II век

No matter how much the 2nd century has in common. church history with the III in the external life of Christianity (persecution), and in the internal (in a state, for example, enlightenment), nevertheless it (II century) bears on itself, especially in its first half, in the era of the apostolic men, a special stamp that brings it somewhat closer to the apostolic age. The worship of this century could not fail to have a special character. For worship, this was a transition from apostolic freedom and pioneer formation to those firm norms and stable orders that the third century already gives us in many places, especially in its canonical monuments. Therefore, the second century fully deserves independent consideration by a historian of worship. Indications for worship in the 2nd century. can be found primarily in the writers of that time, that is, in the writings of the apostolic men and apologists. This is the message of St. Barnabas (70–100), 1 Epistle of St. Clement, bishop Roman (c. 96), “The Shepherd” of Hermas (100–150), letters of St. Ignatius the God-Bearer (†107 or 115), epistle of St. Polycarp of Smyrna († 167), first apology for St. Justin the Philosopher (139), epistle to Diognetus by an unknown author, works of St. Irenaeus of Lyons († 202) Important information about worship was preserved in the writings of pagan writers of that time; especially in Pliny’s letter to Emperor Trajan and in the satire of Lucian of Samosata (in the second half of the 2nd century) “On the Death of Peregrin.” But perhaps the most important liturgical monument of this era is the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” (Διδαχὴ τω ν δ ώ δεκα ἀποστόλων). The discovery of this monument by Metropolitan Philotheus Bryennios of Nicomedia in 1875 in the library of the Jerusalem courtyard in Constantinople and his publication of it in 1883 created an era in the study of the ancient history of Christianity. Clement of Alexandria († 217) 255 has traces of acquaintance with this monument. Eusebius of Caesarea classifies it among the controversial and forged books of the New Testament 256, and Athanasius the Great as non-canonical, but readable, along with the Wisdoms, Esther, Judith, Tobit 257. Various scientists attribute the time of writing the monument to different years, ranging from 70 to the 5th-6th centuries; the majority and most authoritative teachings place it in 100–135 (Funk, Harnack) 258. The great antiquity of the monument is evidenced by the existence in its era of ministries - apostles, prophets and teachers, and the extreme simplicity of the monument. This monument underlies the VII book. "Apostolic Constitutions". Divine service according to Pliny's letter As for the circle and composition of the worship service at that time, we have the most detailed and valuable information about this in the famous letter of the Bithynian proconsul Pliny Secundus or the younger to the emperor. Trajan from 111–115 259. Having carried out an inquiry about Christians, their teaching and behavior on behalf of the emperor, Pliny reports 260: “they (Christians) swear that their entire guilt or error lies in the fact that they are in the habit of meeting on a certain day before dawn (stato die ante lucem convenire) and singing alternately with each other a song to Christ as God (carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem) and also to bind oneself with an oath (sacramento se obstringere) not to commit any crime, but not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery, not to violate fidelity, or to refuse a pledge, if it were required. Having done this, they usually dispersed, and then gathered again to take food, ordinary, however, and innocent (promiscuum Tamen et innoxium). But they abandoned this too when, on your orders, I issued an order prohibiting secret meetings (hetairias).” The letter is reproduced in Tertullian, and the passage about liturgical meetings is conveyed: “a pre-dawn meeting for singing (ad canendum) to Christ and God and for a joint commitment to discipline (ad confoederandam disciplinam)” 261, and in Eusebius, where the same passage is conveyed as follows: “Christians rise very early and sing the praises of Christ as God” 262. The testimony of Pliny shows that the Christians of that time had, at least on holidays, two liturgical meetings - one in the dead of morning, the other in the afternoon or evening. The first meeting described by Pliny is the oldest type of morning worship, Matins. The meeting begins at night, but apparently shortly before dawn. With such a meeting, Christians partly violated the prohibition of night meetings already contained in the laws of the XII tables. But it is possible that they were forced to meet at night because of persecution for their faith. However, Christians had other, stronger motives for night prayer. The night, with its mystery, generally favored prayer and was chosen for worship by both paganism 263 and Judaism 264. Based on some gospel sayings, Christians could expect the second coming of Christ at midnight - a very strong motive for night meetings, given the tense expectation of this coming at that time. Lactantius (IV century) directly speaks about this motive: “we hold vigils at night in view of (propter) the coming of the King and our God” 265. but it seems that the strongest motive for the night service was the fact that the resurrection of Christ took place at night, before dawn, and was discovered in the deep morning “in the still present darkness.” Any matins in general were considered by the ancients, as evidenced by other monuments of the 2nd-3rd centuries. (as we will see below) as a service in honor of the resurrection of Christ; Sunday Matins especially should have had this meaning. The composition of the morning service in the news of the pagan, to whom, of course, Christian liturgical terminology was alien and completely incomprehensible, and who translated it into ordinary language, is presented in the form of two parts: carmen and some kind of oath, sacramentum. Carmen usually means verse; this word denoted everything written in verse: inscriptions, oracle prophecies, laws, prayers, songs. Therefore, here, too, prayers and songs in honor of Christ could be embraced by this word; it indicates that both were short and had a poetic form. The subject of these verses is Christ and the glorification of His deity, which may indicate the predominance of a purely Christian element in the songs and the insignificance of the Old Testament (a conclusion consistent with Eph. 5:19 and the 3rd century monument “Testament of Our Lord Jesus Christ”, discussed below). The image of the performance of “verses” is indicated by the word “dicere”, which, although it can mean singing (translated this way by Tertullian), but rather indicates singing alternating with reading or similar to it, recitative (indicating the simplicity of primitive Christian singing). More specifically, the image of this reading or singing of a “verse” in honor of Christ is defined as mutual in the congregation - secum invicem. This expression is understood to mean that the believers took turns singing their own song, a practice pointed out by St. Paul in 1 Cor. 14:26 (“each of you should have his own psalm”) and existed even during the time of the Council of Laodicea (which, by rule 59, prohibited this improvisation by the laity of their songs) 266 . But the addition of secum to invicem rather indicates a general mutual singing - antiphonal, hypophonic (with the last words being sung along by the entire assembly) or epiphonic (with a special chorus joining the singing by the entire assembly 267). Evidence from other monuments about the existence of these types of singing at that time makes this meaning most likely for this expression. The fact that this feature of Christian singing is noted in a brief and official report indicates that in divine services antiphonal singing had already begun to win the prominent place that it received later (in the IV-VI centuries) in the so-called song sequence with its three-antiphonal system. As for the other part of the Christian morning worship, for Pliny’s mysterious expression about it: “they are bound by an oath...”, a satisfactory explanation has not yet been found in science. Taking this literally about the oath does not allow the general view of Christianity on the oath and the absence of any news about the use of a general oath during worship. For baptismal vows 268 this expression is too strong, and baptism could not be performed at every morning service. The explanation is quite artificial that here we mean reading the word of God, in particular the decalogue, which contains precisely the prohibition of all the sins named here and in the same order, reading, to which was added an exhortation to keep these commandments, to which exhortation (sermon) the congregation responded “Amen”, and this was a kind of oath; Christians could use this term to designate the reading of Holy Scripture and preaching, since they loved to call themselves “the army of Christ” militia Christi, and sacramenti se obstringere usually meant a military oath. Perhaps there is some kind of ritual here that later fell into disuse, but the ritual is apparently very deep and amazing. In addition, this expression stands in connection with the accusation of Christians in forming secret communities (heteria), whose members bound themselves with an oath for solidarity in the implementation of their party enterprises. As for the second meeting of Christians on a “certain day” (Sunday), Pliny’s expression “for eating” leaves no doubt that the Eucharist or agape is meant here. The time of day at which the second meeting took place is not stated; but its opposition to the morning and the practice of the apostolic time and the 3rd century. forces it to be placed in the evening, earlier or later. In the morning, in ancient times, they did not take food at all, except for the old and small, especially since there could not be a common meal in the morning 269. Some difficulty is presented by the immediate definition given by Pliny of the food that Christians took at this meeting, that it was “ordinary and innocent.” Until now, this expression was understood as a counterbalance to the accusation of Christians of killing children for agape 270. But such accusations against Christians began much later than Pliny: they are not mentioned in the most ancient apologies: the letter to Diognetus, the apology of Aristides, written to the successor of Trajan 271. The first to mention such an accusation is St. Justin Martyr, and attributes the invention and dissemination of this accusation to the Jews 272. The expression “ordinary food (promiscuum - public and common, ἐπικοινòς and κοινòς) and innocent” indicates the simplest and most modest food and is meant to show that Christians with their meals do not violate a number of Roman laws issued shortly before this time against luxurious feasts (leges sumptuariae), i.e. those same heteria (or sodalitates) mentioned by Pliny 273 . In particular, writers of that time often called “innocent” (innoxiud) food lean food without meat 274 . But the special penchant of Christians for such food is indicated by St. Paul 275, Clement of Alexandria. Thus, the testimony of Pliny, in this understanding, sheds upon us a curious light 276 both on the very food of Christian agapes and on the first embryos of the Christian fasting diet; Agapes had modest and Lenten meals, maybe with fish 277. According to apocrypha of the 2nd century. “The Acts of Paul and Thekla” on the tomb was “ἀγάπη πολλἡ, gaudium magnum: the youth brought five pieces of bread with salt, and in addition herbs and water” 278. Such food was more worthy of being eaten with the Eucharist than meat. Agape according to the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” and other monuments Pliny's news leaves no doubt that at this time the Eucharist was celebrated together with the agapes. But the same practice is indicated by another monument of the same era, “The Teaching of the 12 Apostles.” Here is the prayer before the Eucharist over the cup and broken bread and the prayer “after being fed” (chapters 9 and 10). Both the very content of these prayers and the inscription of the 2nd clearly show that the Eucharist was combined with the usual meal. It is remarkable that in the Apostolic Constitutions (commemorated in the 4th century) these same prayers are given in a modified form to accommodate one Eucharist without a meal, and the inscription “after saturation” is replaced by “after communion.” 279 These prayers are in the “Teaching of the 12th Apostle.” are accompanied by the remark that the prophets can “give thanks” (that is, say prayers at the Eucharist) “as much as they wish” 280. Consequently, since the monument had only local significance, the examples of Eucharistic prayers given in the monument can be looked at as a private attempt to replace prayer improvisation with a monotonous scheme 281. If such an attempt was made regarding the Eucharist, then for other church services the former freedom in prayers and chants should have existed for a long time. The celebration of the Eucharist together with the Agapeans at this time is confirmed by St. Ignatius the God-Bearer: “It is not permissible not to baptize without a bishop, nor to celebrate the supper of love,” he writes to the Smirnians 282; only a sacrament could be compared with baptism. Of the other writers of that time, the author of the Epistle to Diognetus mentions agapes, but too briefly to allow new data to be extracted on this subject: Christians “have a common meal, but not a simple one” 283. The expression may speak for the inseparability of the Eucharist from agape. Liturgy and agape according to St. Justin Martyr St. Justin the Martyr in his 1st apology makes it clear that in his time a significant change had occurred in the mutual relationship between the Eucharist and agape. The Eucharist has become so isolated as an independent service that when describing it, St. Justin makes no mention of any kind of meal at all. But in connection with the Eucharist, he mentions help from the rich to the poor, which is usually understood as an indication of agape, which has already assumed a purely charitable character. Here are the passages from St. Justin, related here. “We lead the newly baptized person to the so-called brethren in a general meeting in order to with all diligence perform common prayers both for ourselves and for the enlightened and for all others everywhere, so that we, having learned the truth, may appear in deeds as good citizens and doers of the commandments to receive eternal salvation. At the end of our prayers, we greet each other with a kiss. Then bread and a cup of water and wine are brought to the leader of the brethren.” A description of the Eucharist follows and an explanation of its meaning and institution, after which the apologist continues: “And those of us who are sufficient help the poor, and we always live at one with each other. For all the blessings we receive, we glorify the Creator of all things through the Son Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit. On the so-called day of the sun, we have a gathering in one place of all those living in cities and villages and read as much as time allows (μέχρι εγχωρεì) the memoirs (ἀπομνημεύματα) of the apostles and the scriptures (συγγράμματα ) prophets. Then, when the reader (ὁ ἀναγιγ ώ σκων) stops, the primate gives instructions and exhortations to imitate those beautiful things. Then we all get up and say prayers. When we finish the prayer, then, as I said above, bread and wine and water are brought, and the primate also sends out prayers and thanksgiving as much as he can.” A briefer description of the Eucharist is given than before. “But those who are sufficient and willing, each according to his own will, give what they want, and what is collected is kept by the primate, and he has care for the orphans and widows. On the day of the sun, we all generally hold a meeting, because this is the first day on which God, having changed darkness and matter, created the world, and Jesus Christ, our Savior, rose from the dead on the same day” 284. St. Justin says nothing about the time of day for this liturgical meeting, but the fact that this meeting was preceded by baptism does not allow us to assign it to the morning and, therefore, to identify it with Pliny's "pre-dawn meeting", as the old church historians did, naively trusting Pliny's bureaucratic boastful statement that he forced Christians to stop their evening meals, and believing that Trajan was forced to celebrate the Eucharist were rescheduled for the morning. Thus, the practice described by Justin must be no different from that of Pliny. But Justin’s testimony is important in that it points to a completely established ritual of the Eucharist, which has a preparatory part quite noticeably separated from it, consisting of reading and prayer. This is the part that subsequently formed what was called the τà τυπικà liturgy (or liturgy of the catechumens) in contrast to its canon and which served as the prototype of Vespers. In addition, Justin clearly places the eating of the Eucharist before the charitable meal (agape). The apocrypha “Acts of the Ap.” also speaks about this practice. John,” according to which the apostle and a certain Andronikos perform a commemoration at the grave of the latter’s wife on the third day after her death: after the Eucharist, to which the deceased also stood, the believers ate food 285. At the same time, St. Justin states the transition of Agap into a purely charitable institution 286. Elsewhere, St. Justin supplements the information provided here with the evening service, noting that at it “solemn actions and songs are performed through the word (πόμπας καì ὕ μνους) for the fact that we were created, for all the means to our well-being, for various kinds of works, for the changes of times” and petitions are sent “that we may be resurrected for singing" 287 . (The content of the prayers is close to the prayers of the “Teachings of the 12 Apostles”) What is remarkable here is the mention of solemn actions during the service, which is new in comparison with other monuments (maybe litias, exits to prayer). The satirist Lucian of Samosata (second half of the 2nd century) ascribes to the founder of Christianity the establishment of “new mysteries”, calling so obviously Christian worship, and says that when Peregrinus, the hero of the satire, who fraudulently achieved the most prominent position among Christians, becoming their prophet, thyasarch, synagogeus and primate, was imprisoned, then “very early in the morning a crowd of old women, widows and orphans." “And among them the heads of the sect, bribing the guards, spent the whole night with him; while having elaborate dinners (δει πνα ποικίλα), they read their sacred books... thanks to the imprisonment, large sums of money were brought to Peregrinus” 288. Here again, Christian worship is reduced to suppers, and, like Justin, a prominent place in this sacred supper is occupied by the reading of Holy Scripture, which, apparently, Pliny does not mention. One might think that this element of worship now came to the fore for the first time and took a special and prominent position next to songs and prayers, thanks to the final formation of the New Testament canon. Thus, no matter how fragmentary and sparse the news from the 2nd century is. about the church services of that time, this news authorizes the conclusion that there were two services during the day - one in the morning, the other in the evening. The first consisted of songs and prayers and, perhaps, reading of Holy Scripture; on the second, in addition to all this, the Eucharist and agape were celebrated. The second service was the most important, behind which the first seemed to remain in the shadows, which is why a number of the listed monuments do not mention at all the first, morning service without the Eucharist and agape. The “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” does not mention it either, speaking about the Eucharist and agape more than once 289. It is impossible not to notice during the 2nd century. the gradual process of separating the Eucharist from agape as its independent and holiest part, whereas in the apostolic age they apparently merged into one whole and holy (however, the Apostle Paul also shows a desire for such a separation in his instructions to the Corinthians about the reverent acceptance of the Eucharistic Gifts). Already the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” speaks of the Eucharist without mentioning agapes. In Justin, agape is completely lost near the Eucharist; it is not described or named. In any case, now the Eucharist on agape began to precede the reception of other food. It is also remarkable that most of the monuments of the 2nd century. they talk about worship only on Sunday (except for Pliny and Justin, and the Teaching of the 12 Apostles: “on the Lord’s Day, having gathered together, break bread and give thanks, having first confessed your sins, so that your sacrifice may be pure.” 290 But in view of the fact that both from the apostolic age and from the 3rd century we have evidence of the daily celebration of the Eucharist, we must think that such the practice existed even now. Probably on Sundays there were general meetings of Christians throughout the city, the entire bishopric and diocese, and on weekdays private meetings in the houses of the diocese at that time were often no larger than the current parishes 292, so that general meetings took place for the most part at the bishop’s: “try to have one Eucharist,” writes St. Ignatius to the Philadelphians, “for there is one Flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ. and one cup for the unity of His Blood, one altar, as well as one bishop with the presbytery and deacons”; “where the shepherd is, there you, like sheep, go” 293. Nevertheless, the exhortation to have one Eucharist from the bishop shows that there was not always one for the Christians of a famous city. Elsewhere, St. Ignatius exhorts not to hold prayer meetings without a bishop, or at least without presbyters 294. Was not abandoned in the 2nd century. The custom adopted by the first Christians from the Old Testament Church was to sanctify with prayer the three most important times of the day - morning, noon and evening. “Do not pray like hypocrites (i.e. Jews, as the context shows), says the Teacher. 12 apostles, but as the Lord commanded in the Gospel, pray thus: Our Father,” the Lord’s Prayer is quoted and added: “Pray thus three times a day” 295. Here one can see an indication of the continued use of Jewish prayers (shema and shemonesre) for three prayer hours among Christians even at this time and a decisive demand to replace these prayers with purely Christian ones. As these prayer hours, monuments of the apostolic time and the 3rd century. called 3, 6 and 9th. Consequently, They were honored with prayer in the 2nd century. Thus, here we have the first embryo of the current rite of the clock: it consists for now of one Lord’s Prayer, which still occupies the central and main place in the clock. The hours do not yet have a Christian sign, but are consecrated by prayer, simply as the most important parts of the day. As for the composition of the services of that time, the news already given about them outlines it in general terms. A number of other pieces of information allow us to say even more on this issue. First of all, there is no doubt that in divine services there was already a fairly firmly and definitely established order, an order from which deviation was prohibited. Clement, bishop Roman, writes to the Corinthians (c. 100): “we must do in order everything that the Lord commanded to be done at certain times. He commanded that offerings and services (προσφορàς καì λειτουργία - probably the Eucharist and other services) be performed not randomly and not without order, but at certain times and hours. Also, where and through whom this should be accomplished, He Himself determined by His highest will. So, those who offer their sacrifices at the appointed times are pleasing to Him and blessed.” 296 /. Components of worship. a) Prayer The first and most important component of every divine service, prayer at St. Ignatius is considered as the best means of church communication, subject to close unity in it: “In a general meeting, let you have one prayer, one petition, one mind, one hope.” Thus, to prayer and unity in it, gl.o. now that κοινων ί α (communion) has been reduced, which in the apostolic era was the constant co-presence or community of believers, quite possible given their then small number 297. The main subject of prayer was the brothers of the same faith: “Pray for all the saints,” exhorts St. Polycarp 298, but according to the commandment of the Apostle, prayer extended to all people: “And for other people, pray unceasingly, for they have hope of repentance in order to come to God,” writes St. Ignatius 299. “Pray also for kings, for powers and princes, even for those who persecute you and for the enemies of the cross,” exhorts St. Polycarp 300 As we have seen, the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” gives the oldest recorded formula for the Eucharistic prayer; it also indicates the use of the Lord's Prayer. The existence of a number of specific prayers and the central position among them of the Lord's Prayer is apparently indicated by the expression of St. Polycarp: “Let us watch in prayers, abide in fasting; in our prayers let us ask the all-seeing God not to lead us into temptation” 301. Next to prayer came the development of another component of the service - chants. We have seen how Pliny reduces the entire morning service to it. At St. In Ignatius's dying messages, church hymns sound incessantly, revealing in him a great lover of singing: “form a choir with love and sing a song of praise to the Father in Christ Jesus” 302; “Make every one of you a choir, so that, being in tune in one mind, having begun a song to God in unison, you unanimously sing it to the Father through Jesus Christ” 303. Therefore, one cannot suspect the news of Socrates’ “Ecclesiastical History” that it was Ignatius who introduced antiphonal singing in the Antiochian Church 304 as historically unreliable. If so, then the antiphonal method of singing began, therefore, already from the 2nd century. predominant and characteristic in the Eastern Church (three-antiphonal system) in contrast to the Western, where the hypophonic and epiphonic (responsorships) are more accepted. What a deep impression was made at first by the antiphonal method of singing, alien to simple antiquity (in Old Testament worship, as we have seen, its existence is doubtful), is shown by the tradition that the historian Socrates adds to his news of the introduction of antiphonal singing by St. Ignatius, - that Ignatius was inspired by the idea of ​​​​this singing by a vision of angels praising God in this way. And how new antiphonal singing was for the Christian church of that time is shown by the slowness and difficulty with which it spread. In the same Antioch, in which the beginning of this singing is associated with the name of Ignatius, over its establishment in the 4th century. they work, according to the testimony of Bl. Theodoret, presbyters Diodorus and Flavian 305. When St. Basil the Great introduced this singing in the Neocaesarian Church, but its clergy opposed it, citing the ancient practice of communal singing, adopted from the founder of the church, St. Gregory of Neocaesarea, to which Basil the Great replies to the neo-Caesareans that antiphonal singing is already accepted in Egypt, Libya, Palestine, Arabia, Phenicia, and Syria. In the West, this chant was first introduced by St. Ambrose (IV century) in the Mediolan Church 306, from there it was transferred to the north. Africa bl. Augustine (5th century), and in the Roman Church adopted under Pope Celestine I (422–432) 307. Innovation of St. Ignatius, with one fact, speaks of how much the singing material of the divine service had increased by that time. The reason for this growth was probably the hymnographic activity of the Gnostics, which encouraged the shepherds to fight them with the same weapon, that is, by composing their own songs. So Valentine and other Gnostics composed psalms 308 to spread their false teachings. The songs of Vardesan survived until the time of St. Ephraim the Syrian (IV century) 309. But from the Orthodox hymnals of the 2nd century. Only the name of the martyr Athenogenes († 169) has reached us, about whom St. Basil the Great says that before his death he composed a song, which became very famous and was preserved for a long time (this song, as we will see, is considered “Quiet Light”). St. Justin the Martyr is credited with 310 compiling the lost book Ψάλτης (singer), which must have been a collection of songs (called psalms, perhaps because paganism made the name “hymns” hateful to Christians) 311 . Eusebius cites one message against the heresy of Artemon from the 3rd century, which by the way says: “how many psalms and songs (ᾠ δαì) were written in ancient times by the believing brethren, theologically singing (ὑμνου σι θεολογου ντες) Christ as the Word of God” 312. In the acts of martyrdom of St. Ignatius says that the saint’s admirers sang hymns at his tomb for several days 313. Reading Holy Scripture. Formation of the New Testament Canon The initial history of the liturgical use of Holy Scripture is closely connected with the history of the New Testament canon. The first definite evidence of the reading of Holy Scripture during Christian worship is the above passage from St. Justin Martyr about reading in the “assembly of the brethren” the “memoirs of the apostles and the writings of the prophets”, a place speaking about the practice around 140. That by this time the New Testament writings, despite almost the entire volume of their current canon, received equal authority in the eyes of Christians with the Old Testament, this is proven by constant references to them in the writings of that time and the desire to establish harmony of the two testaments (by this the latter, one might say, is exclusively occupied by the letter of St. Barnabas, which appeared at the end of the 1st century). Of course, the New Testament writings did not acquire such self-respect and the honorable place associated with this respect in worship immediately and not without struggle. In this regard, what was said should have been of great importance. Paul and the idea of ​​the New Testament in general, developed in detail by him, which assigned the entire Old Testament, and therefore its writings, apparently not a very high place. Taken to the extreme by Marcion, this idea even led the latter to completely reject the Old Testament and strive to replace all of its books with Paul’s epistles. Marcion's teaching on this point was undoubtedly a continuation of those disputes regarding both testaments that began under the apostles between Judeo-Christians and linguistic Christians, and an echo of which back in the 4th century. is the recognition of the conciliar epistles and the Apocalypse belonging to the Jewish apostles as “controversial” (ἀντιλεγόμενα). Only gradually could Judeo-Christians be inclined to recognize the New Testament in the composition in which it included not only the writings of the apostles of the circumcision, but also writers who declared themselves to be the apostles of the tongues, i.e. Paul and his assistants (the latter could also include St. Mark, who was, as it were, a mediator of both directions and therefore placed between Matthew and Luke 314. On the other hand, linguistic Christians, only with a final clarification in the church consciousness of the degree of binding that the Old Testament law could still have, could call the Old Testament their own and establish the apostle. Peter on a par with St. Pavel. As the heresies of the Ebionites, and especially the Gnostics and Manichaeans, show, the 2nd century is still a witness to this struggle between two directions in Christianity, and the greatest honor for the Church of Christ is that it, initially composed of an overwhelming majority of pagans, and in the 2nd century. and having completely broken with Judaism, on the issue of the inspired canon and its use in worship, she opposed a current so natural in these circumstances as Marcionism, and declared not only the writings of all the apostles to be equivalent, but also the Old Testament in divine inspiration equal to the New. But what according to St. Justin's reading of the “memoirs of the apostles preceded the “prophetic writings” clearly shows at what stage in the 2nd century. There was also a question about the meaning of the Old Testament: in the 3rd century. The Old Testament readings already precede the New Testament readings. Traces of this heated struggle between two directions of theological thought in the 2nd century around the question of the comparative significance of the writings of the apostles of circumcision and the apostle. Paul has also preserved our current order of liturgical readings from the New Testament: conciliar epistles are not read at all on Sundays and follow Paul’s in the church year; The Gospel of Mark is read in fasting and occupies the same place in the annual readings as the conciliar epistles; an exception is made for ev. Matthew, as the oldest and most revered in the primal church. In the New Testament canon already in the 2nd century. are clearly distinguished as its two parts - the Gospels on the one hand and other apostolic writings on the other. “Let us resort to the Gospel as the flesh of Jesus,” says St. Ignatius, “and to the apostles, as the presbytery of the church” 315. St. Irenaeus already proves the impossibility of another number of Gospels than 4. “Since there are 4 countries of the world in which we live, and 4 main winds, and since the Church is scattered throughout the whole earth, and the pillar and confirmation of the Church is the Gospel and the Spirit of life, then it must have 4 pillars, breathing incorruption from everywhere and reviving people. And the Cherubim have 4 faces and their faces are images of the activity of the Son of God... The animals are four-shaped, and the Gospel and the activity of the Lord are four-shaped. And therefore, 4 main covenants were given to humanity: one under Adam before the flood, another after the flood under Noah, the third legislation under Moses, the fourth renewing man and reducing everything in itself through the Gospel... When God created everything harmoniously and in accordance, then the Gospel also had to have a well-ordered and foldable appearance. Having examined the opinion of those who gave us the Gospel on the basis of their own principles, let us now move on to the other apostles” 316. But St. Irenaeus lived at the end of the 2nd century. The expression of St. Justina on the liturgical reading of the New Testament does not yet posit such a distinction between the Gospels and other apostolic writings. Characteristic in this expression is the name of the apostolic writings “memoirs”, when most of them bear the inscription of epistles and have the character of the latter, and when it would be most accurate to designate the totality of their writings, as they are called by St. Justin's Old Testament books. Doesn’t this name indicate the predominant use of apostolic writings with a narrative character during the divine services of that time, i.e. Gospels and Acts? And in our current worship, the Gospel has a wider use than the Apostle; in Coptic worship, which has preserved traces of deep ancient practice, the Gospel is laid down at each daily service. At the same time, Justin’s expression may indicate that the Gospels in his time were not sharply separated from the Acts, which was so natural when the latter had the same author with the 3rd Gospel. Even in the monuments of the 3rd century, as we will see, the New Testament is divided into three parts: the Gospel, Acts and Epistles, and not into 2 (Gospel and Apostle). A trace of such a high view of antiquity on the Acts in our present worship is their use during the period of Pentecost. Giving a place of honor in the New Testament canon to the Gospels could easily and early be facilitated by their analogy with the “law” (Torah) of the Old Testament canon, which in ancient times was divided into two main parts - the law and the prophets. It seems that the Gospels themselves have in mind their analogy with the Pentateuch, when, for example, Ev. Matthew heads his first section “the book of Genesis” (βίβλος γενέσως, Slav. “book of kinship”), and Ev. John begins with the first words of Genesis 317 Method of reading Holy Scripture As for the manner of reading Holy Scripture during divine services in the 2nd century, the above-mentioned only evidence of this reading from the 2nd century allows us to speak about it. (St. Justin) that it was performed by the reader (ὁ ἀναγιγν ώ σκων), and not by the head of the meeting (bishop or presbyter), who spoke after the reading with a teaching. An echo of this distribution of reading and teaching during divine services in our current divine services is the obligatory reading of the Gospel during the liturgy by a deacon, and not by a priest. Nothing is known about the selection of readings. The sermon was closely connected with the reading of Holy Scripture. How significant a place she occupied at every liturgical meeting is shown by the exhortation of St. Barnabas: “you should not separate from others, but, gathering in one place, examine what is decent and useful for all beloved in general” 318. Initially in the 2nd century. with the incomplete general knowledge of the apostolic writings, with hesitation about their authenticity caused by the appearance of the apocrypha, with the brewing opposition to Judaism, which was unfavorable to the widespread use of the Old Testament writings during divine services, the sermon during the divine service could, if not replace the reading of Scripture, constantly and entirely based on it, then at least occupy a more prominent position in it. This was also facilitated by the continued activity in the church of spiritual gifts - apostleship, prophecy and teaching, which imparted almost the same stamp of inspiration to church preaching as the writings of the apostles themselves had. At least the writings of such apostles, prophets and teachers as Barnabas and Hermas have long been put on an equal footing with the apostolic ones. But Hermas also sends out and publishes his prophecies through the elders, led by Clement, remarking: “for he (Clement) has been given this,” as well as reads them in the city together with “the elders, the leaders of the church” 319. Thus, the right to preach is increasingly asserted by the church hierarchy. In the testimony of Justin, therefore, around the half of the second century, only the primate preaches in the church, although spiritual prophetic gifts also existed in the time of Irenaeus 320. The further, however, the more the sermon during the service had to give up its former place to the reading of Holy Scripture. Our current charter, by assigning the reading of paternal conversations during the morning service, wants to preserve the memory of the most ancient type of worship. Church year in the 2nd century. Sunday Church year in the 2nd century. develops as much through the multiplication of holidays and memories as through the strengthening and deepening of those inherited from the previous period. Thus, Sunday completely replaces Saturday. It is the only one mentioned as a holiday in the week of St. Barnabas, in Pliny, Justin and in the Teachings of the 12th Apostle. Not only does not a single monument mention the Sabbath, but its abolition for the New Testament, along with circumcision and sacrifices, is proven as an institution caused by the hardness of the Jews 321. “See how He says,” writes Barnabas: “the present Sabbaths are unpleasant to me, but those which I have appointed, and which will come when, having put an end to everything, I make the beginning of the eighth day, or the beginning of another world. That is why we spend the eighth day in joy, on which Jesus also rose from the dead.”322 Here the complete replacement of the Jewish Sabbath with a Sunday is stated, and this replacement is justified by the Old Testament and the Sunday will acquire, in addition to the memory of the resurrection of Christ, a sign similar to the Sabbath. (This day is called the eighth, since it follows the 7th - Saturday; cf. its sign in Justin) 323. In Ignatius the God-Bearer the resurrection is called Κυριακὴ 324 a term representing a shortening of the apocalyptic Κυριακὴ ἡμέρα. In this same century, the annual day of the death and resurrection of Christ is undoubtedly already honored in a special way, i.e. Easter holiday (its existence in the apostolic age, as we have seen, is only probable). The most precious passage in this regard is from the letter of St. Irinea, bishop Lyonsky, to the Roman bishop. Victor, preserved by Eusebius, sheds light on the original character of the Easter holiday. The message was written regarding the disputes about the time of celebrating Easter, which began during the reign of St. Polycarpe, bishop Smyrna (†167), which caused a series of councils and continued with even greater force, apparently, under St. Irenaeus, ep. Lionsky (†202). The debate concerned whether to celebrate the Jewish Passover on the 14th–15th day of the first spring lunar month, or on the first Sunday after this day. One has only to carefully read the mentioned passage, paying attention to every word of it, so that it becomes clear that the very dispute about the time of Easter arose because by this time the nature of the holiday itself, the view on it, gradually began to change; namely, while earlier they looked at Easter as a fast in honor of the death of the Savior, who died precisely on the day of the Jewish Passover, now they wanted to combine with it the joyful memory of the Resurrection of Christ, which was not reconciled with fasting and was more appropriate not for any one day of the week on which the Jewish Passover would fall, but for Sunday. In Rome, Easter had already begun to take on a second, so to speak, tone; in Asia Minor, where life did not move with such speed, the original ancient view of Easter must have been preserved. Therefore, in the dispute, the bishops simply did not understand each other. Even less could Eusebius understand the cause of the dispute and all the stages of its development, for whom Easter was already such a bright holiday as for us. But he did very well that the message of St. Irenaeus did not present everything in his paraphrase, but only the beginning of it, while the most important part was given in the original. By this, Eusebius saved the most ancient testimony about our greatest holiday from inevitable distortion. “They disagree not only about the day, but also about the very image of fasting (a clear indication that the “day”, i.e. Easter, was honored and celebrated precisely by fasting); It is precisely some who think that you need to fast only one day, others two days, others even more; some count this day in 40 hours of day and night ( σι τύν ἡμέραν οὐτω ν ). Such a difference in the observance of 325 did not occur in our time, but much earlier among our ancestors, who probably did not observe great precision in this and passed on their simple private custom to their offspring. Nevertheless, they all maintained peace, and we live in peace among ourselves, and disagreement regarding fasting (again, not a “holiday”) affirms the agreement of faith” 326. To this passage from St. Irenaeus Eusebius adds his story about the dispute regarding Easter at St. Polycarpe: when, during the last visit to the Roman bishop. Anicetas, their disagreement became clear both on this issue and on others, then “both of them did not argue much with each other regarding other subjects, but immediately agreed, but they did not want to argue about this issue, because neither Anicetas could convince Polycarp not to observe what he always observed while living with John, the disciple of our Lord; Neither Polycarp convinced Anicetas to observe, for Anicetas said that he was obliged to preserve the customs of the presbyters who preceded him.” This is the testimony of St. Irenaeus also allows us to see the first embryo of the present St. Lent, which at that time, limited to one or two days, was considered not a pre-Easter fast, but an Easter fast, Easter itself. The Easter fast, according to this testimony, lasted sometimes a day, sometimes two, sometimes even longer; where he embraced a period of time of 40 hours. Three of these four dates are clear. Only the latter is expressed in such a way that it allows, or at least allowed, a different understanding. It was Rufinus († 410), the first and oldest translator of Eusebius’s “History” into Latin, a younger contemporary of its author himself, who conveys the last phrase of Irenaeus as follows: “some 40, so they determine the day by counting the days and nights.” Consequently, Rufinus saw here in Irenaeus an indication of the 40-day duration of the pre-Easter fast, achieving this simply by placing a punctuation mark after the word τεσσαράκοντα (“forty”) and seeing in the last words the idea that they fasted not only during the daytime hours, but also at night. But for such a thought, the last words of Irenaeus would give a very strange and even downright impossible expression. If St. Father wanted to express the idea that Christians fasted not only until the evening, as the Jews did on the day of purification, but continued fasting until late at night, then he had to say that Christians fasted all day and part of the night. Why are we talking about “hours” here if their number is not indicated? Why the strange expression “calculate” (literally “proportionate”)? What is the meaning of adding “your” to “day”? And was it even possible for ordinary mortals to fast for 40 days, all day long? In the lives of St. Fasters are told about especially rare phenomena even among them, about such a long fast, for which the strength of spirit was really needed, similar to that of Moses, Elijah and Christ. All these oddities in the expression of St. Irenaeus disappears if we see in this place a reference to the custom of some Christians to fast before Easter not for a day or two, but for exactly 40 hours. While some and the majority measured (συμμετρου σι) their fasting in days, others measured it in hours, fasting for this not one or several such units of time, but the symbolic one, consecrated by so many high examples of fasting - the number 40 and, due to their weakness, replacing days with hours. The words “hours”, “measure”, which are strange for Rufinov’s understanding, acquire with the present understanding the most natural meaning, as well as the expression “one’s own day”: a forty-hour fast can be called one day of fasting, only a unique day (“one’s own”). In addition, with this understanding, between the practice of fasting among different Christians (probably among Christians of different local churches) there will not be such an impenetrable difference as there would be if in one place they fasted for one, two or “more” days, and in others as many as 40. The very word “more” (πλείονας) in comparison with 1 and 2 cannot mean more than 3, 4, etc. 327. Nevertheless, at this time, so to speak, the idea of ​​fasting for forty days in imitation of the fast of Christ is in the air among Christians. It is characteristic that the Asians ended the Easter fast on that (κατà ταύτην) day 328 from which other Christians, according to Irenaeus, began it, i.e. on the day of Passover. During St. Epiphany of Cyprus there was one branch of the fourteen-dayers (this was the name given to supporters of celebrating Easter with the Jews on the 14th of Nisan, who broke away from the Church because of this; in Latin - quartodecimani) which limited both the pre-Easter fast and the holiday of Easter itself to one day - the 14th of Nisan - 329 . If the 2nd century Fourteen Day Diaries were right in their dispute with the then Roman Church regarding the antiquity of their practice, then it is possible that the mentioned St. Epiphanius, the Quartodecimani branch, preserved the most ancient practice of Easter fasting. Nothing can be said against such an assumption by the fact that the Church condemned the Quartodecimans as heretics (more precisely, as schismatics): she condemned them not for being faithful to antiquity, but for breaking church unity because of it. (They suffered the same fate as our schismatics). The extreme antiquity of this practice is evidenced by its extreme simplicity. When was it most natural to honor the death of Christ by fasting, if not on the day of this death, and when was it most natural to celebrate Christian Easter, if not on the day of the Old Testament Easter, which prefigured it? Also among writers of the 3rd century. The use of the word “Easter” in the sense of “fast” is noted. This usage can only be explained as an echo of the time when the celebration of the death and resurrection of Christ took place on the same day. In the current church charter there are traces of such a connection of things that are only at first glance incompatible. On Great Friday, vespers are performed of a completely festive type (with an entrance, with a festive order of litanies: first the litany, and then the supplicatory one), and even the highest of the festive types - with the reading of the Apostle and the Gospel, which is done at vespers only of the three greatest holidays of the church year: Easter, the Nativity of Christ and Epiphany. Matins of Great Saturday is not only of a festive type (great doxology), but in its solemnity it is second throughout the year only to Easter Matins; In addition, a whole series of Sunday songs are sung on it: the troparion “When Thou Descended,” the troparion: “The Council of Angels,” the Sunday sedalen “Thy Sepulcher, O Savior,” two Sunday prokemenas and an alleluary from the verses of Psalm 67, “Let God rise again.” All this can be considered an echo of that ancient church practice, when the celebration of Easter took place on the evening of that day, which was a fast in memory of the crucifixion of the Lord and which was all called Easter. Easter was then a half-sad, half-joyful celebration, in other words, as joyful as it was sad, as was the whole life of the Christians of that time, who mixed tears of heavenly joy about God with tears of unbearable earthly grief 330. After St. Polycarp's defender of Asia Minor practice regarding the time of Easter was Melito Bishop. Sardinian, who wrote “2 books about Easter” (c. 170). Her (literary) opponents were Bishop Apollinaris. Hierapolis, Clement of Alexandria and St. Hippolytus, Bishop Roman. Councils were held in Palestine, Rome, Pontus, Gaul and Greece in favor of Roman practice. Pope Victor (c. 196) threatened the people of Asia Minor with excommunication. The mentioned message of St. Irenaeus had the goal of reconciling the warring parties. Apparently, the dispute continued until the Council of Nicaea, which adopted the Roman practice as universal. The Council of Antioch (333) excommunicates from the church “those who celebrate Easter with the Jews” 331. The custom of fasting on Easter is also exposed by St. Zlatoust 332 In "Teaching 12 ap." We find an indication of fasting on Wednesday and Friday: “Let your fasts not be with hypocrites (i.e. Jews, in particular the Pharisees), for they fast on Monday and Thursday; you fast on Wednesday and Friday” 333. “The Shepherd of Hermas mentions a fast called “standing” 334. Since later writers call this name M.B. Wednesday and Friday 335, then this place of Herma is considered the oldest evidence of these weekly fasts. It is remarkable that the Teaching of the 12 Apostles does not mention Easter and its fast. In one fragment from op. St. Irenaeus 336 we find mention of the celebration in his time (i.e. at the end of the 2nd century) of Pentecost, on which, like on Easter and Sunday, people did not kneel. All other holidays in honor of the Savior began later (the oldest of them is Epiphany in the 3rd century). From the 2nd century. We have the first news of the liturgical celebration of the martyrs. The oldest such information is found in the martyrdom of St. Ignatius (107 or 115): “having spent several days over his tomb singing hymns, the Christians decided to continue to glorify his life and suffering, and glorify the Lord Jesus in the memory of him” 337. Eusebius cites a letter from the Church of Smyrna to the Philomean Church (in Asia Minor) regarding the martyrdom of St. Polycarp († 167); it says that the proconsul, on the advice of the Jews, burned the body of Polycarp so that it would not become an object of worship for Christians; but “we gathered up his bones... and laid them where they should have been”; “There, as soon as possible, we will begin to gather with joy and joy, and the Lord will deign us to celebrate the day of his martyrdom (γενέθλιον).” It is remarkable to look at the death of a martyr as if it were his birthday (natalitiae). This view was the reason that the church year and subsequently had absolutely no birthdays of saints with the exception of the Savior, the Mother of God and John the Baptist, and that even these birthdays, not excluding the Nativity of Christ, began to be celebrated relatively late. The passages cited speak of the celebration of martyrdom in general terms, without showing what this celebration consisted of. But a number of other acts of martyrdom make it clear that the latter consisted of g.o. in performing agapas (if possible, at the places of their death), which were called agapae natalitiae 338. In some of these acts there is an indication of their reading on the tombs of martyrs on the day of remembrance of the latter; therefore, the very lives and sufferings of the martyrs were subsequently given the name legenda 339 (to be read) - in the west, and in the east “prologues” (introductory readings to the service) and “synaksari” (readings at ceremonial meetings) 340. The memory of the martyrs must have been only local, but not church-wide. But some martyrs, due to the circumstances of their suffering, became widely known and should have become revered even beyond the borders of their fatherland, such as, for example, St. Ignatius the God-Bearer, who before his suffering made a kind of triumphal procession through all the Christian regions of the Roman Empire, St. Polycarp of Smyrna, about whom the Smyrans testify in their letter on the occasion of his death that he is especially revered among the martyrs and is known even to the pagans of many places 341. In general, there were martyrs whose torture shocked the entire Christian world of that time and made them universally revered. In memory of similar martyrs in the 2nd century. were close to becoming church-wide. Thus, martyrdom is the oldest holiday in the church in honor of saints. Following the example of the martyrs, the memory of the apostles began to be revered. But about such memories from the 2nd century. no news. Clement of Alexandria. Stromata 1, 20. Eusebius. Church history. III, 25. Athanasius the Great. Holiday last Popov K. Teaching of the 12 Apostles, 6–8. Sokolov P. Agape, 25–26. Schanz M. Geschichte der röm. Lieratur bis Iustinian, Münch., 1892, II, 386. Previously, this letter was attributed to 103–105 or 107. Smirnov F. Christian worship from the time of the apostles to the 4th century. Kyiv, 1876, p. 40. Plinii Caecilii Secundi epistolarum Libri X, Petropoli 1774, ep. 97 (according to another edition, letter 96). The authenticity of this correspondence in the 18th century. was suspected by Gibbon and Semmler, and more recently by Aubé (the latter hesitantly). Most scientists do not share this doubt, including the authorities on this issue C. Neumann, (Die römische Staat und die allgemeine Kirche, Leipz., 1890) and F. Arnold (Studien zur Geschichte der Plinianischen Christenverfolgung, Königsb. 1887), Bolotov V. Lectures on the history of the ancient Church // Chronicle. Thurs. 1908, 5, 66. Eusebius. Church history. III, 33. Selden, De jur. nat. et gent. III, c. 3. Smirnov F., Christian worship from the time of the apostles to the 4th century. Kyiv, 1876, p. 43. Lactantium. Divin. instit. VII, 19. Tirsch, Kritik der neutestamentlichen Schriften. Erlangen. 1845, S. 427. Augusti, Deanwürdigkeiten. IV, 33. Harnack Theodosius. Der christliche Gemeindegottesdienst in apostolischen und altkatholischen Zeitalter, Erlang., 1854, S. 229. Plaut. Truc, II, 7. 37. Carс 1, 1, 71. Luft I, Liturgik oder wissenschatliche Darstellung des kasthholischen Cultus, 1 B. Maunz, 1894. S. 112. Sacramentum infancidii, or coenae thyesteae. Both men only mention accusations of incest. (To Diognet. 5, Aristides, 17). Justin. Razg. With. Trif. 17. This may have been due to the aggravation of relations between Christians and Jews, which was caused by the cruelties towards the first Barkokhby. Justin. Apol. 1, 31. Baumgartner E. Cibum capere promiscuum tamen et innoxium (Plin. ep. 96). Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie. 1 Quarterheft 1909, S. 65. These laws determined both the maximum cost of the feast and the number of guests. Baumgartner 35. Prudentius, Cathemerinon, III, 58 // Migne Patr. lat. LI, 800, St. Cyprian, ep. 61. Blzh. Jerome ep. ad Marcel., 43 (18). Clement of Alexandria. Teacher. II, 1. Clement of Alexandria, speaking there about the food of Christians, refers to Luke 24:41,42. Baumgartner 54. The understanding proposed by Baumgartner for the expression food “ordinary and innocent” caused (in the same journal 1909, III, S. 609 ff.) the objection of I. Steftler, which was also refuted by Baumgartner (S. 613 f.). Keating ; The agape and the Eucharist in the early church, Lond., 1901, p. 65. Sokolov P. Agape 79. Apostolic Constitutions. VII, 25. Ignatius the God-Bearer. Smyrna 8. Last to Diog. 5. Instead of “not simple”, the now generally accepted option is: “but not a bed” (ἀλλ ᾿ οὐ κοίτην); against Agape's accusation of immorality. Acta apostolica apocrypha, Lipsius et Bannet II, 1, 193. Sokolov P. Agape, 80. Lucian, On the death of Peregrin. 12. Teaching of the 12 Apostles, ch. 9, 10, 11, 14 Bingham I. Originum sive antiquitatum ecclesiasticarum liber XIII in lat. comment. H. Grischovius, ed. 2, Halae Magdeb., 1754, p. 282. Even in Rome in the half of the 3rd century. there were 30–50 thousand Christians (Harnack A. Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christenthums in der ersten 3 Jahrhunderten, 2 A, 2 B. Leipz., 1906. S. 211–212). The average size of a bishopric in the 2nd-3rd centuries. we can estimate 1000–2000 people. (Mishchenko F. Church structure of Christian communities (“wig”) of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, Kyiv 1908. p. 17). Cyprian, the bishop of a city like Carthage, knows his flock by name. (Letter 33, according to other edition 41). There were bishoprics in 12 courtyards. (Harnack A. Die Quellen der sogennanten apostolischen Kirchenordung. Texte und Untersuchunget, II, 5, Leipz., 1886. S. 7. Canones ecclesiastici, p. 16). Ignatius the God-Bearer. Philad. 2. 4. Wed. Eph.20. Mag. 7, 1 Klim. 40. Ignatius the God-Bearer. Trawl. 7. Smirnov F. Theologian to the 4th century, 19. Ignatius the God-Bearer. Ephesians 10. Polycarp. 7 Smirnov F. Theologian before the 4th century, 21 Ignatius the God-Bearer. Rom.2. Ignatius the God-Bearer. Eph.4. Socrates. Church history. VI, 8. Blzh. Theodorite. Hist. eccles. II, 24. Here is the bl. Theodoret says that when Bp. Leontius changed the doxology (small) in the Arian spirit, then the presbyters Flavian (according to Nicetas Choniates, later Bishop of Antioch) and Diodorus (later Bishop of Tarsus), interrupting communication with the bishop, began to gather in special churches and sing psalms there antiphonally. “They were the first, dividing the choir into two halves, to establish antiphonal singing of the psalms of David, and this began in Antioch.” This news was reconciled with Socrates by Nicetas Choniates by suggesting that these presbyters only translated the antiphonal songs introduced by St. from Syrian into Greek. Ignatius (Filaret (Gumilevsky), archbishop. Historical review of hymns and hymns of the Greek Church. Chernigov, 1864, p. 51). Blzh. Augustine. Confession IX, 7 Henschen. Acta Sanct. Apr. die 6, t. 1 p.m. 544. Binterim, Denkwürd. IV, 320. Tertullian, De carne Chr. c. 20. Eusebius. Ecclesiastical history IV, 18. Filaret (Gumilevsky), archbishop. . Historical overview of the hymns and hymns of the Greek Church. Chernigov, 1864, 54. Eusebius. Ecclesiastical history V, 28. This letter is attributed to the Roman presbyter Caius (II-III centuries) on the basis of a fragment published by Routh // Reliquiae sacrae. v. 2, Oxon, 1814, p. 7. Ruinarti Th. Acta martyrum sincera et selecta, Ratisb. 1895 t. I, 48. Augusti I. Denkwürdigkeiten aus der christlichen Archäologie, Leipz., 1823, VI, 56. Ignatius the God-Bearer. Philad. 5. According to a good explanation by Rev. P. Preobrazhensky (Writings of the Apostolic Men / Russian translation with introduction and note M., 1862, p. 412): to the Gospel, as if to Christ Himself, still physically present, and to the apostles, as if they were alive and constituted the presbytery of the church. Irenaeus. St. er. III, 11. Augusti I, Denkwürdigkeiten VI, 39. According to Augusti, the deep antiquity of the liturgical use of the Gospels is indicated by the addition of a final doxology to the Lord’s Prayer. The old critics of the New Testament text already looked at this doxology (doxology) non ut scripturae sed ut liturgiae partem (Griesbach according to Augusti Denkwür., 72). It is not in the codes of the 4th century: Sinaiticus, Vatican, and other lat. trans., quoted by Terullian, St. Cyprian, Origen; but it is in the Peshito (III century), the Gothic translation (IV century) and in the quotation of “The Teachings of the 12 Apostles” (II century), - however, everywhere in a different form (Bogdashevsky D. Critical studies on the New Testament. IV. On the Lord's Prayer. // T.K.D.A. 1908, 4:500–511). Justin, Razg. With. Tr., 18, 19, 23, 43. Last Barnabas. 5. Ap. Barnabas is referring to Isaiah 1:13. and Ps.95:7 as interpreted by Hebrews 4:4-7. Ap. Barnabas holds the view that the world will end after 7,000 years of its existence. Τηρει ν St. Irenaeus uses everything without addition; obviously, as a technical term, the verb was applied to the observance of the Old Testament law (John 9:16). On this basis, they think that this refers to Jewish rituals for Easter, which were not yet abandoned by the Christians of that time. For this opinion, see Zarin N. Quartodecimans.// Glubokovsky N., Lopukhin A. Orthodox theologian. encyclop. Vol. IX, St. Petersburg. 1908, p. 308–325. Eusebius. Ecclesiastical history V, 24. Funk I. Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen und Untersuchungen. Baden, 1897, S. 245. Irenaeus. Prot. er. V, 23, 1. “Κατà” in the meaning “in” in the definitions of time in Matthew. 27:15. Acts 16:25. Epiphanius of Cyprus. Anchor, 50. M. Skaballanovich. Great Lent. Kyiv, 1910, p. 30 etc. Ant. Sob. Ave. 1. Molchanov N. (Bishop Nikandr). The authenticity of the 4th Gospel and its relationship to the first 3 Gospels, Tamb., 1883, ch. VI. Sarin. Kvartodecimans // Rights. theologian enz. St. Petersburg, 1908. vol. IX, 308–325. Zlatoust. A word for Easter fasting. Tertullian. About prayer, 14. About the warrior’s crown, 2. About fasting, 10, 12. Quaest et respons. ad Orthodox. pseudo-Justin // Preobrazhensky P. priest. Works of St. Irinea, bishop Lionsky in Russian lane M., 1871, p. 695. Ruinarti, Acta mart. I, 48. There are many examples of such agapes in the acts of Ruinart. Luft, Liturgik. Mainz, 1814, I, 115. Augusti S. Denkwürdigkeiten aus der christlicher. Archäologie, Leipz. 1820, VI. 131. Recently, in Russian literature, the opinion was expressed that the composition of the ancient honoring of martyrs in the 2nd-4th centuries. religious dances were also included (Konovalov D. Religious ext. in Russian mystical sects. Bog. Vest. 1907, 10, p. 351, 1908, 4, p. 707–728). In the acts of martyrdom, which often consist of a description of liturgical meetings in honor of the martyrs, there is no mention of dancing in their honor: the expression in the acts of Polycarp about commemorating him in “gaiety and joy - ἀγαλλιάσει καì χαρει” will be understood about dancing (Konovalov 707) will be arbitrary. Only a few monuments of the 3rd and 4th centuries. they talk about these dances as a local and tolerable phenomenon. So according to the testimony of St. Gregory of Nyssa St. Gregory the Wonderworker (III century), yielding to the inclinations of his flock and in order to distract from pagan festivities, allowed small dances (τì μικρòν ὑποκιρτ ᾷ ν) in honor of the martyrs (demons on Eccl. 6). Homily 4th century in memory of the martyr, Polyeucte (†259 in Armenia) invites “according to established custom, to rejoice (χορεύσωμεν) in honor of the martyr” (Aubé B. Polyeucte dana Phistoire, Par. 1882, p. 79). They also indicate in Vasily V. expression: “we dance sacred dances (ἐνθέοις χορείαις) at the tombs of saints” (in Conybeare F. Philo, 154 quote: Bas., t 1. p. 512 B). In Abyssinian worship, dancing is still preserved at prayer services and religious processions, in which priests also take some part (Turaev B. Abyssinia. Orthodox. Bogosl. ence. I. St. Petersburg, 1899, art. 71). Orthodox Arabs in Jerusalem also allow it around the shrines (Muravyev, Journey to Holy Places, part 2, St. Petersburg 1849, p. 124. (thus, all these were religious excesses that took place only in such enthusiastic areas as Asia Minor and Armenia and were not approved by the church. I. Chrysostom considers dancing a demonic activity (on Matthew demon. 48). Gregory the Theologian advises to dance like David, and understands the latter’s dance in an allegorical sense (word 5). pr. 71 prohibited “indecent dancing (ὀρχίσεις μυσαράς) performed in sacred places and even on the days of remembrance of the blessed martyrs. The Council of Laodicea (at the end of the 4th century) pr. 53 prohibits even jumping or dancing on tracks (βαλλίζειν ἢ ὄρχεσθαι). In view of such an attitude towards religious dance in the Church and such a rarity of it among ancient Christians, one can hardly see a ritual remnant of it in the circular walking at baptism, marriage and ordination (Konovalov, 723). Eusebius, Cer. ist. IV, 13. You might be interested in: