out the matter. But I don’t expect a categorical answer from you regarding the officiality of your position, but it’s not difficult for you to let me understand whether what I started is worthwhile. - If your answer morally supports me, then I will present my project either to the heir to the crown prince, or to Count M. T. Loris-Melikov. A presentation to the minister regarding the subject matter is impossible here, because the matter concerns not one, but several ministries. If personal clarifications were required, I am ready to come to St. Petersburg for a short time; but I cannot take on any other personal activities for the new institution. At the same time, I think it would be useful to make a reservation that this proposal is simply motivated by the desire to benefit the homeland, and that I expect rewards for good deeds not in this life, but in the next. Forgive me, Your Excellency, that by my address to you, which may be completely unsuitable, I tore you away from state affairs, and accept the liveliest assurance of the respect and devotion with which I have the honor to be yours 13. EXCERPT FROM AN UNPUBLISHED ESSAY ABOUT RUSSIA. ... The discord in the social system, which has sharply manifested itself here (in Russia) in recent years, is not news in other European countries. Some of them came up with a constitution, others have almost reached anarchy. Everywhere there is turmoil, everywhere there is a struggle among social elements and systematic opposition to the government. The ground on which all internal political disagreements are based is always and everywhere the same: the reluctance to simply and submissively submit to the supreme power - the desire to limit this power. Supreme power, as its very name expresses, cannot be limited, because in this case it ceases to be “supreme”. But to recognize the necessity and benefit of this unlimitedness and therefore not to desire any constitutions does not mean finding that everything is going well, does not mean reconciling with existing inconveniences, does not mean folding one’s hands in trust in God and the police. The life of political units grows and develops, like everything that lives and breathes. As she develops, her needs also change. The task of statesmanship is to grasp the meaning of these needs and find ways to properly satisfy them. In the last 25 years, Russia has gone through so many radical transformations that the former harmony of Russian life could not help but be upset. In its place, a new harmonic structure has not yet been established, but it is needed both in preparing the people for life and activity, and in the direction of this activity. Harmony first of all presupposes meaning. By nature, the Russian people should be recognized as intelligent, and by culture they can be divided into: those who have not studied, those who have not studied, those who have learned, and those who have re-educated. – The uneducated are our peasant people, in their primitive patriarchy. Those who have not completed their studies are the unlucky people from all classes who, by their own will or at the will of their relatives, set out on the path of education, but did not stay on it either due to lack of funds or lack of abilities. Those who have learned are useful or useless citizens, depending on how their activities are directed. Those who have changed their minds, or better said, those who have changed their minds, are the new tyrants who come across in all spheres. It can hardly be said unconditionally that learning makes people happier, but there is no doubt that a person cannot be limited to physical success alone. It is necessary to help his moral development, but we must ensure that this development always corresponds to the means of the person being developed and does not take him out of the probable sphere of his future activity. Failure to comply with these conditions is harmful both to those affected and to the state itself. To develop a person mentally and not give him the opportunity to apply this development to life means to make him tormented by his moral powers, to force him to look for the wrong premises for his moral capital. In the same way: to begin to teach a person and leave him halfway, to the mercy of chance (which almost cannot be favorable to him), means to destroy him. – If you want an example of the former, take a look at the legal profession of Western states, which is a plague there; but for an example of the latter, there is no need to go so far, because our own uneducated youth are a rather clear image. Anyone who has seen the lists of those accused in recent political trials, who has carefully read the testimony of these unfortunates, is clear as day that the main culprit of their crime is their strong will, aroused by difficult circumstances for them and not curbed by the instructions of reason and faith. Only by the expedient direction of this will, only by influencing the correct development of the people can you achieve the eradication of the moral adversity that has visited us... Influence with deeds, influence with advice, influence with education... And give everyone the opportunity to learn, but give it to the extent that the teaching helps his life - and do not lure him with teaching into areas from which you are unable to show him a way out... But if not everyone studies, then where are the factors to influence youth? In our opinion: the first and most important of these is labor. Idleness - harmful in general - is especially harmful because it gives rise to vain dreams. So, leave the peasant boy to work in the field. Teach him to read and write if he or his elders ask you to do so; but teach him only at a time when he has no other activity, or almost no other activity. This means - watch the growing city youth and persecute childish idleness here, just as you persecute children's beggary. This means - do not allow children for whom it is beyond their means to attend gymnasium education, if you do not have the direct goal of preparing them to be leaders in one or another field - or, although you have such a goal, you do not have the rubles that are necessary to bring education to its intended end. This means - do not abandon to the mercy of fate those children who have not succeeded in learning, but show them another outcome: force them to work and do not get tired of influencing them until the habit of this work becomes second nature to them... ...There is no word: to carry out all these tasks, great material and moral forces are needed; but, really, are we as helpless as, in all respects, we agree to admit ourselves, and aren’t we wasting in vain the strength that we have... We think that our helplessness is an empty invention of lazy minds, but that our scope is reckless, and perhaps shameless, then this is the real truth, and if you estimate this arshin, perhaps it’s a measure the real one will come out. Money is dear to you, so don’t waste it in vain: don’t spend it either on an army that is not suitable for war, or on officials who push water, or even fabricate nothing at all, or on charitable institutions that are outdated and, instead of useful, bring harm... Money is dear to you, so don’t be deceived by either guaranteed railway workers or other “government-owned” craftsmen. You need money, so destroy the tax-exempt estates, tax capital, and in land levies, make a distinction between the impoverished family landowner, and the fist-industrialist who has stepped on his throat, and the one buying up his lands... ...and there is no end to these enormous expenses, mercilessly weighing down the state treasury - as, perhaps, there is no end to the sources of income that are now disappearing without a trace. - Count all this, and then decide: is it worth seriously remembering our poverty... Along with the concept of material poverty, the conviction about our moral squalor has taken root. “There are no people” - this is our stereotypical phrase to answer anyone who dares to rely on our moral strength. People really don’t exist and won’t exist until you make them yourself, or some happy accident makes them. People, in the political sense, are not born in the womb of their mother, but emerge from the combination of circumstances and influences. Take advantage of the circumstances, influence openly and boldly, and you will create people for every good need. As an example, I’ll ask you: do you think that in the last war, near Shipka, or in another good place, to freeze your sinful body in order to eventually immediately feed it to the worms - all sorts of fairy-tale heroes came together? selflessness... But no, you don’t think so; otherwise you wouldn’t say that there are no people... We also don’t believe that Russian mothers deliberately gave birth to heroes for this opportunity, but we simply think that the spirit of honor lives in the Russian officers, that the Russian soldier is accustomed to obeying, is accustomed to the hardships of combat and has not yet lost faith in God and the Tsar. They assigned the officer to hard work, almost irresistible work, and he resisted, because it would have been dishonorable not to resist... They gave that officer as many soldiers as he needed, it was terrible for the officer, and even worse for the soldiers; but they are instinctively devoted to the king for whom they are fighting, they are convinced that their deed and death on the battlefield are pleasing to God, in whom they also, instinctively, believe - and they, my dears, stand with a stronghold. Here it is, a marriage of circumstances with influences: circumstances are the spirit of the army, which has developed over centuries; influence is a commander who was able to manage the power entrusted to him and take advantage of its spirit, prompting his squad in time: “You are heroes, prove it in practice.” But perhaps you consider military affairs exceptional, perhaps you think that the excitement inherent in it is the only thing capable of preparing the ground for good influences. We will also answer this with an example. Half a century ago, bribery in courts was a normal principle in our country, which we did not even complain about, because we found it natural and inevitable. Emperor Nicholas decided to eradicate judicial extortions and indicated that the means to achieve this was simply a change of judges. – It was necessary to create new people, and they were created by the establishment of a special school of law. Children who entered this school were taught that they were knights of honesty, they were trained legally and sent to all corners of Russia. Among the new judges, of course, for the first time, there were no such healers as among the old ones; the new judges sometimes made mistakes, as anyone who does anything makes mistakes, but all of them, without exception, set to work from the heart and performed an invaluable service. The revolution they made in the courts belongs to history, and the school of law itself, which was so opportunely established, is now hardly necessary; but the fact remains clear and edifying. The circumstances here were the receptivity of the youthful soil, and the influence was expressed in the ability to take advantage of this soil. - Entering school at the age of 12, 13, the boy already felt like a future warrior for the truth. This dream fed his childhood imagination. Childhood years have passed; this dream became a reality, and Russia received the people it needed. If the education of the people is one of the most important concerns in the state economy, then educate them in accordance with your goals... Our circumstances are anxious, uncertain, confused. Just as before the Crimean War we considered ourselves invulnerable from the outside, so we continue to consider ourselves indestructible in our internal system to this day. But just as courage alone in war and diplomacy is not enough to ensure external peace, so self-confidence alone is not enough to ensure our internal well-being. The French and English, with company, made us understand that we were mistaken in assessing our external strength; our home-grown brawlers make us feel that our inner strength, in its present form, is also not the first treasure. The size of this extract deprives us of the opportunity to touch on all the features of the current Russian warehouse, and we will limit ourselves to only a few comments - regarding the peasants, directly going to the purpose for which this extract was made. ... The peasant people, freed from bondage, at the same time lost their usual guardianship of the landowner. He could not immediately become independent, and therefore his whole life became, as it were, groundless. He lives and acts, firstly, as the owner of the nearest tavern advised him, and then he is guided by the invariable rule: “like people, so do I,” and he is ready to do anything so as not to stand out from his environment, so long as they do not demand personal independence from him. Working primarily for wine, and, compared to before, working little, the peasant does not save a penny to pay taxes, and when the time comes for their payment, he is deprived of his last livestock and is completely ruined. In this extreme, he meets “good people” who inspire him that his misfortune is not due to laziness or the tavern, but to the injustices of the powers that be, and that to eradicate these injustices it is necessary to shed blood, it is necessary to shed a lot of blood; but that behind that there will be lafa, and that there will be no need to work, because there is no end in sight to the wealth that will be taken away from the present people and given to the peasants. ...We think it is impossible to calm down in this state of affairs. It is necessary to find means to replace unsolicited mentors - the innkeeper and the propagandist - with others who are more trustworthy; It is necessary to prevent harmful influences and replace them with useful ones. ...It is easier to influence the people the less the figures intended to do so resemble “the authorities.” Therefore, it would be most natural to influence through the village priests; but our village clergy is unsuitable here. It is unsuitable: because it has not matured to the ability to educate the people, because, from idleness and the lack of serious tasks in life, it is itself prone to daydreaming, and, finally, because it is indifferent to religion, that is, it is alien to precisely that on which its strength should be based. After the clergy, the closest natural leaders could be the landowners, but their moral strength could only be preserved at the moment of the liberation of the peasants - at a time when it was beneficial for both the landowner and the peasant to stick to each other. Now the moral connection between them has already been broken and it is impossible to restore it. We do not think that the police, no matter how perfect you bring it to, could be useful for moral influence on the people. Yes, she has no time for that: at least she can keep track of the evil that has already arisen, and moderate the harm inherent in this evil - so this work is enough for her eyes. Where can we find the power that is necessary for moral influence on the people and for their moral support? But in our opinion, this strength can only be found among people who have devoted themselves to tangible service for the benefit of the people; among people who are in constant contact with the people and have positive data to bind the people to themselves. Fortunately, circumstances have developed in such a way that we already have the beginnings of such an environment; all that remains is to use for moral purposes what has hitherto served only material purposes; it remains to generalize what exists only as a particular... We mean the “Red Cross”, but the “Red Cross” not as an accidental institution, but as a permanent and ubiquitous instrument of moral and material hygiene among peasants, as a refuge for charity for motherless children, as an environment, finally, in which a peasant can find good moral support, and even some informal intercession. The Red Cross, established during the war, continues its work even after its end - therefore, it is recognized as an always useful institution. During the war, Red Cross agents dealt only with the soldier, but now they came into contact with the peasant. This contact, in addition to the benefits, the direct goal of the “Red Cross” component, cannot remain without some moral influence on the people. The more the activities of the Red Cross spread, the more sensitive this influence will be - and if it is recognized, then it is necessary: ​​both to give it a direction that corresponds to the general state goals, and to ensure that it manifests itself in no other way than in this particular direction. Let's look at the subject from the other side. What is the real activity of the Red Cross? - It is that detachments of its agents are sent to places where serious medical or hygienic care is needed. These business trips, independent of the zemstvo institutions that constantly exist, prove that the orders of the zemstvo to protect public health are either not serious or insufficient; and if this is so, then wouldn’t it be simpler in this case to replace the activities of the zemstvo with the activities of another administration. To the above two considerations a third is added. For the care of babies born orphans, there are, strictly speaking, only two real educational homes in Russia - one in each capital. These houses accept homeless children and either raise them themselves or offer them to be raised in villages. In other words: either they kill children in heaps in the unhealthy air of the capital, or they destroy them one by one, giving them to be raised by women whose actions do not have sufficient supervision. To be convinced of the validity of this remark, just look at the mortality rate among children admitted to educational homes. However, this sad charity of illegitimate babies exists, as was said, only in the capitals, in other places it does not exist at all, and there the treatment of newborn orphans becomes more like their deliberate extermination (see the case of midwife Schiffers in Warsaw). If public hygiene requires the attention of the government, despite the orders of the zemstvo; if the birth of nameless children can be ensured only by vigilant local supervision of hired mothers; if, finally, the medical administration scattered throughout Russia (either the Red Cross or zemstvo hospitals) becomes a moral force that cannot be ignored in terms of its influence on the people, then wouldn’t it be better to concentrate this force in one institution and give this institution the direction that is necessary not only for the government, but also for the people themselves? We think that it is better - better, both on the merits of the matter and in terms of the convenience of its formulation. The Russian people believe in the mercy of the Tsar, but have a general distrust of all “authorities”, and, in particular, hate zemstvo hospitals. Therefore, it is necessary to preserve the significance of royal charity for the designed institution, and it is best to call it “Royal Guardianship.” Tsar's care would be carried out in villages by institutions for medical care and hygienic supervision. Let's call them "Sovereign's huts". Each such “hut” must combine: a) a hospital and a hospital for visitors, c) an educational home - in the sense of helping mothers in labor and central management of hired mothers. No duties, other than those that directly correspond to such a “hut” composition, should be assigned to employees in the “hut”; but hut agents are expected to have a good attitude towards the people, and a sincere willingness to serve them with deeds and advice. Attention to the interests of the peasant will not be slow to endear the latter to his new neighbor, and the concept that the sovereign’s favor has been given to this neighbor will be a reason for the peasant to seek rapprochement with the “hut” and in addition to cases of bodily illness. We make such an assumption not only based on the axiom that everyone clings to someone who is needed or pleasant to him, but we also make it based on the experience that has already turned out in practice in the relations of peasants to those landowners who, having finished with emancipation, managed to make themselves personally necessary to their former peasants. These landowners, in practice, retained the same unconditional power that they used under serfdom; but the basis of this power is now no longer the law, but the rational and good influence of the landowner... And the men come to him with all kinds of business; whatever, whatever they ask him about. And about whether it is necessary to go to the peace officer when they are called, but it seems that no opportunity has happened - and about whether the order really came out to exterminate all cattle, because, well, they are plagued - and about whether the taxes have been calculated correctly, and about whether it is true that according to the English faith, a Turk has been appointed older than an Orthodox one... Such and such landowners should take an example from those who will serve in the “huts” or who will supervise this service. “If a man asks you to believe what a simple score is, believe me, he will come for advice: how to deal with this or that matter that concerns him,” if the question is simple, if there was enough sense in the “hut,” give advice, and if the question is beyond the strength of the local board, point the man to the person who has been appointed to oversee izboy, - of course, calling him not with some kind of commanding title, but simply Grigory Ivanovich, Pyotr Nikiforovich, or whatever it may be. - A man will come to such Pyotr Nikiforovich with some kind of complaint about fate or the powers that be... listen to him with patience, show him every sympathy, do not inflame his complaints, reason with him in whatever way you can - and what’s in his words It will indeed turn out to be similar to harm, and to oppression, bring this to the attention of the appropriate authorities, who will figure out what is the matter and what is not the matter. Note. In the essay on Russia, from which this article is borrowed, the governor is considered as the central authority in all institutions (except the court), and therefore it says: “bring it to the attention of the governor.” According to the proposed task, the composition of employees in each hut should be approximately the following: a doctor, a grandmother, a paramedic (aka secretary), two nurses and the required number of servants. All writing of the “izba” should be limited to keeping an account of the persons who come into the care of the “izba”, and the money and materials spent by the “izba”. The leaders of the “hut” activities and observers, both to ensure that this reality corresponds to the direct benefit of the class for which the “huts” were established, and also to ensure that the moral influence of local leaders corresponds to the types of government, are special persons - inspectors. A special institution is proposed to prepare people for service as inspectors. Let's call it a “people's lyceum.” Strictly speaking, the specialty here is not particularly exceptional: you need to know peasant life and ways to possibly improve it, you need to know the laws relating to the peasant sphere... that's probably all. But, in addition to this scientific specialty, a heartfelt specialty is needed here. - Having gathered in the institutions of royal guardianship from all over Russia, the leading (inspecting) youth would not form a caste, but would form an army, the purpose of which is: to protect the fatherland from its internal enemy; and in this animation lies the secret of success. Only education, whose goal would be inscribed on its very banner, can inspire here... Teaching in a lyceum should be predominantly practical, and therefore the location of the lyceum should be a village. It is desirable to fill the lyceum with rich people: 1., so that they themselves pay for their education, 2., because the service for which the lyceum is intended to prepare should not be paid, and 3. in order to remove from activities based on trust people who come from God knows where. To attract rich people to the lyceum, you need to surround it with benefits and hopes for a career. Note. If the title of governor will someday be given a serious centralizing significance, and if our State Council is destined to become an institution whose activities would be reflected not only on paper, but also in the life of the people, then service with the rank of “Inspector of the Sovereign's Huts” would be the best preparation for both gubernatorial and higher state activities. To enter the lyceum it would be necessary: ​​1. To present a certificate of completion of a gymnasium course, or to pass an exam according to a special program (not too onerous). 2. Be at least twenty years old; and 3. Belong to the Orthodox faith. The lyceum course should be approximately three years. In the last year, lyceum students must be assigned to the “huts” to study the matter in reality. The funds for the establishment of the lyceum are indicated in the letter in which this extract is presented, and as for the funds for the maintenance of the royal guardianship, these are the ones that catch your eye first: 1. Amounts (over seven million rubles) that the zemstvo annually spends on items that are beyond its jurisdiction; 2. Amounts currently spent by Red Cross institutions; 3. Amounts that can be saved by abolishing the currently existing educational institutions, and, by the way, by abolishing all other outdated institutions of Empress Maria - of course, with the exception of hospitals; 4. Large sums that can be obtained from more rational exploitation or from the sale to private hands of a card factory - also for some reason listed among charitable institutions.