I век. Апостольское богослужение

According to the Writer, the first Christian converts in Jerusalem “constantly continued in the teaching of the apostles, in fellowship and the breaking of bread and in prayer” 81 . Their whole day was, as it were, a continuous divine service, which consisted primarily in the “teaching of the apostles” (διδαχη των ἀποστὀλων) 82), i.e., in their stories about the life and preaching of the Savior, which later formed the content of the written Gospels, and in the instructions of the apostles themselves, set forth later some of them in writing in messages. This teaching, thanks to the freshness of events and the vividness of memories, which contained a special sweetness, was joined by the close “communication” (κοινωνία) of believers among themselves, reaching to the constant inseparability of them from each other and to the communion of property, but which was especially clearly expressed and reached its zenith in the “breaking of bread.” By “breaking of bread” we mean the Eucharist 83 at common meals. These meals, based on the Savior’s commandment: “Do this in remembrance of Me,” without a doubt, from the very beginning received a liturgical meaning: they contained the remembrance of the death of the Lord and the recognition of the sacrificial price for this death, and were also an expression of the internal communication of the disciples with each other. Nevertheless, these meals initially did not have an exclusively liturgical meaning, but served in early Christian times to satisfy the natural need for nutrition 84. Along with the breaking of bread, the Writer puts “prayers.” Mn. The part “prayer” indicates various prayers, which could be partly new, not bound by a formula, Christian prayers, partly psalms and prayers used by Jews 85. The Writer presents this general picture of the Christian life of that time, which due to the special nature of this life is also a picture of worship, more clearly when he adds: “and every day with one accord they remained in the church and, breaking bread in their homes, ate their food with joy and simplicity of heart, praising God” 86 . Here the worship of the first Christians is presented in two forms: on the one hand, they participate in the Jewish, Old Testament worship of the temple and what must have been the synagogue located next to it, on the other hand, they also have their own home worship as a complement to it. It was very natural that the first Christians visited the church and participated in its services. In this case, they did nothing other than what Christ himself did. It was in the church that He taught the people, and He was even consumed by jealousy for them 87 . After the Ascension of Christ and until Pentecost, the apostles went to the church every day 88, and after it we very often see them there 89. True, Christians now knew only the representative meaning behind many things that they had previously looked upon as essential; but the prayers, sacrifices and liturgical rites of the Old Testament spoke to their souls and now no less because they learned their real meaning 90 On the basis of this particular Old Testament piety of the first Christians, a special Christian worship was to grow. Already in the church itself, during its usual divine service, the Christians spiritually performed another, their own divine service, as the Writer makes clear in another place: they “all unanimously remained in Solomon’s porch; no one from outsiders dared to pester them, and the people glorified them” 91; The Christians in the church kept themselves apart from the Jews, many of whom involuntarily bowed to them, but were afraid to openly join them. In the vast courtyards of the temple, Christians chose the most secluded and remote place from the center - the portico, which stretched along the outer eastern wall of the temple courtyard (on the inner side, of course, of this wall 92 and was thus located in the courtyard of the pagans 93. But still, when visiting the Old Testament church, Christians could only participate in the worship there, which could no longer fully satisfy them and was essentially insufficient. They could have their own and at the same time real divine service (we continue the interrupted consideration of Acts 2:46) only “in houses” (κατ ᾿ οἴκους), perform it in one or another Christian house (for example, Mary the mother of Mark, Joseph, Nicodemus 94 “The Upper Room of Zion” 95). Here only Christians could perform that “breaking of bread”, which is repeatedly mentioned in the book of Acts, and which, as we have noticed, is a designation of common meals with a Eucharistic character. Following the example of the Savior's supper, these were evening meals. In a series of daily and all-day prayers, this was their last high moment, the culminating point in which the prayerful inspiration that had been growing throughout the day ended. Thanks to this, the very eating of food among Christians always took place “in jubilant joy” (ἀγαλλιάσει). The union of the poor with the rich at meals deprived her of any envy and gave her “simplicity of heart.” This meal, like the whole day of the Christians of that time, was all prayerful, with the praise of God: “praising (αἰνου ντες) God,” - perhaps an indication of sacred songs 96. This was the beginning of the agapes, or love suppers, which existed in the Christian Church until the 4th century. and then, when the Eucharist was separated from them and transferred to the morning or noon, on the basis of which the present Vespers with its blessing of the loaves arose. As in the Old Testament religion, the evening was considered in Christianity initially to be the most holy and prayerful part of the day (meaning that the days of the world began in the evening), which was timed to coincide with the most solemn service; just as in the Old Testament church the “evening sacrifice” 97 was more sacred than the morning and more solemn than it (the lighting of the lamps), so today’s vespers, which took the place of the ancient Eucharist and agape, in its structure are closest to the most sacred service - the liturgy; consists mainly of litanies, has only one initial psalm, has no canon, but may have the most complete readings of their Holy Scriptures, not only the Gospel, but also the Apostle. Thus, back in apostolic times and in living connection with the Old Testament cult, the beginning of one of the current daily services with all its distinctive structure was laid. But the Eucharist with agape was only, as noted, the highest conclusion of the daily apostolic divine service, which, being all-day, could not yet be continuous. Like Jewish worship, the apostolic service probably consisted of three daily services: in addition to the evening service - the main one, there was a morning and an afternoon service. In the same book of Acts we find clear indications of the triple number of daily prayers or services under the apostles. So on Pentecost, the apostles and the believers gather for prayer in the morning at about 3 o’clock (in our opinion 9) 98, approximately the hour of the morning sacrifice in the church; ap. Peter prayed at his home around the sixth hour (12 noon) 99 ; ap. Peter and John go to the church “at the ninth hour of prayer” 100, the hour of the evening sacrifice. Components of apostolic worship Thus, the book of Acts gives, although fragmentary indications of the worship of the apostolic times, but such that from them one can judge in general terms both the composition and, even more so, the nature of this service. True, regarding the composition of the divine service, the data in the book of Acts do not all present the desired clarity. About the four necessary parts of the service: prayer, singing, reading the Holy Scriptures and teachings based on the book of Acts, one can only say that all this was part of the apostolic service, but it remains unknown in what form it was. So, regarding the prayers, not only are any formulas not reported, but it is not said what their content was. The prayers of that time can only be judged by a few examples of them given in the book of Acts 101; but these are all prayers for special occasions. One might think, although there is no direct indication of this anywhere in the New Testament, that during the divine services of that time, according to the Savior’s commandment, the Lord’s Prayer had already begun to be used: a monument from the beginning of the 2nd century. The “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” prescribes using it 3 times a day 102, i.e. just as many times as, according to the above data, there could be prayer meetings during the day during the apostolic time. Ap. Paul in one place 103 apparently indicates the types of prayer of that time: prayer (δεήσεις from δεομαι, I need, the general generic concept of prayer, as an expression of our helplessness before God), supplication (προσευχαι - prayer in its appeal to God), petition ( ἐντεύξεις from ἐντυγχάνω, reaching someone - intercessory prayer for others) and thanksgiving (εὐχαριστίαι) 104. Regarding singing during apostolic worship, the apostle speaks more definitively than the book of Acts. Paul. In two places from his epistles, he distinguishes three types of St. songs: psalms, hymns and songs (ᾠ δαì) spiritual (πνευματικαì) 105. By psalms it is most natural to understand the Old Testament psalms, the widespread use of which by Christians of that time can be indicated by the expression of St. James: “if anyone is happy, let him sing,” ψαλλέτω 106, as well as the more frequent quotation of the Psalter in comparison with other Old Testament books by the apostles 107. But since the psalms are presented by St. Paul as a consequence of special inspiration (“be filled with the spirit, speaking to yourself in psalms ... spiritual”), then we can also understand the psalms of the singers’ own composition 108. By hymns (“singing”) there is no reason to understand the so-called biblical songs: LXX through ὕ μνος many Hebrew inscriptions of psalms are conveyed: schir, tehillah, tephillah; The apostle probably calls hymns songs of a predominantly laudatory nature, 109 in contrast to prayers and other general content, denoted by the word song, ὠ δα, and highlighting the first of the last as their best part: according to St. John Chrysostom - “hymns are a more sacred thing than psalms, for the Angelic Powers sing songs (ὑμνούσι), and do not sing psalms” 110. The Gospel hymn of Zechariah, the Mother of God and Simeon the God-Receiver provide “good examples of how, in close connection with Old Testament prototypes, the Christian spirit created new songs” 111. Nowhere in the apostolic epistles does it speak of reading the Old Testament scriptures during the services of that time; but it can be assumed in view of the fact that the preaching of the apostles was entirely based on the law and the prophets and the last apostles. Paul names along with the apostles the foundation of the church 112. About the reading of the New Testament scriptures during worship they can say: the requirement of St. Paul in his Epistle to Thessalonians to read this Epistle “to all the holy brethren” 113, which could most conveniently be done at a liturgical meeting - the requirement for the Colossians to exchange messages with the Laodicean church 114, as well as the existence, according to the testimony of the Evangelist Luke, by his time of many records about the life of the Savior 115. As for preaching, in apostolic worship, in accordance with the needs of that time and due to the underdevelopment of other elements of worship, it occupied a particularly wide place; in the picture of worship given by Acts, “teaching” is placed in first place; ap. Jacob already had to fight with talkative preachers 116; ap. Paul considers teaching to be the most important duty of a bishop and presbyter 117. Development of Apostolic Worship It is even less possible to say on the basis of the New Testament writings about the order in which these parts of it were followed in the worship service of that time. It is possible that, at least at first and in the Church of Jerusalem, the Judeo-Christian worship had a rite close to the synagogue. Ap. James not only calls the place of Christian worship a “synagogue,” but points out certain orders in it that are characteristic exclusively of the latter: “if a man with a gold ring, in rich clothes, enters your congregation (εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν), you, looking to the one dressed in rich clothes, you say to him: it is good for you to sit here, and to the poor person you say: stand there or sit here, at my feet, then are you not over-judging yourself? 118 Here is the usual picture of a synagogue, lined with benches, with chairs in front for honored visitors and a distribution of worshipers according to their legal status in society 119 . Even up. Paul calls prayer by the synagogue term “blessing” 120. But if at the first stages of the life of the church, and especially in the Judeo-Christian Jerusalem community, worship in general could resemble the temple and synagogue, then over time in the linguistic Christian churches, and especially after the persecution of the church by the Jews and the scattering of the apostles from Jerusalem, this closeness could not help but decrease. It is characteristic that ap. Paul no longer calls liturgical meetings συναγωγἡ, but ἐκκλησìα, church 121. In general, the New Testament writings after the Acts and especially the Pauline epistles make it clear that the apostolic worship after the above events entered the second stage of its development compared to the one in which the Acts and partly the next represent it. ap. Jacob. This stage is characterized by two signs, apparently dissimilar, but the connection between which can be discovered. The first is the degeneration of the institution of agape, the second is the development of spiritual gifts and their widespread use in worship. The first chapter speaks in detail about both. to the Corinthians. Chapters 10-14 of this letter are entirely devoted to the ordering of Corinthian worship and give a complete and clear picture of the type of worship that it took on among the linguistic Christians in the middle of the apostolic period. This entire extensive section of the epistle falls into two parts, of which the first regulates the more external, “physical” in the broadest sense of the word, side of the service (chapters 10 and 11), while the second, as its beginning shows: “I do not want to teach you about spiritual brethren,” does the same with the spiritual side of the service, its mental content 122 . In the first respect, the apostle draws attention to the neglect that is shown at the “Lord’s Supper” (κυριακὀν δει πνον) 123 for its most holy act - the communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. Some of the Corinthian Christians came to the “Lord’s Supper” with the goal of eating and drinking, and since at these suppers the poor were fed from the offerings made, the rich participants tried to be satisfied as quickly as possible from their own offerings, so that the poor would not leave them hungry. The Eucharist for such participants in the “supper” was in the background. The apostle also complains about such an unworthy attitude in the “Lord’s Supper.” Jude, mentioning “the corrupters of love” 124. In this way, the agapes are already called by this name - ἀγάπαι, which indicates a further step in their development. At the same time, the attitude of the worst Christians towards them is branded with a stronger expression - “corruptors”, σπιλάδες (can also mean “pitfalls” - for the collapse of such an institution as agapes) 125. This attitude towards agapes was undoubtedly a consequence of the pagan habits of newly converted Christians, who transferred here the customs of the Greco-Roman ἔρανοι (common dinners) and συμπ ό σια (common drinking parties). Ap. Paul, with bitterness and indignation, advises such participants in Christian suppers to eat their fill at home, so as not to defile the Lord's table with greed. So already in this very young period of their life, the agapes had the inclinations to separate the Eucharist from them, and then to destroy their entire material side, as giving rise to such abuses; in other words: even then they were already close to the transformation from supper to vespers. After the instructions in the 1st last. to the Corinthians regarding the outer side of agape and worship in general, the apostle moves on to the inner spiritual side of the latter (chap. 12-14) and here he paints us an amazing picture of worship possible only then, and never again, - a divine service that was truly performed by the Holy Spirit himself, not only with unspoken groanings in the hearts, but also with His appearance externally in a whole series of different spiritual gifts ( πνευματικà χαρίσματα), because “the grace of the Holy Spirit in the primacy of the church overflowed like the sea” 126. Celebrants of Apostolic Worship Before speaking about the use of these gifts for divine services, the apostle lists them and their bearers (“God has placed them in the church first, the apostles, the prophets second, the teachers third...”) 127, thus presenting the latter as the performers of the divine service 128. The list of these liturgists alone can sufficiently characterize the worship of that time. These are 1) apostles. This was the name given not only to the 12 closest disciples of the Lord, but also to other persons who felt a calling from the Holy Spirit to preach the Gospel among non-believers and, probably, were assigned to this by the Church in a manner similar to how it was done according to the book. Acts with Barnabas and Saul (through the laying on of hands of charismatic persons of the church 129. Their goal was the founding of new churches; having done this, they went to other places unenlightened by the Gospel, only for a short time visiting the churches they founded and generally existing ones to establish them 130. According to the 2nd century monument “Teaching of the 12 Apostles”, the true apostles who existed, therefore, even then, that’s why it was possible to distinguish from the false ones that they did not stay in one church for more than one or two days and did not take from the community anything more than bread in the amount necessary until the next stop 131 (complete unselfishness, which are given in the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” regarding the false apostles 132, show that in the 2nd century this ministry was already close to cessation). 2) Prophets are persons capable of special revelations from God regarding the future 133 and the unseen (the secret thoughts of a person) 134, i.e. able to “speak in the spirit” (a requirement not imposed on the apostles) and who were engaged not in missionary work, but in preaching in existing churches. Acts names the following prophets: Barnabas, Judas, Silas and 4 daughters of the deacon Philip 135. The example of a prophet of post-apostolic times is St. Hermas, author of The Shepherd. Ap. Paul insisted on the widest possible participation of prophets in worship 136 . The prophets during divine services were especially striking with their gift of exposing the innermost thoughts of those present 137 . This ministry enjoyed almost more respect than the apostolic one: “the prophets are your bishops,” says the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” 138. And according to the satire of Lucian (2nd century), the prophet among Christians was a “tiasarch”, the head of sacrifices 139. The “Prophets” “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” allows during the liturgy “to say thanksgiving (εὐχαριστεìν) as much as they want” 140, while for ordinary performers of the liturgy formulas of prayers have already begun to be established. Therefore, to the monument, the prophet “in the spirit” can “appoint a meal,” i.e. demand the performance of agape on an unspecified day. A prophet speaking in the spirit was forbidden to be tested and judged; even a prophet who teaches not to do what he himself does should not be judged, because he has judgment from God 141. The “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” already reveals many abuses in this grace-filled ministry; nevertheless, the prophetic ministry existed somewhat longer than the apostolic ministry 142. St. Irenaeus († 202) also heard the prophets 143. - In connection with the prophecy of St. Paul puts the “gift of discerning of spirits” - receptivity to prophecy, the ability to penetrate into the prophetic state and distinguish true from false prophecy in one or in different persons, to distinguish pure embrace of the Spirit of God from impure admixtures of naturally human or demonic excitement 144. Such a distinction was necessary so that because of false prophecies the true one would not be suspected: “do not disparage prophecies, but hold on to all that is tempting and good” 145; “Do not believe every spirit, but test the spirits, whether they are from God” 146. 3) In the last to the Ephesians ap. When counting the ministries of grace, Paul places the evangelists after the apostles and prophets before the shepherds and teachers. If by them we do not mean evangelists in the current sense, three of whom by this time had become famous for their Gospels, then it is difficult to say what kind of ministry is meant. perhaps these are the closest assistants of the apostles in the gospel. Timothy is also named this way 147 . 4) Teachers, for whom “the work of one’s own deepening into divine truths also led to revelation” 148, why teachers could accept this title at their personal discretion 149, as can be seen from the warning of St. James: “Do not have many teachers” 150. In the gift of teaching. Paul distinguishes two types: “the word (gracious eloquence) of wisdom and the word of knowledge”; the first, perhaps, means practical or integral, general, more subjective knowledge, and the second - theoretical, detailed, objective 151. The grace-filled ministry of teaching continued in post-apostolic times until the 2nd century. inclusive. Origen often mentions “ecclesiastical teachers,” “persons who wisely fulfilled the office of teacher among us (in Alexandria)” and they are placed along with elders 152. Dionysius of Alexandria 2nd half. III century) in the letter says that he convened “presbyters and teachers” of the surrounding villages. And the teachers (διδάσκαλοι) of the post-apostolic time were looked upon as especially favored persons: St. Ignatius the God-Bearer and Dionysius of Alexandria warn that they do not write as teachers with authority 153. All these extraordinary ministries (apostleship, prophecy and teaching, adding here the next one - the gift of miracles, see below) were not limited to any one church, but extended to the entire church, and were not as local as the church hierarchy. The apostles, prophets and teachers who moved from one place to another, enjoying high importance in all communities, explain to us how different churches had so much in common with each other in structure and life, although they were organized with complete independence 154. Their liturgical activity can explain the similarity of liturgical forms in different churches, which we observe in the 3rd and 4th centuries. Continuing the calculation of grace-filled ministries in the church, St. Paul, after teaching with his gifts, names as a gift of grace - 5) faith, faith, as the closest definition of this gift in other places shows, miraculous, this, according to Chrysostom, “the mother of signs, the performer of what is beyond human strength.” This gift of grace, according to the apostle, breaks down into the gift of healings and powers 155 (“power” - miracles in general). According to St. Chrysostom, who had the gift of healing, could only help the sick, and whoever received the “action of powers” ​​could also punish 156 in the same way as, for example, the apostle. Peter punished Ananias and Sapphira 157. The gift of miracles in apostolic times was a fairly common occurrence: ap. Paul also points it out in the Galatian church: “Give therefore the spirit and power to work in you, whether by the works of the law or by the hearing of faith” 158 . Origen witnessed many healings 159. A special type of this gift is immortalized in the church by the sacrament of St. oil 160. This charisma must have given rise to the establishment in the ancient church of the position of exorcists, exorcists of evil spirits (as the culprits of disease), and for the introduction into the church. services (not only the Liturgy, but also Vespers and Matins) of special prayers over those possessed (ἐνεργούμενοι) or overwhelmed (χειμαζόμενοι - i.e. from unclean spirits). 6) The gifts of help (ἀντιλήψεις) and administration (κυβερνήσεις), which belonged to the permanent and local church hierarchy (the first to the deacons with their care for the poor and sick, the second to the presbyters and bishops. This ministry was not inferior to those listed in general, but during the divine service those extraordinary gifts and their bearers were brought to the fore. Even in the 2nd century, the prophet was allowed to improvise the Eucharistic prayer 161, while the bishop and presbyter had to adhere to the established model, “The Teaching of the 12 Apostles,” where these rules are given, generally makes it clear that in his era (the beginning of the 2nd century) the pastoral ministry began to replace the extraordinary ministries - apostolic, prophetic. teachers. “Set 162 (χειροτονήσατε) for yourself,” the monument exhorts, “bishops and deacons; τὴν λειτουργίαν) prophets and teachers. Therefore, do not despise them; for they should be revered along with the prophets and teachers" 163. A place that also testifies to the wide and honorable position in the performance of divine services (λειτουργίαν) 164 that prophets and teachers occupied. 7) and 8). The most extraordinary for our time, but frequent in apostolic times, were the gifts of tongues and their interpretation. The gift of tongues according to Acts and 1 Cor. for apostolic worship The gift of tongues (glossolalia) was first communicated to the apostles, and perhaps to other believers, on the day of Pentecost when the Holy Spirit descended on them. This gift manifested itself in some particularly inspired (somewhat reminiscent of the speech of a person in a state of intoxication) speech (λαλεìν, αποφθεγγεσθαι) “about the greatness of God” “in other tongues” (ἑτέραις γλ ώ ταις), so that listeners of up to 15 nationalities heard from the lips of the apostles their native dialect (διάλεκτος) 165. The Spirit of the Lord, embracing humanity in its peoples and languages ​​and carrying within itself the power of uniting them, produced in the innermost foundations of the soul the instantaneous elimination of the national boundaries of language that most divide humanity, symbolically indicating the future blessed unity of humanity. A similar gift was communicated in the apostolic church several times after baptism. So Cornelius and his household received the gift of tongues after baptism, the disciples of John the Baptist through the laying of hands on them by the apostle. Paul 166. It is not unimportant that we find the strongest echo of the great miracle of Pentecost in such a central and significant language-Christian church as Corinth 167. In the Corinthian church, this wonderful gift was widely used during worship. He appeared, apparently, only at liturgical meetings, “in churches” 168. The content of the speech of the Corinthian glossolals was a prayer 169 and predominantly of a laudatory and some kind of mysterious nature” 170. The language in which the glossolal spoke was incomprehensible to those present 171 and, apparently, not entirely understandable to the glossolal himself (“although his spirit was “praying” at that time, his “mind” remained fruitless) 172, why the glossolal’s speech needed interpretation 173, but the interpretation of his speech also required a special gift of the Holy Spirit 174, which he did not always possess glossolal 175. Linguistics was a coveted gift (“I wish you all to speak in tongues”), which edified the glossolal 176, the degree of this gift depended on the moral height of the owner, why, for example, ap. Paul possessed it more than all the Corinthians 177. Different Understandings of the Gift of Tongues Here is the biblical evidence for the gift of tongues. They do not resolve the question of whether the gift of tongues was always the same, and what the Corinthian glossolalia consisted of, which received such wide use in worship. The Holy Fathers were inclined to believe that the gift of tongues in Corinth and in general in all cases where its manifestation is described (i.e. in the two other cases mentioned) was identical with the glossolalia of Pentecost, i.e. that all glossolals received the ability to speak in the foreign languages ​​\u200b\u200bthat existed at that time. That's what St. thought. Justin, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Origen, Cyril Jerus., Chrysostom, Gregory the Theologian, Augustine 178. It is objected to this understanding that for Corinthian Christians there was no need for speaking in foreign languages, as there was on the day of the first Christian Pentecost, that languages ​​are not called “other” here, that words are often in singular. h. and is not explained as in Acts. through διάλεκτος, that the Savior promised believers speaking in “new” languages, and not in foreign ones. – Others 179 see in the language of the glossolals a proto-language, a mixed language that contained elements or rudiments of various historical languages ​​(rudimentary language) and became an image for the universality of Christianity; the basis for this understanding is the use of γλ ώ σσα in descriptions of the gift of tongues, sometimes in singular. h. But units. h. can mean any one of the existing languages ​​- a meaning confirmed by the absence of a member with it. – On the basis that γλ ώ σσα or γλ ώ σσημα means among the classics a word provincial or outdated, unusual (idiocy), in need of explanation (gloss) 180, they thought that the language of the glossolals consisted of precisely such words 181: either archaisms, neologisms, or foreign ones. But the New Testament does not know such a use of the word γλ ώ σσα; such speech is not higher than ordinary and in any case does not represent an extraordinary miraculous phenomenon. – They further think that the speech of the glossolals consisted of inarticulate sounds (compared by the Apostle Paul with the sounds of a trumpet) 182 or a barely audible, prayerful whisper 183 (1 Cor. 14, 2: “he speaks in tongues, not by man, but by God, no one hears”) or, on the contrary, their ecstatic exclamations, fragmentary praises (the speech of glossolala is called for the most part, not λ ό γος, the word, an instrument of thought, but only γλ ώ σσα, language, sound in itself) 184. But the apostle directly says that the glossolals uttered “words,” although “unintelligible”; he compares them to loud cymbals and trumpets. This last comparison, repeatedly used by the apostle, gave reason to understand glossolalia in the sense of some special singing. All terms used by the ap. Paul about glossolalia may also have a musical meaning. Γλ ώ σσα was the name of the body of the flute 185; the classics designated 186 diatonic, chromatic and enharmonic melodies as genera (γένη) (“kinds of languages”), and in this application the word is more natural than for languages ​​that the ancients did not know how to classify; ἑρμηνεύειν, to explain, is also used by the classics about musical interpretation 187; in the expression “and by excellence I will show you the way” 188 “path”, ἑδòς and “by excellence”, καθ ’ ὑπερβολὴν – also served as musical terms: the first meant the transition from one tones to others, and the hyperboleon was called a tetrachord on the fifth highest string of the guitar 189 . Of course, all these terms can also have a common meaning in addition to the musical meaning. But the persistent comparison of glossolalia with music and a whole range of terms that can be applied to the latter make us think. The expression ἀποφθέγγεσθαι is also significant, to sound about glossolalia on Pentecost 190; according to St. Irenaeus, the apostles on the day of Pentecost “sang a hymn to God in all languages” 191. We must also take into account the widespread use of singing in ancient times. Before the invention of letters, laws were sung so as not to forget them 192. All this gave reason for some to see singing in glossolalia 193. What speaks against this understanding of the gift of tongues - in the sense of singing (hymnological) - is, apparently, the fact that the verb to speak (λαλει ν) is persistently used about this gift. But not to mention the fact that this verb is used by St. Paul about the performance of psalms, hymns and songs during worship 194, this objection will disappear if the singing was recitative 195, which singing in its simplest form could naturally be, in the primitive church with its still undeveloped forms of worship. Another bl. Augustine says about the singing of his time that the voice of the singers was more like accented speech than singing 196. The essence and characteristics of the gift of tongues As we see, all of the above explanations for the gift of tongues admit of objections, but at the same time, each of them has one or another serious basis in the text of the New Testament All these explanations are compatible with each other, and it is possible that each of them indicates a real feature in this extraordinary phenomenon. Noteworthy is the variety of expressions of the apostle himself. Paul regarding the gift of tongues: “tongue”, “tongues”, “kinds of tongues”, “speaking with a tongue” or “tongues”, “speaking words in a tongue”, “praying with a tongue”, “having a tongue”, “singing praises”, “praying”, “blessing”, “giving thanks in the spirit”, “speaking mysteries in the spirit”, “speaking not to men, but to God”. 197 This already shows that the gift of tongues could be “infinitely varied” 198 in its manifestations. In order to correctly judge the nature of these manifestations, one must pay attention to the place that the Apostle assigns to this gift among other spiritual gifts. In his classification of such gifts, St. Paul identifies the gift of tongues with the gift of interpretation in a special category: arranging spiritual gifts according to the degree of benefit that they bring not to an individual believer, but to the entire church, the apostle puts in the first place the gifts of the mind (teaching, prophecy), in the second place - the gifts of the will (miracles, shepherding) and in the last place, obviously, as manifestations of feeling, the gift of tongues 199 . Consequently, linguistics was an expression of the living inner movement and animation of those who for the first time felt free from condemnation and felt the inexpressible joy inevitably associated with the first (fresh) consciousness of sonship 200. It was the jubilant joy of a new relationship with God and people, a new complete freedom in Christ, seeking an extraordinary expression not bound by natural necessity. Here it was all about this inner excitement: how deep it was can be seen from the fact that it was understandable only to one who, through the Holy Spirit, came into inner contact with someone who had such experiences, to one who had the ability to interpret. And this latter shared his excitement with the first, but it did not master him to the same extent as the first, and he was able to recognize the divine object that caused this excitement and express these feelings in clear words, translate into understandable language the unusual forms of their manifestation. With such a depth of this feeling, it is natural that it used to express itself in all ways possible for a person, 201 choosing among them the highest and noblest. Language is the most subtle way of such expression. But, as the grammarian Psellos notes, every people has godly names that have unspeakable power, which they seem to lose from translation; such, for example, are the Hebrew names Seraphim, Cherub, Michael, Gabriel 202. The ancients attributed supernatural powers to foreign words 203 . Language is not an accidental product of a people, but the creation of its genius, the bearer of its ideas. What the first Christians experienced was obviously higher than such a great collective creation as the language of each people, and needed the ideological wealth of all languages. It stood above even this last one. Blzh. Theodoret, by the languages ​​spoken by the glossolals, means “certain mental languages ​​with which the angels sing praises and hymns to God” 204. Therefore, the gift of tongues should not necessarily be understood as continuous speech in foreign languages; glossolal could borrow the most expressive words from there; This is apparently indicated by the expression of the ap. Paul: “We have received the Spirit of adoption as sons, by whom we cry: Abba, Father” 205. The excitement in which the glossolal was in could also convey ambiguity to his speech in the native language, which needed interpretation. His speech came from those depths of the soul that are not illuminated by the light of consciousness, from the “spirit” and not the “mind.” It is possible that this speech was supplemented by other expressions of feeling, for example, sighs, as may be indicated by the words of St. Paul: “The Spirit himself intercedes for us with groanings that cannot be expressed.” 206 Strong inspiration could call for help from the word and the sounds of singing, since music in general expresses our feelings more powerfully than words. (If so, then we could console ourselves with the thought that not only the content of Christian prayers and songs, but also their very melody was inspired by the Spirit of God and, of course, has retained His stamp to this day). The Meaning and Virtue of the Gift of Tongues One thing can be said with certainty about the gift of tongues: from the inside, in terms of the state of mind, speaking languages ​​was a state of special spiritual, deep prayer. In this state, a person spoke directly to God, with God, and penetrated into secrets. This was a state of religious ecstasy 207, for the accessibility of which the ap. Paul warmly thanks God 208 . From the outside, it was such a majestic phenomenon, completely worthy of the Spirit of God, that for the most unbelievers it was a sign showing with their own eyes the presence of the Divine itself in Christian assemblies 209. It was a state of the highest spiritual elation. What was especially majestic about this phenomenon was that, despite all the strength of the feeling that gripped the person at that time, he did not lose power over himself, he could restrain and regulate the external manifestations of this state - remain silent while another was speaking, waiting for his turn. “And the spirits of the prophets obey the prophets” 210, testifies the apostle. Paul. This state was so superior to any neuro-physiological basis. And yet ap. Paul places the gift of tongues below prophecy. In the gift of tongues there was something as if spontaneous, corresponding to the stage of development at which humanity stood at that time. This gift had something in common with those primitive forms of prophecy that it took, for example, from Saul 211, and which, in turn, in its external forms resembled the mantle of paganism. Ap. Paul, by his opposition of linguistics to prophecy, deprives the foundation of the tendency towards enthusiastic excesses and the darkening of a clear Christian consciousness, as they began to declare themselves in Corinth. He closes the road before the church, which the Gnostics subsequently entered, the road to the degeneration of this gift into orgasm and magic 212. Through the addition of interpretation, linguistics, like prophecy, received edifying power for everyone. During the time of St. Irenaeus († 202) although linguistics is preserved, it apparently turns into prophecy. At least distinctive from the ap. Paul's function as a prophet to “reveal the mysteries” of St. Irenaeus ascribes to the glossolal: “we heard many brothers in the church who had prophetic gifts and through the Spirit spoke in different languages ​​and for the common benefit brought out the hidden things in people and explained the mysteries of God” 213. Traces of linguistics in ancient and modern worship Nevertheless, as an expression of deep, overwhelming religious feeling, the gift of tongues could not fail to have a great and lasting influence on Christian worship. He created that grace-filled breath that was preserved during this service, and when this gift ceased, it was preserved, cast into other forms. In later and even modern worship, it is possible to point out some particulars that are traces of ancient linguistics in worship. From linguistics one can derive, for example, the ancient liturgical exclamation “Maranatha”, laid down at the Eucharist in the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” 214 and probably cited from the liturgical practice of the apostle. Paul 215. This exclamation is a Syriac word meaning “Our Lord has come” (prophetic past) or “come”: Mar - Lord, an or ana - ours, ata - come, or "ta" - come. Thus, the exclamation expresses the intense anticipation of the imminent coming of Christ among the first Christians. Exegetes have tried unsuccessfully to explain the Syriac language of this exclamation 216; but on the assumption that it came from the mouth of a glossolal at a divine service, this strangeness is naturally explained. - Already St. John Chrysostom is looking only for traces of glossolalia in the services of his time: “And now we have only signs of the talents of that time. And now we speak two or three and separately, and when one stops talking, another begins; but all these are only signs and monuments of the past. Therefore, when we begin to speak, the people answer: To your Spirit, expressing by this that from ancient times they spoke so not out of their own wisdom, but according to the inspiration of the Spirit" 217 . The remnants of linguistics must be such fragmentary words in the ancient song sequence as “To the Universe, Alleluia,” as well as in the current service some incoherence and fragmentation (and the mystery associated with them) of exclamations at the most important part of the liturgy (“its canon”) and at the end of Vespers and Matins. The exclamation “Wisdom” is of the same nature, indicating the importance not of those prayers and songs before which it is pronounced, but of the very moment of the church service (for example, entrance). It is possible that the centuries-old echo of glossolalia in the former Greco-Slavic worship was the so-called chants, or the addition of extraneous syllables to the text of the chant, in especially solemn places, a custom that survived until the 16th century. In the oldest of Russian statutes, Moscow. Typogr. bib. XI-XII centuries at the sedate Sunday matins, which then replaced the current polyeleos, there is an alleluia with the following chants: “aleneluia aleneve enene luia aleneve enene neve neve eneneluia” 218. In the Book of Hours of the Krakow edition of 1491, on the choruses of the opening psalm of Vespers, Glory to the Lord, the following chants are set: “Glory to the Lord anene naana neanene naaa inane who created all things” 219 . A trace of glossolalia is also the use of Hebrew and Greek words in worship and also at its most important moments: alleluia, amen 220, Kyrie eleison 221. In glossolalia, the desire to create a special liturgical language has its basis: in Roman Catholicism, this legitimate desire, based on the conviction that one must talk with God in a special, angelic language, is taken to the extreme, but it is not alien to all Orthodox churches: the Greek liturgical language (itatic) was hardly ever spoken (as its ethic form shows in the oldest Latin transcriptions), as well as liturgical Slavic 222. Freedom and Standard in Apostolic Worship Given the abundance of spiritual gifts in the Apostolic Church and their widespread use during divine services, the latter could not but differ from ours in its significant freedom and diversity. The content of the service was determined by which of the charismatic persons participated in it, and what revelations or inspiration they received during the service. But since the distinctive property of Christian inspiration is that “the prophetic spirits are obedient to the prophets,” i.e. preserving, under inspiration, full consciousness and self-control, then such freedom and variety of the worship of that time allowed for some limitation through the correct order and order, through free submission to which it only gained in its greatness and beauty. Thus, already in this “enthusiastic” period of Christianity, the beginning of a strictly defined order of worship was laid. The entire indicated section of 1 Corinthians is aimed precisely at introducing more order into liturgical gatherings and, in particular, determining the order of using spiritual gifts during worship. Ap. Paul wants prophetic revelations, as giving edification not only to the heart, but also to the mind, to prevail during worship over linguistics, which are inferior to prophecy in its uncertainty and subjectivity: “be zealous for spiritual gifts, especially to prophesy” 223 - in other words, the apostle wants the didactic element in worship to prevail over the lyrical 224; - so that there is no overflow of liturgical material with homogeneous content: “and if someone speaks in an (unfamiliar) language, (speak) two or many three, and then separately, and explain one; and let two or three prophets speak, and let others reason” 225 so that there is no simultaneous speaking 226 by several persons (“even then separately” is not a very insistent requirement). In all these demands, the apostle refers to the fact that “this happens in all the churches of the saints” 227. Consequently, more or less the same order of worship was already beginning to be established in different churches. It happened gracefully (εὐσχήμων, gracefully, aesthetically) and decorously (κατà τάξιν, in orderly order 228: the first depended on the second. It is possible that the order in which the charismatics’ speeches alternated at the service is indicated by the following words of the apostle: “when you come together, and each of you has a psalm, there is a teaching, there is a language, there is a revelation, there is an interpretation, let all this be for edification” 229. Language and revelation (prophecy), as the most intense degrees of inspiration, are placed in the middle: they are prepared by inspired singing ("psalm") and the teaching of the teacher (didaskala) and conclude with the equally calm speech of the "interpreter" (interpretation for linguistics and, presumably, prophecy). All this “charismatic” worship could be preceded and prepared by an ordinary one, consisting of the reading of Holy Scripture, hymns and prayers. This is the same place from the ap. Paul, apparently, speaks for the fact that in the worship of that time, the performance of liturgical material by individuals, and not by the whole congregation, prevailed. The remark of Ap. speaks for this. Paul: “If you bless in the spirit, how will one standing in the place of a commoner say “Amen” when you give thanks? For he does not understand what you are saying." 231 The participation of the entire congregation in worship is here represented in the form of listening to what is sung and said by the charismatics, expressing this participation with the word “Amen”. Worship on the Apocalypse How harmonious and solid an order had developed in the divine service towards the end of the apostolic time, and what beauty this imparted to the divine service, can be clearly seen from the Apocalypse, a book that in many places is a reflection of the liturgical practice of that time. The Apocalypse, first of all, allows us to state the decisive, as far as possible, break between Christian worship and synagogue worship. The synagogue there is called directly satanic (συναγωγή του σατάν, “the host of Satan”) 232. They rightly think that the basis of the main apocalyptic vision (chap. 4) of God sitting on the throne and the Lamb with 24 elders is the picture of the then liturgy, performed by the bishop with a host of elders, falling prostrate before the throne of God and the Lamb “in the middle of it”; under the throne are the souls of those killed for the word of God - the tombs of the martyrs, on which the first Christians celebrated the Eucharist. It is characteristic that the elders worship God and the Lamb when the Cherubim sing: “Holy, holy, holy is the Lord...” and that they add to their singing: “Thou art worthy, Lord, to receive glory and honor and power, for thou hast created all things, and by thy will the essence was created” 233 . All this is reminiscent of liturgical songs and prayers. Scattered throughout the Apocalypse are a number of other undoubtedly liturgical formulas. This is, for example, a doxological formula, often varying: “To him be glory and dominion forever and ever Amen” 234 or: “To him who sits on the throne and to the Lamb be blessing and honor and glory and dominion forever and ever” 235 . Sometimes to these formulas and similar ones alleluia and amen are added in front or behind, amen to her 236. In different places, the Apocalypse gives up to 10 hymns in honor of the Lamb 237 and mentions the songs of the servant of God Moses 238. In the words: “blessed is he who reads and those who listen to the words of this prophecy” 239 The Apocalypse is directly intended for liturgical use, and under the reader, ὁ ἀναγιγν ώ σκων unit. h. (ἀναγν ώ στης) of course the church reader (lector), who read Scripture to the assembly of listeners (οἱ ἀκούοντες) 240. Feasts in the Apostolic Age Along with the development of daily divine services, the apostolic age laid the foundations for the Christian church year. Initially, the apostles and believers observed Jewish holidays with the same zeal with which they visited the church every day. Even up. Paul, this preacher of complete freedom from the Jewish and legal yoke, tries not to spend any of the great Jewish holidays outside Jerusalem, interrupting his missionary journeys for them, rushing to them from Asia Minor and Greece to Palestine 241. This close connection of Apostolic Christianity with the Jewish calendar was, however, to weaken more and more. If circumcision was not considered necessary for believing pagans, then even less so on Jewish holidays. Nevertheless, app. In this regard, Paul also had to protect his neophytes from the Judeo-Christians: “let no one judge you for food or drink, or for any holiday, or the new moon, or the Sabbath” 242. A passage showing that the Jewish church year was not considered optional for all Christians without exception. But the celebration of Sunday marked the beginning of the Christian church year, which gradually began to overshadow the Jewish 243. The first definite indication of the celebration of Sunday under the apostles is in 1 Epistle to the Corinthians, which must have been written around 58 at the end of the 2-year stay of the apostle. Paul in Ephesus during his 3rd missionary journey. The Apostle advises the Corinthian Christians to make a charitable collection in favor of the Palestinian brethren on the first day of the week, as he had previously established in the Galatian churches. On this day, every believer should save as much as his fortune allows for the benefit of the poor and save it until the arrival of the apostle to be handed over to him 244. Here, therefore, is an indication of the sanctification of Sunday only through charity. But from the same year we have an indication in Acts of the sanctification of Sunday and the liturgical assembly. When ap. Paul from the same missionary journey was returning to Jerusalem and made a stop in Troas, then on the first day of the week, when the disciples gathered to break bread, Paul, intending to go further the next day, talked with them and continued the word until midnight 245. The meeting was not for the sake of the upcoming departure of the apostle. Paul, but for the sake of Sunday; otherwise the Writer would not have said “on the first day of the week,” but “on the eve of departure.” Sunday is sanctified in this case with the Eucharist (“breaking of bread”), which takes place in the evening; in the upper room where the believers gathered, the Writer notes, “there were quite a few (ἱκαναì) lamps”: it was not just lit because it was evening, but brightly lit, obviously on the occasion of the holiday and, perhaps, following the example of the Jewish Sabbath: the service lasts from evening until dawn. There is reason to think that the celebration of Sunday by the apostles began long before the indicated time. It is remarkable that on the first Pentecost after the Ascension of the Lord, the apostles and believers do not go either to the temple for the solemn morning sacrifice, or to the synagogue, but arrange their prayer meeting in a private home. Pentecost that year fell on the first day of the week 246. Nevertheless, at least at first, the new Christian holiday hardly completely replaced the Sabbath from the liturgical practice of believers. Eusebius says about the Ebionites that they, “calling the apostles apostates from the law, kept the Sabbath and generally led a lifestyle similar to the Jews; however, like us, we also celebrated Sundays, to remember the Resurrection of the Lord” 247; in this practice of the Ebionites one can see a trace of the primitive practice of the Judeo-Christians 248. In the Apocalypse, Sunday, which the Gospels and Epistles also call one of the Sabbaths (ἡ μία or πρ ώ τη τω ν σαββάτων) 249, already receives the special name of the Day of the Lord, ἡ κυριακὴ ἡμέρα % 250. Sunday afternoon, it seems, was the end of the circle of holidays for the young church. Hardly in the words of the ap. Paul: “Our Passover Christ was devoured for us; by the same token, let us celebrate not in kvass” 251 ... one can see an indication of the Christian Easter as opposed to the Jewish one. Rather, such an indication can be seen in the care with which Ev. John notes the coincidence of Christ's death with the Jewish Passover 252. The insistence with which Christian tradition has always attributed the establishment of Great Lent to the apostles themselves allows us to look for at least its beginnings at this time. It is possible that the words of the Savior: “When the bridegroom is taken away from them, then they fast,” put forward by such an ancient writer as Tertullian, as the basis for the Easter fast, were understood in this sense by the apostles themselves and encouraged them to consecrate with fasting, which they generally loved 253, the annual day of the Lord’s death. Since this day fell on the Jewish Passover, when the observance of Jewish holidays ceased among Christians, the latter could easily come to the idea of ​​sanctifying the day of the Jewish Passover with fasting in remembrance of the death of Christ. Easter originally existed in the form of such a fast, as we can see from the initial testimony about it in St. II. Irenea. Even in the 3rd century. Easter came down to fasting, was Easter on the Cross, next to which even then the Easter of the Resurrection had barely begun to appear as an independent holiday - under the guise of the solemn abandonment of the Easter fast. This fast under the apostles was probably left by some on the very day of Passover, and by others on the following Sunday. According to the testimony of Socrates (5th century), those who celebrated the Passover holiday on the 14th day of Nisan, i.e. on the same day as the Jews, claimed that this was handed down to them from the apostle. John, and those who celebrated Easter on the Sunday following the Jewish Passover said that they received their custom from St. Peter and Paul. “But neither one nor the other, the historian notes, can provide written evidence of this” 254. This is how a recently discovered monument of the 2nd century is inscribed, concluding various instructions on behalf of the apostles regarding church structure and worship. But here in the teaching of the apostles a different content is assumed. “The breaking of bread” is a technical designation for the Eucharist in the New Testament: Acts 20:7; 1 Cor.10:16, 11:24. Therefore, Pescito translates this expression here and in 20:7: “in the breaking of the Eucharist.” Between the words “in fellowship” and “in the breaking of bread,” some codes do not have “and,” due to which “the teaching of the apostles” and “communion” are separated as an independent pair next to the other “breaking of bread” and “prayers”; The Vulgate, on the contrary, merges the 2nd member with the 3rd: in communicatione fractionis panis. Meyer H. Kritisch exegetisches Handbuch über die Apostelgeschichte, 7 Aufl, Gött, 1888, S. 91. Acts 3:1, 11; Acts 5:20,25,42; Acts 21:27,30; Acts 22:17; Acts 24:18. Felten I. Die Apostelgeschichte, Freiburg ü B. 1892, S. 97. The portico bore the name of Solomon because part of the eastern wall, near which it was located, has been preserved from the time of Solomon (Olesnitsky A. Old Testament Temple in Jerusalem, St. Petersburg, 1889, p. 420). This portico, which was a place protected from heat and rain with benches for rest, was a favorite corner of the church for the Savior (John 10:23. Wed. Acts 3:11). Josephus in the Temple (τὀ ἱερ ό ν) distinguishes 3 parts: the outer temple or court of the pagans, the inner temple (τὀἅ γιον), to which only the Jews had access, and the innermost (ὁ νἀ ό ς), accessible only to the priests (Ant. 15, 11, 3-6. Bell. 5, 5:1-7). Acts 12:12. Felten Apostelg., 98. Skaballanovich M.St. earth in the holidays of the Orthodox Church. Day of the Holy Trinity and the Holy Spirit. St. Petersburg 1908, p.49 et d. Smirnov F. (Bishop Christopher). Divine service of the apostolic time. // T.K.D.A. 1873, II, 522. Acts 3:1 ; Wed Acts 10:3, 30, etc. Eg. Acts 1:24–25; Acts 4:24–30, etc. Teaching of the 12 Apostles, chapter 8 / Rus. lane K. Popova, Kiev, 1885. Chapter 8. Lange, I. Theologisch – homiletisches Bibelverk. Die Pastoralbriefe. v. von Oosterzee, Biel. u Leipz., 1874. S. 29. Goltz E. Das Gebet in der ältesten Christentheit, Leipz., 1901. S. 183. Wed. 1 Corinthians 14:26: “Whenever you come together, let each of you sing a psalm.” In the ancient Slavic apostles: “in songs and in praises and in spiritual voices (or: glories”). Migne, Patr. s. gr. 62, col. 363. Bogdashevsky D. Message of St. ap. Paul to the Ephesians, Kyiv 1904, p. 621–622. Luke 1:1. Smirnov, Bogosl. apostle time. // T.K.D.A. 1873, II, p.96. Hebrews 13:7, 17; 1 and 2 Tim.; Titus many places. About the Alexandrian synagogue, built by Hosea IV, the Talmud says: “there were 71 departments there, corresponding to 71 elders (Sanhedrin) and they cost 25 myriads. The worshipers did not sit mixed together, but the goldsmiths sat separately, the silversmiths separately, the blacksmiths separately, the weavers separately.” Talmud: Succa, IV, I. 1 Corinthians 14:16. Both quotes are from Dmitrievsky A. The ancient Jewish synagogue and its liturgical forms in relation to the ancient Christian temple and its liturgical forms (About the book by A. Nikitin under the title. Jewish synagogues...). Kazan, 1893. The most authoritative liturgist in this brochure resolutely denies, contrary to A. Nikitin, any architectural dependence of the Christian church on the synagogue, but admits the broad influence of synagogue worship on ours: p. 42 and d. Thebean M. priest. Spiritual gifts in the primitive church. M., 1907, p. 21–23. In a parallel place, 2 Peter 2:13, instead of ἀγάπαις stands ἀπάταις (glor. “feeding on his flattery, eating with you”); but a number of Kadexes even there have ἀγάπαις (Vatic. Vulg. Transl. Ethiopian. Peshito, etc.). Batifoll (Agape // Etudes d’histoire et de théologie positive, Paris, 1902), who denies the existence of agape, also reads in Jude 12 ἀπάταις (according to certain codes). Indeed, this is the only place in the New Testament and in all contemporary literature where the word ἀγάπη has such a technical meaning. Everywhere in the Old Testament, in the LXX, in the New Testament, in the ap. Jude (1 and 21 vv.) and Philo (only once ἀγάπη) ἀγάπη means only love. Sokolov P. Agape or love suppers in the ancient Christian world. Serg. Pos., 1906, p. 73–75. M. Filaret (Drozdov), Words and speeches: in 3 volumes. M., 1844–1845. vol. 2, 293. 1 Cor.12:28–30, 8–10; Wed Eph.4:11. The fact that this list includes apostles and prophets does not contradict the fact that here we are talking primarily about the performers of worship: about the Antioch “prophets and teachers,” among whom was St. Barnabas. The writer notes that they once “served (λειτουργούντων) the Lord and fasted” (Acts 13:2). Λιτουργε ῐ ν - the usual word about the church service of priests in the LXX: Exodus 28:35; Numbers 4:39; Ezek.40:46; Judith.4:14; Heb.10:11; Wed Rom.15:27. Regarding the liturgical functions of prophets and teachers, this word is also used in the “Teaching of the 12 Apostles” (11 and 15). Lebedev A. The clergy of the ancient universal church (from the times of the apostles to the 9th century). M., 1905. (I. Charismatic teachers of the primal church), p. 10 etc. Teaching of the 12 Apostles ch. 11. Per. K. Popova, ed. 2, Kiev, 1885. Acts 13:1, 15:32, 21:9,10. Lucian. On the death of Peregrin, ch. 11, 16. Lebedev. Spirit. other sun church., p. 21. Irenaeus. Prot. er. V, 6, 1. Lange I. Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk. Braune K. Die Korinther-Briefe, Biel. u. Leipz., 1876. S. 199. Eph.4:11; 2Tim.4:5. Bogdashevsky D. Last. Eph., 538. Golubev M. Review of the messages of St. ap. Paul to the Corinthians, vol. I, St. Petersburg, 1861, p. 212. Explanation taken from St. Chrysostom. Demon. on 1 Cor. 12:28. Lebedev, Spirit. other sun churches, 23. Osiander, Commentar üb. 1 Brief an die Korinther, Stutg., 1847: V. Hoffman, Die Heilige Schrit. II, 2, 1864. Quoted in Harnack and Hebhardt, Texte und Untersuchungen, 1884. B. 2. H. 1, S. 135–136. Ignatius to Eph. 2. Dionysius, pr. 4. Lebedev A. Spirit. other sun churches, 9. Lebedev A. Spirit. other sun churches, 8. Wed. 1 Corinthians 12:9–10 from v. 28, where the gift of faith is no longer mentioned. Zlatoust. Demon. on 1 Cor. 12:10. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. V, 7. Irenaeus. Prot. er. II, 31. Origen. Prot. cel. I, 2, 46–47. Golubev M. Review last Cor., 209. Teaching of the 12 Apostles, ch. 10. Wed. 2 Corinthians 8:19. Ignatius. K Filad. 10, Smirn. 11. Teaching of the 12 Apostles. 15. Wed. Clement of Rome. 1 Cor.44: “We consider it unjust to deprive bishops of the ministry.” Lange-Braune, D. Kor.-Br. 235. Justin. Apol. 1, 9. Irenaeus. Prot. er. V. 6. Tertullian. St. Mark., 5. Origen. on Exodus 13:2. About prayer, 2. On the last. to Rom.7, 6. Cyril of Jerusalem. Ogl. 17, 16. Chrysostom. On 1 Cor. demon 29. Gregory the Theologian. Sl. 41, on Pentecost. Augustine. Sl. 5, on Pentecost. Close to this is Lightfoot's opinion that in Corinth linguistics consisted of a miraculous ability to speak the ancient Hebrew language, which was no longer in use (Lightfoot, Horae hebraicae et talmudicae in ep. priorem ad Corinthios. Opera II, 917 sq.). Billroth. Commentar zu den Briefen des Paulus an die Korinther. Leipz., 1833, after Lange, 200. Aristotle, De arte poeticac., 21. Galen. Exeges. glossar. Hippocr. prooem. Quintilian. Inst. orat.,1, 8. Bleek. // Theol. Studien und Kritiken. 1829. S. 17 f. Eichhorn // Allgemein. Biblioth. der biblischer Literatur. I, 91 f. etc. Wieseler // Theol. Stud. und Crit. 1838, 378 f. Edwards A. Commentary of the first epistle to the Corinthians, Lond., 1885, p. 319. In Pollux, Greek. musician Phetis, Histoire de la musique, t. IV, p. 281. Fiveysky M., priest. Spiritual gifts, 45. In Aristoxenus, Plutarch and others. Ibid. In Aristoxenus and Plutarch. De def. orac. Phetis. III, 46. Fiveysky M., priest. Spiritual Gifts, 99–100. Acts 2:4; glory and Russian "broadcast" Irenaeus. Prot. er. III, 17, 2. Aristotle. Probl. Fiveysky M., priest. Spiritual gifts, 47. Schultz, Die Geistesgaben and especially M. Theveysky, priest, are inclined to this opinion. , op. op. Godet F. Kommentar zu dem ersten Briefe an die Korinther / German. lane Wunderlich. Hannov., 1886, S. 178. Augustine. Confession. X, 33. 1 Corinthians 12:10, 20, 30; 1 Corinthians 13:1; 1 Corinthians 14:2; 1 Corinthians 14:4–6, 13–16, 26, 27, 28, 39. Mishchenko F. Speeches of St. ap. Peter in the book. Acts Apostle. Kyiv, 1907. p. 70. Zahn Fh. Kommentar zum Neuen Testament. Bachmann Ph. Der 1 Brief des Paulus an die Kоrinther, Leipz., 1905. S. 390. Oracula magica Zoroastris cum scholiis Plethonis et Psellii / ed. Opsopaeus, Paris, 1907, S. 70 f. Heinrici, 380. Theodorite. On 1 Corinthians 13:1. Muretov M. Prophecy and linguistics as a sign for believers and unbelievers // God. West. 1904, 7–8: “you are enraged”, μα ί νεσθε (1 Cor. 14:23) the author understands in the sense of religious ecstasy. 1 Samuel 10:5, etc. 1 Samuel 10:19, 20, etc. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. X, 7, 11. Tertullian, Adv. Valent., 1. Irenaeus. Prot. er. V, 6, 1. Heinrici 381. These are the explanations: ap. Paul wanted to contrast the Aramaic with the Hellenic pride with wisdom and eloquence (St. John Chrysostom, Blessed Theophylact); strengthen his threat or hint at his Judaistic opponents in Corinth (Hoffmann, Heinrici); verify the authenticity of the message by writing this word with your own hand (Billroth, Rückert); For some reason this is a memorable word from a visit to Ap. Paul of Corinth or the password of the Christians (Ewald); it was a postmark. Paul on the epistle, later copied in Greek letters (Gode). Zlatoust. by ed. Paris, 1837, t. X. p. 395; rus. lane M., 1873, p. 288. Golubev M. Review last to Cor., 274 Est. Type. 285 (142) 1206, l. 98 and about. 99 and about. Hours Kyiv. Mich. bib. 311 (404) 165, l. 41 rev. This song is called nenenayka. In addition to this, the Greek church also knew the singing of tererem with 4 or more repetitions of the first syllable “te”, but with different vowels for different voices. for the 1st tee, 2nd tee, for the 3rd tee, etc. Popevkas are still used today by the Greeks, South Slavs, and by our Old Believers and Russian Athos residents. In the Panteleimon Monastery on Athos, thanks to the singing of the troparion to the Virgin Mary at Vespers, the singing of the troparion to the Virgin Mary lasts for an entire hour. (Notes of a worshiper of the Holy Mountain. Kiev 1864, pp. 32–33. Razumovsky D. Church singing in Russia. M., 1867. V. 1. pp. 108–109). Both are especially true in our rite of baptism when combining oil with water, and alleluia in the Roman Church on Easter. Especially in the Roman Church on the litany: Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson. The gift of tongues appears in the New Testament as such a wonderful, majestic and touchingly amazing phenomenon that it cannot in any way be recognized as a phenomenon of the same order as the linguistic speech of Russian and foreign sectarians (Khlysty, Malevants, Irvingians, Mormons), consisting of a completely meaningless combination of syllables and words (for example: rentre fente rente fintrifunt, trrr, tlim, tlim, dze "- Konovalov D. Religious ecstasy in Russian mystical sectarianism. // God. 1908, 4, 738. 744) and representing a purely nervous phenomenon, accompanied by convulsions (ibid. 10, 200; 4:754), whirling (4, 734:755), nervous laughter and crying (4:753). Due to nervousness, some people may experience speech in a foreign language, which they have ever heard and perceived unconsciously. Both phenomena were familiar to ancient Christians, but they were sharply isolated from the gift of tongues, imparted by the Holy Spirit; they were explained by the influence of evil spirits on a person. Eusebius cites the story of an ancient historian about the linguistics of the Montanists. “Someone named Montanus, they say, from among the new believers, from an excessive desire for primacy, was influenced by the enemy and suddenly, having entered into a state of possession and frenzy, began to speak and make strange sounds (λαλει ν καì ξενοφωνει ν), i.e. prophesied contrary to the custom that has been faithful since ancient times and has been continuously preserved in the church... He (the devil) even raised up some two women and filled them with a lying spirit, so that they, like the above-mentioned Montanus, spoke senselessly, inappropriately and strangely” (Eusebius. Church History. V, 16). According to the story of the bl. Jerome, a Frankish official who had fallen under the power of a demon since childhood, in the presence of St. Hilarion spoke, “barely touching the ground with his feet and blushing extremely,” in the Syriac and Greek languages ​​unfamiliar to him with a completely correct pronunciation. (Life of St. Hilarion, chapter 22). Russian and foreign sectarians were not observed speaking in unfamiliar foreign languages, but only uttering meaningless sounds. Orthodox worship is more faithful than Catholic, with its continuous music, to this testament of the Apostle; the Protestant went to the opposite extreme with its homiletical flavor. 1 Corinthians 14:27, 29. If linguistics were singing, then the ancient song-based practice was close to violating this apostolic covenant in one direction, and the ancient monastic-Kelliot practice in the other. The old Russian double-voice was a deviation from this instruction. It is not uncommon during current services: the most important hymns are sung first by one reader, the canonarch, or the primate himself. 1 Corinthians 14:16. “Standing in the place of the commoner,” Slav. “ignorant,” Greek ἰδι ώ του. Ἰ δι ώ της – a person who does not occupy an official or leadership position, or a non-specialist, for example, ordinary citizens in contrast to the king (Herodotus. II, 81, etc.), the public in contrast to school scientists (Plutarch. Symp. 1:1); not ecstatic and not mantic, unlike the visionary (Pauz. Corint. 13). In LXX in Proverbs 6:8, as in Herodotus. In the Talmud, an ordinary person, unlike a rabbi, an artist, etc. In accordance with all these meanings, the word here clearly means each member of the liturgical assembly, as opposed to the speaker. revelation, in this particular case of linguistics. Consequently, the word does not stand in the sense of a casual visitor to a meeting, for example, an infidel, as in v. 24, where the same word, and not in the general sense of an ignorant, uneducated, much less in the newest sense of the word, which some also assumed, rendering it, for example, in German Idiot (Binterim A. Die vorzüglichsten Denkwürdigkeiten). der Christ-Katolischen Kirche, IV, I, Mainz, 1827, S. 319). “Standing still” indicates that the position of ἰδι ώ τησ ᾽ α is not permanent, but accidental: everyone except the one actively participating in worship is ἰδιω ται, and everyone becomes one at a certain moment when he does not have revelation (Zahn-Bachman 420–421). Here, therefore, there is already a rather sharp (more than in the synagogue) division of those praying into clergy and laity, although this distinction is not yet stable and fluid. Rev. 1:7, 22:20; 19:1, 4. Rev. 1:4–7, 4:8–11, 7:10–12, 11:15–19, 12:10–12, 15:3, 4, 19:1–7, 21:3, 4. Smirnov F. (Bishop Christopher). Apocalypse as a liturgical monument of the apostolic era. // T.K.D.A. 1874, 10, 116–117. Col. 2:16; Wed Gal.4:8-11; Rom.14:5–6. Hebrews 4:4–9. Here the apostle proves that the Jews did not have a real Sabbath, why “God still determines a certain day,” in which one can see an allusion to Sunday. John 19:31 Wed. Lev.23:15. Smirnov D. Celebrating Sunday. (Its history and significance). Kyiv, 1893, p. 59. It is hardly possible with the author to look at the meeting of the disciples on the 8th day after the first appearance of the risen Savior to them as a celebration of this day. But the author’s remark is fair that the practice of celebrating Sunday under the apostles can be indicated by the care with which in the Gospels, and even in Ev. Matthew, intended for Judeo-Christians, indicates the relationship of the last events in the life of the Savior to the days of the week Eusebius. Church history. III, 27. Smirnov D. Celebrating Sunday, 60–61. Mark 16:2; Luke 24:1; Acts 20:7; 1 Corinthians 16:2. John 19:4, 18:28. Wed. John 13:1. Socrates, Ecclesiastical History. V, 22. You might be interested in: