Studii monastery and its church and service orders

The origin of the Studite monastery dates back to the half of the 5th century. During the reign of Emperor Leo the Great, a nobleman named Studius arrived from Rome to Constantinople, whom Byzantine writers call patrician and consul 1 (πατρίκιος καὶ ὕ πατος). Probably much earlier, under Constantine, the ancestors of Studius moved to Byzantium, followed by their other relatives, due to a more advantageous position, emigrating from Rome. Glyka 2, among the 12 Roman senators who emigrated with Constantine the Great, is also named by Studio, and then persons with this name are mentioned several times among the officials of the empire 3. Remaining to live in Byzantium, Studius marked his stay in the new fatherland with a deed of piety, which brought him great historical fame and placed his name at the head of the famous monastic community, which had outstanding significance in the church and social life of the Christian East. He founded a church in honor of the Forerunner and laid the foundation of the Studite monastery. It began with the fact that monks summoned by Studius from the monastery of the never-sleeping 4 settled at this church, then the number of inhabitants increased, and a whole monastic community was formed, from which the Studius monastery traced its history. The loud name of the monastery, in the current sense of the word, of course, did not belong to the modest institution of Studio, and the testimony of Codin, who considers the first inhabitants of this monastery to be in the thousands (χιλ ίȣ ς) 5, is guilty of obvious exaggeration. It is much more correct to read from the anonymous descriptor of Constantinople antiquities, who replaces this bold figure with vague expressions: “and he was the first to install monks here” 6. Thanks to its position on the outskirts of the capital and the rich contributions with which its existence was ensured, the monastery of the Studii soon reached a flourishing state and gained wide fame. Here, military officials of the city find their posthumous peace, for example, Vonos, the governor of Heraclius and the head of the capital’s security during the siege of it by Khozroe 7 . The emperors make an annual exit here, which is described in detail in the book de Ceremoniis avlae byzantinae 8. From this description it is clear that the main monastery church was built on a large scale, equipped with such extensions that involve the use of extensive ceremonial, such as, for example, a monastery room, an open courtyard, passages; There was also a women’s department, which obviously showed that women had access to the monastery and were allowed to serve. The expression of the biographer Theodore the Studite also fully corresponds to this idea of ​​​​the Studite church. He calls it "περιώνυμος τ ȣ' Στ ȣ δί ȣ ναός 9, and the number of monks in the first time of the abbot of St. Theodosius, according to him, reached a thousand 10. Under Copronymus, the monastery suffered a lot from the iconoclasts: there were monks expelled, scattered to safe places and here they were grouped into small communities and monasteries, which continued to be called studios, and this name alone, in the words of the writer, was in their favor and attracted new inhabitants. With the death of Copronymus, the main monastery began to be populated again: first 12 monks returned to it, and then others, so that in a short time the monastery recovered and returned to its former flourishing position. It achieved its greatest fame under Theodore the Studite 11, and brilliant pages from the history of the Studite monastery are associated with his leadership. He becomes the leader of the supporters of icon veneration, vigorously advocates for this cause and raises high the banner of church independence amid the violence and despotism resorted to by the iconoclastic side, relying on the support of official power. Under the definitions of the 7th Ecumenical Council, Savva the Archimandrite and Abbot of the Studite Monastery was the first to sign for the bishops. Tzimiskes instructs the studio abbot Euthymius to resolve the disagreement between the Holy Mountain residents, and the first charter for the hostels there was drawn up with his approval 12. With the letter of Patriarch Matthew (1381), the abbot of Studiya is given primacy among the archimandrites, or, better said, the right that he has enjoyed since ancient times is confirmed. The second place is occupied by the abbot of the Mangan monastery, the third – by the Forerunners in Petra, Acta Patriarchat. I, p. 22–23. Its abbots take part in church affairs, have close relations with the court, provide patriarchs from their midst, and their names occupy an honorable place in signatures and government acts. Finally, before us passes a whole series of royal persons and noble Byzantines who, voluntarily or involuntarily, take monasticism here and seek peace from the worries and intrigues of the then social life. Particularly prominent among the patrons of the monastery are Emperor Constantine Ducas, who spent the rest of his days here after abdicating the throne, and his wife. According to Skylitzes, she decorated the most venerable church of the Forerunner and did so much for the monastery that it would be the work of Hercules to describe it all 13 . Having taken monastic vows at the Mirilei Monastery, she asked the Studi abbot to bury her in the brotherly cemetery. During the occupation of Constantinople by the crusaders, the Studite monastery suffered a lot from the enemies and became a victim of fire, but was not completely destroyed. This can be seen from the words of George Akropolitus, who, talking about the ceremonial entry of Michael Palaiologos into the capital taken from the Franks, says that the emperor was traveling with the icon of Hodegetria from the Blachernae monastery and on the way stopped at the Studite monastery. Here he left the icon and, mounting his horse, headed towards the St. Sophia Cathedral 14. Constantine Palaiologos restored the monastery, and in this form it continued to exist until the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks. During this period of time, in addition to Greek writers, we find news about the Studite monastery among our pilgrims. Along with other Byzantine attractions, they were shown the Studite monastery, which was then in full swing with active church life, and immigrants from Russia stayed here, copying books 15. This is the well-known testimony of Stephen of Novgorod, according to whom, he and his companions kissed the relics of St. Savva 16 and were amazed at the splendor of this monastery, especially at its spacious meal, which was wonderfully arranged, more than all monasteries 17. The Turks turned the Studi church into a mosque, and now it is known as “Imrahor-Jamisi”. Peter Gillius, a French traveler of the 16th century, found the Studite monastery already in ruins, and only the remains of the columns of the ancient basilica were preserved, about which an inquisitive tourist reported some interesting information 18 . From the latest research on the Studite church as an architectural monument, it should be mentioned: Salzenberg’s “Baudenkk. von Konstantinop.” S. 12–13, archaeological atlas by architect Pulger “Les anciennes églises de C-ple”, 1880. Pl. I and Unier’s article “Griechische Kunst” in the Ersch and Gruber encyclopedia. Now let’s move on to the inner side of studio life, as far as it relates to its structure and clarifies the fate of the church orders accepted there. Studius, having founded the monastery, did not give it a special charter, and, calling on the monks from among the vigilant, of course, left them to adhere to the customs that were accepted among them. And, in any case, this small monastery, which arose from the religious motives of Studius, as a lay patron who had no authority behind him in monastic life, of necessity had to join those institutions that gained fame in this field and were tested in practice. In general, it remains unknown what order was maintained in the Studite monastery before Theodore the Studite, and only from that time on did its inner life begin to become clearer. The Monk Theodore based the monastic structure on the cenobitic rules of Basil the Great, for which he had special respect and with which he was perfectly familiar, while still a simple monk of the Sakkudion Monastery 19 . Following these rules in his personal life, he, as soon as he became rector, tried to apply them to the structure of the entire hostel. The same respect for them was shared by his teacher in monastic life, “spiritual father” Plato, his maternal uncle, who was the abbot of the Sakkudion monastery, where Theodore the Studite became a monk and was abbot after Plato’s death 20 . But since the ascetic writings of Basil the Great determined the order of monastic life, and not worship, it is clear that their use in studio practice illuminates disciplinary relations for us, without giving us anything to get acquainted with the local service regulations. Theodore’s own writings do not contribute much to this area. They express his views on the task of monasticism and the behavior of monks, condemn the abuses that have crept into monastic life, depict the customs of the monasteries of that time, but least of all their liturgical structure, what we call the charter of service. It is from this side that the biographer portrays the activities of Theodore the Studite as abbot. He says that with the number of brethren increased to a very large size, St. Theodore lacked either the time or the strength to get involved in everything himself and personally monitor the order - and so he established a whole series of officials, assistants to himself in managing the monastery and to manage various parts of the administration and economy. These are: epistomonarchs, taxiarchs, alarm clocks, the housekeeper, his assistant and others 21. But the biographer in vain calls this measure an invention (ἐννοεῖ) of Theodore the Studite. It was not an innovation. We meet many of these people in news about the life of earlier monastic communities in the East. Theodore the Studite only took advantage of the experience of the previous time and applied to the case what was known in monastic practice much earlier. To guide these individuals, he issued, in the words of a biographer, written instructions in iambic verses 22, where he outlined the duties, starting with the abbot and ending with the last of the brethren 23. Next, the biography writer talks about the penances set forth by Theodore the Studite for various offenses of the brethren. It is difficult to decide in what composition they came from the pen of the studio abbot. But that they were already written down under him, and this recording began with the same rules that are read in the collections that have come down to us, this is clear from the list of their contents in the biography of Theodore the Studite 24. Let’s just say that in the composition as they were published by Min and read in some copies, they cannot belong to Theodore the Studite alone, but appeared at the same time and were gradually supplemented, as a result of which repetitions and even contradictions appeared between them. In the printed edition, they are divided into two sections: the first 25, under the name of penances common to all brethren, embraces 110 rules and represents the oldest, authentic part. But this title does not correspond to their content and refers to the first 35 articles, followed by special punishments for officials. The second section, under the name of daily penances for monks 26, consists of 65 rules of varied content and set out without a system. Some of them repeat the rules of the first part, others set out them in more detail, and in some cases they diverge from them and even come out of the direct tasks of monastic discipline, mentioning, for example, laity and lay priests. Obviously, we have here the inappropriate addition of some later collector. As for the significance of these penances as a liturgical source, in this regard they provide little and are important mainly for getting to know the life, discipline and mutual relations of the studio brotherhood. The catechumens of Theodore the Studite 27 give more for this purpose. They depict mainly the ideal, but often also touch upon the practice of monastic life of that time. Liturgically, they are wonderful for getting acquainted with the Studi church year and local memories there, pointing out the features of the service and church rules, and all these indications are scattered among various teachings and are given in passing, in addition to liturgical purposes. Leaving the details to a special department, in this case we will note only a few data, from which it is clear that under Theodore the Studite the order of service was not only actually established, but also set out in a record 28, the contents of which, however, remain unknown to us; that in the Studio monastery the memory of Savva the Sanctified was celebrated on a par with the feast of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, the founder of Palestinian monasticism is called a mentor of souls and a model of monastic exploits. Fabricius, based on the instructions of some manuscripts, and then Ave. Philaret 29, is attributed to Theodore the Studite: a) a brief outline of the charter of the Studite monastery (ὑποτύπωσις τῆς καταστάσεως τῆς μονῆς τῶν Στ ȣ δίτων,), but, as we will see later, this work was not compiled by the Venerable himself. Theodore, but appeared in his monastery after. 2) The rule on the quantity and quality of food (περὶ τῆς τῶν ἐν βρ ώ μαβι ποσότητος καὶ ποι ό τητος). But this article is nothing more than an excerpt from the same short outline or an adaptation of one of its parts, discussing this subject and bearing the same title. 3) The definition of the cheese week, according to which those who do not take cheese during this week are subject to excommunication (Ἐκ τοῦ ὅ ρ ȣ περὶ τῆς ἑβδομάδος τῆς τοροφάγ ȣ). Without having this rule at hand and judging by its title alone, given by Lambetius 30, it is difficult to say definitely what it is about. It was probably compiled on the basis of the well-known decree about the cheese week of Nicephorus the Confessor and represents its presentation in a new version and, perhaps, in a more strict form. Nikon Chernogorets, who discussed the cheese week fast, does not mention this word, and if it existed, of course, he would not pass it by in silence as an authoritative document 31. In the field of church service, the name of Theodore the Studite occupies a prominent place as a hymnographer, and in this regard, the church charter owed him a significant addition, which, however, did not concern the order of the service (because this order was established earlier), but its composition and roundness. This addition, first of all, relates to the Lenten service, for which Rev. Theodore compiled the morning three-songs, continuing the work that was started by Kosmas of Mayum, who wrote the three-songs for Holy Week 32. Therefore, Theodore Studite, together with his brother Joseph of Thessalonica, is called the compiler of the triodion 33. In 1876, Cardinal Pitra, known for his editions of Greek church monuments, published a Corsinian tropology of 27 kontakia with the acrostic τοῦ στ ȣ δίτ ȣ and Θεοδώρ ȣ, which he recognizes as the work of Theodore the Studite 34 . That these names mean none other than the famous abbot of Studi, there is no positive basis for this in the content of the named chants: even less data can be dated to him by those (however, very few) kondakari who bear the name ἀσ ώ τ ȣ and ἑωσφ ό ρ ȣ in the acrostic. The last of them, “for the burial of monks” (in monachorum exsequiis), was composed in imitation of the same content by the Kontakari Roman and Anastasius. The works of these hymnographers were, without a doubt, known to Theodore and were in church use at that time. It is very likely that they were part of the tropology that the Studite mentions in one letter, saying that he took it with him to prison along with other books and consoled himself with it in the bitter moments of imprisonment 35. In one of the iambs of St. Theodora there is even an expression, apparently borrowed from the Romanov Kontakari, beginning with the words: τρανωσ ό ν μ ȣ γλῶσσαν. We understand its 20th iambic “εἰς κοιμητήριον”, where the following words are read: “γλῶσσαν τρανῶν μοῦ πρὸς τὸ μέλπειν εὐτόνως.” From one letter of Theodore the Studite it is clear that he compiled a canon for the monk Jacob, who died a suffering death for the icons. But this canon has not reached us, and the kontakia, although preserved in the manuscripts of some Western libraries, there is no information left about what position they occupied as part of the studio service, how long they were used and how wide the circle of their fame was. Not a word is said about the kontakia of St. Theodore and in the studio charters. In addition, the Studite synodal charter (No. 330–380) notes the following works of Theodore the Studite: the canon on the Meat Saturday (No. 330 l. 2. Philar. on the hymns, 232), on the Meat Week “the canon on the second coming, voice 6, helper and patron, the creation of Theodore” (l. 4. Philar. 233). From cheese week to color week, the stichera of St. father (l. 5), at Matins on Monday of the 1st week of Great Lent, the third sedalene from the triodion of St. father, and the three songs of Joseph and Theodore. During the week of Orthodoxy, at Vespers, the stichera of St. Father Theodore. In week 3, the canon to the cross, tone 1, resurrection day, creation of St. father (cf. Philar. 233. Ed. Patr. t. 99, p. 1757). On the same day at Matins the word of St. father to worship the honorable cross, and the second by Joseph of Thessalonica (the first was published by Sirmond, and the second by Gretzer). On Tuesday of the 6th week at Vespers the stichera of St. father; At Vespers on Holy Saturday, I cried out to the Lord, six stichera, and the stichera are sung in three voices 8, according to the double of Saint Theodore. (These are not the current stichera of Great Saturday, but others), September 25, the day of remembrance of St. Euphrosyne is sung in self-accordant stichera, 2 voices, rev. father: most pure of your purity. October 11, the day of remembrance of St. Father of the 7th Ecumenical Council “sing three stichera to the holy icons, the creation of St. Theodore.” On December 7, on the day of remembrance of the Studite monks who died at sea, “the announcement of the holy father and the death of the spoken brethren is stated.” The canon to them is the creation of St. father. In this charter, he is also credited with establishing 72 alleluiaries, 9 for each voice. Of course, hallelujah refrains based on kathismas and other psalms. There are 9 of them for each voice; so that the total number is 72, and they alternate in a certain way, as shown in the charter 36. John of Antioch (half of the 12th century) mentions the hymnology (ὑμνολ ό για) of Theodore the Studite in honor of all saints 37. According to one manuscript of the Bodleian Library, Theodore the Studite mastered the composition of power antiphons in the number of 75, three antiphons (of three verses each) for each voice with the exception of the eighth, on which there are four antiphons or 12 power 38. Now let's move on to the analysis of the main work on the part of the charter, known with the name of Theodore the Studite. We understand . From the preface to this entry it is clear that it appeared after Theodore the Studite and was compiled on the basis of the customs maintained in his monastery and sanctified by his authority. “With many different traditions that have governed different monasteries since ancient times,” says the preface to this entry, “the one that we received from our great father and confessor Theodore and which not only we, but also the majority of good monks adhere to, is the best and most perfect, alien to excesses and shortcomings.” This legend, by order of one Studi abbot, was set out in writing by an unknown monk, who hid his name under vague expressions: “ἡμεῖς σήμερον”, for the enduring memory of subsequent generations. Then, having called upon the shepherd (i.e., the abbot) to help him pray for himself, the compiler proceeds to expound the useful and saving commandments of our reverend father (i.e. e. Theodore the Studite) and begins the presentation (αρχὴ τῆς συντάξεως) with the service of Easter Matins. In addition, he mentions the announcements of the Studite. In terms of its composition, this entry belongs to the oldest edition of the type, when the church year had not yet been formed according to the monthly calendar, and the order of the service according to the triodion had not yet been formed. The studio recording is distinguished by this predominance of the triode order and the almost complete absence of month-to-word service. This latter was developed and set forth in complete studio regulations in accordance with the development of the then church year. Ὑ ποτυπωσις consists of two parts: from the regulations for the service according to the colored and Lenten triodion and from the rules regarding the behavior, table, clothing - in a word, the external lifestyle of the Studite monks. The entry begins with a detailed account of Easter Matins, followed by a brief outline of the main features of the service during the 50s (§ 1–9), during Peter's Lent (§ 11) and on some of the great holidays (§ 12–13). Then, the features of the service during Great Lent are outlined in more detail (§ 14–16, 21, 23), and this article serves as a transition to the disciplinary part 39 . At first, these rules (disciplinary) are written down mixed with official ones (for example, 18–19 – disciplinary, 22–21 – official, 22–27 disciplinary), but then they are stated more consistently and go in this order: περὶ τῆς ἑν βρ ώ μασι καὶ πόμασι ποσότητος καὶ ποιότητος καὶ τῆς ἑν τ ᾶ ις τραπζαις εὐταξίας (§§ 28–29) that is, about quantity and quality, and about decorum at meals; περὶ τῆς ἀγίας καὶ μεγἀλης τεσσαρακοστῆς (§ 80), about the holy and great Pentecost; περὶ τῆς ἐν διακονίαις συμμετρίας (§ 33), about proportionality in services, i.e. fraternal works; περὶ τῆς ποσ ό τητος ἐνδύματός τε καὶ ὑποδυματων καὶ καταστάσεως στρωμνῆς καὶ τῶν τοιούων (§ 38), about the amount of clothing and shoes and about the arrangement of the bed and the like. The charter ends with this paragraph 40. To what time can the origin of the brief recording of the studio charter be dated? There is no positive data to resolve this issue, but approximately this period is determined by the interval between the half of the 9th century. (Theodore the Studite died in 826) and the 10th century, because the studio recording was included in the charter of Athanasius of Athos († 980) in its entirety, having been revised and supplemented in relation to the conditions of life and ritual of the Svyatogorsk monasteries. It is very likely that the need for a written presentation of studio procedures became especially noticeable under the successors of Rev. Theodore, who, not having his authority among the brethren, needed to maintain order an accurate record of those rules and customs that were the basis of the studio community and were maintained during the abbess of St. Theodora. Such a record was compiled by an unknown monk in the so-called “outline of the structure of the studio monastery.” Only the main and essential things were recorded in it, and the details were left to the observation of the abbot, established practice and the indications of experience. The general order of service is not indicated in this entry either: it is assumed to be known from the daily cycle books. Here the features of the rite are noted and defined in relation to the special conditions of the church year according to the triodion and menea. Even less may another work of liturgical content, called διδασκαλία or κατήχησις χρονικὴ τῆς μονῆς τὸ στ ȣ δί ȣ, belong to Theodore the Studite and published under the name of Theodore the Studite 41. Beginning with the address adopted in the Studite catechumens: fathers and brethren, it first speaks of three annual fasts (Lent, Holy Apostles and Nativity), proving the normality of this number. Then he moves on to the weeklong fasting days, listing those holidays on which the fasts of Wednesday and Friday are abolished, then he talks about the fast before the Exaltation, about the quantity and quality of food during the fasts of Peter and Nativity, during Compline of the Nativity of Christ and Epiphany, during the week of meat and cheese, during Lent, about the table during Pentecost and finally about the fast of the Mother of God, about the day of transfiguration and beheading Forerunners 42. We do not know anything positive about what kind of liturgical order was maintained in the monastery founded by Studius until the 8th-9th centuries, that is, until the time of the abbot of the Monk Theodore Studite. Theophan's news that Studius summoned monks from among the vigilant to his monastery gives reason to assume that at first psalmody was performed here according to their custom, but how long this order lasted, and when the general service regulations were adopted here, remains unknown. The first positive news about the composition of the Studite church year and about some of the liturgical customs that took place here comes from the works of Theodore the Studite, and from them we will, first of all, get acquainted with the local order, stipulating in advance that this information is very small, fragmentary and random, and therefore cannot give a complete idea of ​​the structure of the then Studite service. To get acquainted with it, very valuable instructions are contained in a brief outline, and the works of Theodore the Studite introduce us mainly to the composition of the then church year and to the range of local Studite memories. The church year, as can be seen from the catechumens, was divided into two sections: according to the triodion and the month. Judging by their titles, it turns out that the triodic circle was developed with particular completeness, and it already included most of the days of the present triodion. The monthly circle is represented much shorter. But for the history of the monastery and its features in studio life, this last part gives more valuable instructions, where we talk about local saints and the way of honoring them. September 1 marked the beginning of a new summer. This is evident from the first words of the 24th catechumen (p. 541); fratres patresque, anni jam primus est ingressus. The content of this word is borrowed from Isaiah's prophecy about the Messiah: The Spirit of the Lord is upon me and, therefore, the Gospel was read today. 14. – Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (Sermo 24 p. 543). November 6. – Memory of Paul the Confessor, Patriarch of Constantinople († 350). On this day a description of his martyrdom was read (S. 30 p. 550). In early November, Theodore the Studite fell dangerously ill; on November 6, the day of remembrance of Paul the Confessor, he felt better and served, but then weakened again and died on November 11, Sunday, the day of memory of the martyr Mina 43. – Memory of Thaddeus of Studium. A Scythian by birth and a slave, he received freedom and became a monk in the Studite monastery; he was persecuted for icon veneration and died a martyr’s death (S. 29 p. 548. S. 43 p. 568). In a letter to Naucrates, Ven. Theodore extols him to heaven, calls him the lamb of Christ (τὸ ἀρνίον τοῦ Χριστοῦ p. 1124), a new martyr (p. 1182 - this is from another letter), a saint and asks for prayers for himself and for the brethren, calls his blood peace, and his remains an instrument of sanctification for touching them (Ep. ad Navcr. V, p. 1125). It is not clear on what day his memory was celebrated under Theodore, but in the charter of Patriarch Alex it is set on November 22. – In the Slavic list of catechumens of Theodore the Studite, the memory of Sava the Sanctified is mentioned, which was honored with a vigil, and the next day the memory of Nicholas the Wonderworker was celebrated with the same triumph 44. - Memory of St. Chrysostom celebrated on the eve of the day of remembrance of Ephraim the Syrian 45, but on what exact date of the month is not visible. According to the ancient synaxarions, just as in the current calendar, the memory of the transfer of the relics of St. Chrysostom was laid on January 27, and St. Ephraim - 28 of the same month. – On the day of memory of Anthony the Great, his life story was read in the Studite monastery. This memory is mentioned, among other things, in the announcement for Friday of Meat Week (S. 49, p. 576). It may very well be that on the day of the first utterance of this word, the memory of St. Antonia January 17, fell on Friday of Meat Week or the day closest to it. Celebration of St. Antonia originates from the Jerusalem region and was first included in the Palestinian charter. – Memory of 40 martyrs. She is mentioned in the 62nd announcement 46. – 14 martyrs in Bulgaria, of the Christian captives who suffered for their firmness in observing Lent, Theodore the Studite devotes a whole word to them (S. 63), speaks of this circumstance as an event that recently happened, but whether their memory was celebrated annually is not known 47 . – The Feast of the Annunciation, Theodore the Studite calls it τῶν δεσποτικῶν ἑορτῶν ἡ πρ ώ τη (S. 64, p. 592). - Memory of Blessed Domitian. On what day it was celebrated and whether it was celebrated annually as a regularly recurring holiday, we cannot say, but from the 2nd announcement it is clear that in the Studite monastery his memory was honored as a saint, shortly after Easter, and that he was one of the brethren of the Studite monastery 48 . - Memory of Rev. Plato, uncle and spiritual mentor of Theodore the Studite. He died in 814, on Lazarus Saturday (Laudat. s. Plat. p. 848). His memory was already celebrated under Theodore, as mentioned in the 32nd catechumen: “yesterday,” he says, “we commemorated the blessed father Plato (heri memoriam egimus beati patris Platonis), at which we sang spiritual songs in honor of him (canamus) and had consolation (consolationem, παράκλησιν) i.e. festive meal. In the 69th catechumen (p. 602), he is compared with John the Baptist for denouncing the illegal marriage of Constantine VII with Theodota and is called the venerable father (ὅ σιος πατὴρ), whose memory is usually celebrated today 49, but what exact day of the month is meant by this “today” is not clear from the catechumen. Thus, the annual celebration of the memory of Plato the Confessor began soon after his death, and under Theodore the Studite his memory was included in the Studite month. (For a discussion about the day of remembrance, see Sergius under April 5). - Memory of Rev. Pachomia. Theodore the Studite mentions her in the 7th catechumen, spoken shortly before the Feast of the Ascension 50. – Memory of Theodore Stratilates (June 8). She is silently mentioned in word 14 (p. 528). – Memory of Michael of Sinad († 818, May 23). According to Theodore Studite, he fell ill on Spiritual Monday and died three days later. (Lib. II Er. 200, p. 1613). Moreover, he is mentioned in 21 catechumens, and he is called, sanctissimus, cujus vita et laudata et illustris sermo est, eamque credimus inter coeteros patres ac confessores ad Deum opitulatorera habere in confessione praesenti” (p. 537). - Forefeast of the Transfiguration. The 20th catechumen (p. 535) mentions profestus (dies) transfigurationis divinae. If the word profestus (dies) is a translation of the Greek “προεόρτιος ἡμὲρα”, then we are talking about the forefeast, but due to the lack of an original, we leave this decision in doubt. In general, it should be noted that the Studite monastery had a lot of its own local memories, but, unfortunately, the Studite synodikon has not survived to us, and the service synaxari under the charters and church books have retained only very few of these memories. So the main source for this local side of the studio cult remains for us the works of Rev. Theodore, who was sensitive to the moral virtues of his brothers, drawing lessons of edification from here. Upon death, these persons were enrolled in the monastery synodik and were honored with annual commemoration on the day of death, not as ordinary brethren, but as ascetics and confessors. These memories, circulating in a close circle of local admirers, rarely went beyond the boundaries of studio practice and, with the exception of a few, were not retained even in the studio synaxarions. Without receiving church-wide sanction, they could not acquire a strong position in the church year. In the Mseli monastery, the monk Dionysius died on the way from Studios. Extending his life and work with praise, Theodore the Studite notes that his relics constitute a great treasure for the monastery, and that his memory is honored along with other saints of equal rank. In the 38th catechumen, speaking about the need to imitate the saints, which their lives teach us, he also points to living examples of Orthodox perfection in the activities of some Studite fathers, and speaks about them in the following expressions: “Imitate not only the ancient saints, but also (the ascetics) from our society. Imitate Blessed Domitian in his fiery faith, Blessed Zosima, selflessly obedient, blessed Mark, who remained firm in his feat, despite reproach and disgrace, - blessed Terenty, who, for many years serving the sick in the kitchen, did not give in to despondency... imitate the rest, very many brethren, famous for obedience, and whose names are written in the book of life "(p. 560, cf. p. 1125). Translating the last expression into the everyday language of that time, it seems to me very convenient to understand by the book of life nothing more than monastic diptychs or synodics, where the names of the deceased brethren were written, and from where the more famous and venerable names were transferred to the synodics of saints (which read on the week of Orthodoxy), and from here to the pages of the synaxarions, under the dates when their memory was celebrated. As for the general composition of the then church year according to the monthly calendar, it was already so complete that it embraced most of the year and included the memory of saints for almost every day. The available monthly books of that time, however, do not confirm this conclusion and are limited to a list of the main memories, but Theodore the Studite has one very important place, from which it is clear that for every day there was a memory of a saint. He gives advice to nun Anna in home prayer, after turning to the Mother of God, the Forerunner and the Apostles, to call upon the daily saint “καὶ τὸν κατὰ τῆν ἡμέραν μνημονευόμενον” ( Ερ. 42, p. 1064). Of the days of the triode circle, it is mentioned by Theodore the Studite; meat fasting (Sermo 49), or the days preceding the fast for meat, which some allowed themselves to spend extremely intemperately, imitating pagan holidays 51. Meat Week (S. 50), in which the Gospel and the canon about the Last Judgment were read, and the laity stopped eating meat from that day 52. Cheese week is the week immediately preceding Lent, but the name “cheese” itself is not used 53 . The 60th catechumen speaks of the reading of the proverb about the flood, and on this occasion the words from the Gospel of Matthew on the same subject are cited (Matthew 24:27). Judging by the fact that the paremia about the flood was placed at Vespers on the Thursday of the third week of Great Lent, then the announcement itself can be attributed to this day. Sane historiam legis audivimus diluvii atque hanc in Evangeliis dominicam sententiam (S. 50 p. 588. The announcement is inscribed: tertiae hebdomadis qbiarta). Veneration of the cross in the fourth week of Lent 55. One of the announcements in Fabricius’s list (36th) is inscribed; about abstinence and chastity. Akathist on Saturday; but since this teaching has not been published and is not recorded in the Slavic collection, we cannot say to what extent this title corresponds to its content and whether it confirms the existence of a sequence known with this name. It is impossible to rely on one inscription, since it was made subsequently, in relation to the course of the church year. The list of Fabricius gives the title of the teaching (38th) on Wednesday of the sixth week before the opening of the monastery gates (πρὸ τῆς ἀνοίξεως τῦ μοναστηρί ȣ), but in the absence of this word in the original, we must repeat the remark we made about Saturday Akathist. In the Studite monastery, the main gates were closed throughout Lent, and no one was allowed to leave the monastery until the end of the fast. In the charter of Patriarch Alexy, the gates are supposed to be opened on Friday in the 6th week. Lazarus Saturday, Vai week and Holy week are mentioned without any indication of the details of the service. The catechumen for Easter 56 contains the Easter teaching known by the name of Chrysostom, beginning with the words: “If anyone is pious.” Theodore the Studite cites it as a work by John Chrysostom, and thereby confirms the authenticity of this word, recognized by Montfaucon as a forgery. From this indication it is revealed that the word “If anyone is pious” was taken as the work of Chrysostom in the 8th-8th centuries and began to be used at the Easter service, although it shared this honor with some other readings, as we will see later. Having included this word in his Easter speech, the Studio preacher added his own extensive word to it, from which the word of Chrysostom appears, as it were, in a frame. The midday of Pentecost - μεσοπεντεκοστὴ - is mentioned in the 6th catechumenate, and the preacher expresses it in this way: sanctam mesepentecosten, qvae in faribus est agentes (p. 516). Monday of the Holy Spirit was considered a holiday and is celebrated as a deliberate day 57. The Sunday of All Saints was actually the day of celebration of the martyrs and followed Pentecost 58. Of the fasts, besides the Great Pentecost, only St. Pentecost is mentioned. Apostles. There was, of course, a fast before the Nativity of Christ, but it is not mentioned in Studite’s writings 59 . Of the special customs that took place under Theodore the Studite and noted in his writings, the following deserve attention: the annual general commemoration of the dead and buried at the monastic expense at the beginning of the Indictment and during Pentecost. At the same time, agapes were arranged, that is, funeral tables for the brethren (ἀγάπη παρακλήσεως σωματικῆς 60. On the eve of Epiphany, the consecration of water in vessels, springs and rivers took place 61. On the day of Epiphany, the penitents, having performed penance, received permission (p. 1044). On the week of Vai, a lithium or procession of the cross was held around the monastery, and Theodore the Studite took advantage of this circumstance to publicly honor the icons and openly protest against the iconoclasts 62 . The funeral rite and funeral services in general are called παννυχίδες. Before death they received the consecration of oil (p. 230). Theodore the Studite advises daily communion with St. Mysteries, but, according to him, they received communion only on Sundays, and did not do this on other days of the week (p. 647). After communion, the mouth was rinsed (διάκλυσμα p. 1661). The testimony of daily communion among the hermits without the mediation of a priest is remarkable (p. 1116). Among the peculiarities of the Easter service, it should be noted that during this week and throughout the 50th week, the singing of the hours was canceled. Horae non canuntur ob resurrectionem (S. V. p. 515). Theodore the Studite cites an excerpt from the wedding prayer and mentions a curious ritual according to which the crown was placed not on the head, but on the shoulder of the person entering into a second marriage. A brief outline, or ὑποτύπωσις, introduces us to the further development of the church service in the studio charter. With regard to the church year, it develops predominantly the triode part and in this respect, compared with the extracts now presented, makes a noticeable step forward; Regarding the monthly circle, it gives almost nothing except a brief note about the service of the Annunciation and even less brief instructions about the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, the Dormition, the Presentation and the Epiphany. But what gives this source important liturgical significance lies in the instructions that are made regarding the triode order of service and which are remarkable both for the characteristics of the worship service of that time and for their characteristics in comparison with the later charter. But since the short outline and other monuments of the same edition of the charter are intended to present the main features of the service during the Easter period, up to Pentecost, and indicate its differences during fasting and some holidays, this is the reason why we cannot look in them for a complete reproduction of the daily service and its normal composition - a gap that is all the more sensitive since we do not have such a complete idea from the previous time, and the books on which the service was performed at that time have not reached us. We can draw the opposite conclusion about the normal order of this latter from the features that are indicated when connecting it with the holiday service. These features represent deviations from the generally accepted order: where they are indicated, it is assumed that the usual course of service is replaced by some new feature, explained by the requirement of the day, and by the number of these latter one can judge how much the normal order of service has changed in relation to the triode and monthly system. Starting from the sources we have indicated, it should be concluded that these features were not very large (assuming, of course, that they are all indicated in the outline, or at least the main ones are noted, but this cannot be accepted) and were contained in 30–40 short points that summarized all these liturgical differences. As you know, the Inscription opens with the Easter Day service. Few of its features are shown, and, despite the current understanding of this service as special, in its main features it was based on the general festive matins, with some additions and abbreviations in relation to Easter day. The brethren rose for matins at the beginning of the seventh hour of the night (approximately at the 1st hour according to the current reckoning. In the charter of Athanasius and others - at the 3rd watch, i.e. between 12 and 3 o'clock in the morning), at the call of the alarm clock they gathered on the porch and here they waited for the priest, having surrounded the church, to ascend into the vestibule. After censing in the vestibule, they followed him into the church, and here Matins began. The initial exclamation of the priest is not shown, and the service is described from the time when the priest, having left the altar and standing in front of the purgatory, pronounces the famous Easter verses, that is, in front of the church doors, turning his face to the throne and not to the people, i.e. to the east. In the full statutes, the beginning of Matins before the altar. Unlike ordinary Easter Matins, there was no sixth psalm and began with the three times singing of the troparion “Christ is Risen,” the recitation of some verses of Psalm 117 with the refrain for each “Christ is Risen,” and this corresponds to the part of the matins that follows the sixth psalm and consists of the singing of the festive troparion with verses on God the Lord (a well-known technique of antiphonal performance). There was also no kathisma, and therefore the antiphons were directly followed by a canon with two readings, probably on the 3rd and 6th cantos. This can be seen from the remark; after the second reading, Psalm 50. The Inscription of Athanasius of Athos directly states that Psalm 50 was read after the kontakion on the 6th canto. Then the service proceeded as usual until the end, at which the kissing took place, ending with the vacation. The Sinai Canoner supplements these instructions with some details at the beginning and end of Matins. Mentioned here are the beginning, the litany, the prayer of the priest in the vestibule, then the entrance to the church... at the end of Matins - the great doxology and entrance. Prokeimenon and Gospel, two troparions during the kiss, with hallelujah and vacation. During Easter week, the sixth psalm and kathisma were not read, and during the entire duration of the 50th there were no hours or bows (§ 2, 7). Compline on Easter week was very short, and only on Saturday of Bright Week it began with “God with us” (§ 2). With the resurrection of Fomin, the Six Psalms began, but kathisma was not required; after the sixth psalm - the usual God the Lord, then the sedate, prokeimenon, every breath and gospel “καὶ τὸ ἐν τ ᾶ ις νοξί” (we don’t know what to mean by this), the 50th psalm and the canon with two readings. At Vespers, the 1st kathisma is prescribed. The service on Monday of St. Thomas Week is distinguished by its festive character, as if a post-feast was being celebrated. At Matins, God the Lord is sung, one kathisma and the Sunday canon with 3 readings are read (§ 1, 3). The Athanasiev Rule adds to this the 1st Sunday Gospel and mentions only two readings on the canon, with the remark: “we celebrate this Monday exactly like the resurrection.” From now on, Compline is celebrated in full, with the exception of Saturday evenings and holidays, on which it begins with “God is with us.” According to the Afanasyev Rule, after Compline there are also requiem services, that is, funeral services, on which, in continuation of the 50th, the canon (probably funeral) and immaculate was relied, and from the week of all saints, readings of the psalter were added, divided into three articles or stations - including 6 and 12 psalms. From St. Thomas' week until the 50th day, daytime prokeimnyas are sung at vespers (§ 3) (and not special holiday ones, as on Easter week). Before the Ascension, Sunday stichera on kathismas precede touching and apostolic stichera (§ 5). On the Saturday before Pentecost, the dead are commemorated. It consisted in the fact that at Matins, after the exapostilary, while singing the stichera “in memory of the deceased, Lord,” they went to the common cemetery and there they sang the stichera of the day and ended Matins. According to Afanasyev, other funeral stichera were also sung. The commemoration on Meat Saturday was celebrated in the same manner (§ 8). Funeral services were not held on Easter, but began on St. Thomas Week; they were usually celebrated on Saturdays and were sung instead of the exapostilary: “in eternal memory there will be a righteous man” (§ 12, 2). On the feast of the fifties, at Vespers, after the opening psalm, they sang Lord exalted (that is, kathismas were not required), since Monday was considered a holiday, and for the first time after Easter, three genuflections were required. The next day, Monday of the Holy Spirit, there is matins without kathismas, and throughout this week there are no hours (§ 9). The service of Peter's Fast is distinguished by the following features: every day the hours are adjusted, but, unlike every day, with a kathisma, at the end of which we say, Lord have mercy, Christ have mercy, and then we make three great bows, during which we slightly raise our hands to God. Whether any prayer was read at the same time, namely: Lord, Master of the belly, is not said, but it is only noticed that in addition to the indicated three, twenty more small bows are made as quickly as possible, ὡ ς ἔχει τάχ ȣ ς ἓ καστος. The Inscription distinguishes between bowing and kneeling. At Compline there are 50 genuflections, and at Matins 40 (§ 10). On the feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God, at Vespers on this day, there is no kathisma, but at Matins the next day, after the Six Psalms, “God is the Lord” and the canon; therefore, without kathismas. This is a festive service - for the sake of celebration. The after-feast is supposed to take place on the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. Nativity of Christ, Epiphany and Presentation; On holidays other than these, one should not celebrate for two days. So, in the Studite monastery, five great holidays were celebrated with after-feasts (on one day). Bewilderment arises only regarding the Nativity of Christ and the Epiphany: did they really have only a one-day after-feast, as one could conclude based on the direct meaning of the expression: “διπλῶς ἑορτάζειν” (§ 13)? About the number of kathismas for the whole year. On Easter and major holidays there are no kathismas at all. From the week of St. Thomas until the Exaltation, one kathisma is prescribed - at Matins and one at Vespers, except for holidays, namely: “I have always mourned to the Lord.” From the Exaltation to Great Lent, two with troparions and two readings on each. On Saturdays, chastity is added to the kathismas. There are four kathismas on Great Pentecost. Great 40 Service. At Matins the triodion is sung, the menaion is sung, and the service to the saints of the day is left. Between Matins and 1 o'clock there is a short period for the brethren to rest. The 1st hour deals with kathisma without reading before dawn; at the 3rd, 6th and 9th hour readings are also relied upon. At each glory of kathisma, a prayer is read by a priest or deacon. At the end of Matins on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday each week, the catechumens of Theodore the Studite are read, and then the abbot instructs the brethren on his own behalf, then after the Our Father and the priest’s address to the brethren, blessing and dismissal. According to the charter of Athanasius, if a holiday occurs on Monday of the first week, there is only one kathisma with two readings and, in addition to the three-canon, a canon; but the first hour is ruled with kathisma, even though the canon was sung, that is, the service of the holiday was celebrated. According to the studio recording, during Holy Week the clocks are corrected, as in the previous weeks of Lent, except for Holy Saturday. From the service of this day, the morning trisagion is mentioned, which is sung after the verse stichera, followed by the prokeimenon, apostle, prophecy and gospel (a well-known appendage to Great Saturday Matins). The Rule of Athanasius differs from the Inscription at this point: according to it, on Maundy Thursday and Friday the hours are sung simply (without kathismas), but with the addition of the troparions of the holy passions. About the number of bows. Bows continue throughout Great Lent, until the Great Doxology on Holy Saturday, in the following quantities: at the hours and at Vespers - 30, at Vespers - 100, at Matins - 80. According to the Athanasian Rule, bows stop on Great Wednesday. About the evening party. There is no Compline: on the eve of the Nativity of Christ and Epiphany, on Maundy Thursday and Saturday, but only the Trisagion in the refectory, at the end of the table. At Compline during Great Lent, the abbot or one of the older brothers skilled in words pronounces a lesson to the brethren. After the evening service, the ritual of mutual kissing of hands folded crosswise is performed as a sign of reconciliation between each other after the day's grief. About the start time of some services. On fast days, when the meal is scheduled at 9 o'clock, the liturgy begins at 6 o'clock; if we eat at 6 o’clock, then at 3 o’clock. The same thing happens on those days when, according to the rules, there are no hours, but the brothers are not exempt from work. At the end of the liturgy, the beater is struck three times, all the brothers gather together (presumably those who were at work) and, after singing fine songs and taking the antidoron, they go to the dining room (§ 27). An explanation of this rule can be found in § 33, which states that on those days when there are no hours, but work is required, the workers go to their work in the morning, continue their studies until lunch, and then rest until 8 o’clock. Consequently, lunch was before eight o'clock. This order is maintained for workers on those days when the hours are sung, and the meal for other monks is scheduled at 9 o’clock. Workers sometimes have lunch at 6 o'clock. Features of the service on some holidays. On the Annunciation, Vespers begins at 6 o'clock (12 according to our reckoning) in the presence of a few, and others at this time go with a litia or procession around the monastery; upon the return of the procession, there is an entrance (εισοδος) and the full liturgy is celebrated (§ 31). In the middle week of Great Lent, the veneration of the Cross occurs after the 9th song of the canon (§ 32). On the eve of Epiphany after the liturgy, the consecration of water is required, for which everyone goes out into the porch to the font (εἰς τον λ ȣ τῆρα). The rite of blessing of water differs from the current one. It begins with the singing of the troparion in the Jordan, then the litany is pronounced by the deacon; at the end of it, the priest reads a prayer for the blessing of water; after the consecration and sprinkling of the brethren - the troparion: “The Voice of the Lord on the Waters” three times with verses, and the second troparion “be clothed with the divine light”, also three times. They follow the prayer of the priest, after which they go to a meal. On Maundy Thursday, after the liturgy, the feet are washed, and after it they go to the meal (§ 37). At Vespers on the eve of the week of the Vai, when the Lord cried out while singing, the choirs change places: the right goes to the left side, and the left to the right (§ 31). This remark is literally repeated in the charter of Patriarch Alexy, in the service for this day. In addition, in the Studite monastery there was a custom according to which the abbot at Matins left his place, at the beginning of the 4th song of the canon, sat down and received confession from the brethren (§ 22). And during the readings, at matins, the brothers’ alarm clock went around and woke up those who had fallen asleep (§ 18). After each reading at Matins, those present stood up, said “Lord have mercy” 12 times, and then the service proceeded in its own order. (§ 11). Notes and explanations on the Greek text ὑποτύπωσίς. We make these comments in order to become more familiar with the details of the church service for this monument and to clarify the technical expressions of the liturgical language of that time. We follow the order of presentation in the entry and place under one bearable sign explanations related to the entire paragraph of the Inscription. § 2 Ὅ πως διοικ ȣ' μεθα ἐν ταῖς συνάξεσι Σύναξις - meeting for prayer, any church service and in particular the celebration of the liturgy. Here this word is used in the second meaning. The time for the beginning of Easter Matins is determined by the sign of the water clock. See the note to the charter of Athanasius of Athos, arch. Antonina. The alarm clock - αφυπνίςης - walks around the bedrooms - Κοιτῶν - μετὰ φανοῦ - with a lantern and wakes up the brothers. Before the start of Matins, “they strike (σημάιν ȣ σι, hence the Old Slavonic sign) the beats above and below (see the charter of Athanasius). The priest, taking the censer “πύριον” in his hands, censes. By πύριον we probably mean not today’s censers on chains, but ancient incense burners (thuribulum acerra), i.e., vases with handles or trays in which coal was placed, and smoking substances were placed on it. The expression ἀποθέμενος (put a censer in the altar), used a few lines below about “πύριον”, perfectly corresponds to this idea, and this word itself is very successfully translated by the expression zhegalo, zhegalnitsa (see Description of R.S.B. II, 3, p. 596). Ἐξελθ ὼ ν (priest) ἴςαται κατὰ πρ ό σωπον τοῦ ἱλαστηρί ȣ “having emerged (from the altar, the priest) stands before the face of purification.” In the full studio charters, this word is replaced by “θυσιαστήριον”, i.e. throne. A very interesting idea is that of Mr. Golubinsky, who by ἱλαστήριον means a cosmite or beam with icons above the holy doors. The troparion “Christ is Risen” is sung in the 1st indirect tone, i.e. in the fifth (ἤ χος πλαγ . ᾶ). Further it is called ἀπολυτικὸν - released, as the final song that concluded the service. The troparion of the holiday was such a song, which is why in the rites the troparion is sometimes called by this name. „ Σάββατον διακαινισίμ ȣ, - Saturday of the New Week or renewal. This is the name of the entire week of Easter. Section 3 The name “χυριακὴ λαμπροφ ό ρος” originates from the custom according to which in ancient times neophytes, having received baptism, wore white baptismal robes on Easter day all this week, and then took them off; in the West this resurrection is called dominica in albis and on the same basis. Starting from Monday of St. Thomas Week, “καὶ ἕ ν κάθισμα ψαλμοῦ” and one kathisma psalm are sung, i.e., the reading of kathismas begins in the morning. In the Athanasiev Charter, judging by the translation of Arch. Antonin, reads: one kathisma of the psalms (τῶν ψαλμῶν), which is much more understandable. The addition of ψαλμοῦ or ψαλμῶν was probably made in order to distinguish the readings of the psalter in this part of Matins from the stichera and songs attached to them, which were also called “κάθισμα” and during which they sat. Т ὰ ἀποδείπνια ὁλ ό κληρα – full Compline. There were three types of Compline: short, medium and large. The composition and features of each of them are described in the full studio charters. Ἑ ορτὴ ... ἀργ ί αν ἡμῖν τῶν ἔργων ἥ καὶ τῶν ὡ ρῶν καὶ τῶν μετανοιῶν ... προξέν ȣ ση is a holiday that brings us relief from work, or from hours and bows. The importance of holidays was determined by various benefits regarding service and spending time. These benefits included: the exemption of monastery workers from assigned labor and of all monks in general from singing the hours and from bowing. In the full studio charters, these benefits were carefully defined, written down under certain days in the month-word and are designated by the technical expression separately or separately (ἀργία – ἀργὸς empty, idle, free) from manual days, bowing and hours. A little lower in our entry, lesson work is called: διακονιαι - services. From St. Thomas's week until the 50th, it is appointed to sing at vespers “προκέιμενα ἑκάςης ἡμέρας”, prokeimnyas are daily, and not special holidays like on Easter week. So it is in the charter of Athanasius. In the Latin translation, this expression is conveyed incorrectly by the words: “quotidie”, i.e. daily, every day. § 4. At Vespers on all the Lord’s feasts, “blessed is the man” begins in the 8th tone; εῖτα ἡ δευτερα ἔ &#9#957; αρξις καὶ ἡ τρίτη εἰς τὸν ἡχον τῆς ἡμέρας By the second and third beginnings we mean here the second and third sections of the first kathisma, which were divided by glories and pronounced in the voice of the day, and the Lord cried out in the voice of the verses of the holiday. What is meant here by ςίχων τῆς ἑορτῆς - whether stichera (as translated by Arch. Antoninus), or selected verses from the psalms, adapted to the holiday - we cannot positively decide. § 5. Mention is made of the stichera, Sunday (ἀναςάσιμα), touching (κατανυκτικὰ) and apostolic (ἀποστολικὰ), in § 6 μαρτυρικὰ (or martyrs). § 7. μνημόσυνον – commemoration, service for the dead. Mostly on the anniversary of death. Section 8 mentions exapostilary. § 9. Προσίμιον - the beginning of the service, in particular the opening psalm at Vespers. § 10. Pentecost of St. Apostolov, – Petrov Post. In the ancient charter, the smaller fasts (Nativity and Apostles) were called, by analogy with Great Lent, Pentecostals, although the number of days did not justify such a name. § 13. Т ὸ λυχνικὸν τὸ μεθεορτον – post-feast vespers, i.e. relating to the day following the holiday and called post-feast. This after-feast is called here the day following the Feast of the Assumption and four other holidays. Celebrating a holiday and an after-feast is called “διπλῶς ἑορτάξειν,” that is, celebrating doubly. ?? – When pronouncing the intermediate verse, the troparia of the kathisma are doubled, that is, they are pronounced twice. The intermediate verse probably means the recitation of glory at the end of the kathisma sections, and the troparions mean the songs that follow them. § 14. In Lent ἐν δὲ τή γ 7 καὶ ς 7 καὶ θ & (implied ὧ ρα) ἀναγιν ώ σκομεν, - at the third, sixth and ninth hours we read: that is, there are readings of the proverbs indicated in the paremia books, and after each glory, which ends the reading, a special prayer read by a priest or deacon. Whether these were special prayers of the hours or kathismas common in slavas, the record does not explain. We are inclined to the latter assumption because special prayers of the hours are said at the end of each of them. There is no mention of the interhours “μεσ ώ ρια”. § 15. ςίχ ȣ. – The morning trisagion, which is pronounced after the stichera on the verse (verse). By the morning trisagion we mean the one that now follows the great doxology. The singing of this latter is not mentioned in this place, and, apparently, it did not exist, because about the Trisagion it is said that it followed the verse stichera. But that it took place is confirmed by the Sinai canonary and later by the complete lists of the studio charter. The first says: on the holiday of Matins (Great Saturday) after “glory in the highest”... In the synodal and typographical regulations of the 12th-13th centuries. after the laudatory stichera “glory to God in the highest is songlike,” ςιχηρὸν τοῦ ςιχοῦ (later ’ πὸ ςιχοῦ ) - this is the earliest known indication to us of stichera stichera, the very name of which shows that they were added to verses from the psalter, chosen in relation to the holiday (see my article), they were preceded by stichera of praise, on water from §§ 17, 36 and exapostilary. § 16. At the end of the reading of the catechumens of the Studites at Matins, the brethren “δοξά -ȣ σιν”, that is, they say: “glory (δοξα) to the Father and the Son.” In this sense, the expression of the statute of Athanasiev and the Typographical Studites about the priest beginning Matins on the day of Easter should be understood, “he glorifies,” and the brethren troparion, that is, the brethren respond by singing the troparion “Christ is risen” to the verse “glory to the Father,” pronounced by the priest. We are talking about the well-known technique of antiphonal singing. Before vacation they say: “εὐλογεῖτε ἅ γιοι, εὐλόγησον πάτερ.” This is how the serving priest and the brothers addressed each other at the end of Matins. With the words “bless the saints,” they asked for forgiveness from the priests present, and those present, for their part, also asked: “bless the father.” “Bless the saints,” the priest said at the end of the monastic table, and they answered him: “Bless the Father, Charter No. 330, page 201 verso.” The alarm clock addresses the same words when performing its duty, and to the elders - bless the master (ibid. sheet 247 cf. 267). In the service of Anthony Rom. for the installation of St. gifts to the throne, the eldest of the servants says, turning to the others: bless, priests (you must bless the priests). Description III, 2 in the Cyprian missal the priest addresses the deacon with the same words and in the same place (ibid. 14–15). § 19. What the “διὰ χειρῶν σταυροειδὴς ἀσπασμὸς” consisted of, is explained in detail in our work Metropolitan Cyprian and the documents related here are explained (pp. 95–96, appendix V, pp. XIV-XXI). § 20. - The Eve of the Nativity of Christ and the Lights (i.e., Epiphany), but this translation is not accurate and corresponds to the current service on the eve of these days. Παραμονὴ (from παραμένω) long, constant stay somewhere, standing at a post, on guard corresponds to the Roman statio. So παραμονὴ and παραμένειν are said about the service of the palace guard. In liturgical language, παραμονὴ is a long service, sometimes lasting a whole night, on the eve of major holidays, and therefore called ἀγρυπνία παννυχίς. Between these eves, the παραμοναί Epiphanies, associated with the baptism of catechumens and the blessing of water, enjoyed particular duration and fame. Subsequently, when all-night services for these holidays ceased, this name was transferred to the service on the eve of these holidays, and even less accurately they began to translate it in general - eve, the day before. (For more details, see Dncange and Svicer under these words, and also in the book de Ceremon.). § 27. Ἡ νίκα ἐννάτην ποιοῦμεν. Ποιεῖν ἐννάτην - can be translated: “to keep the 9th hour” and “to fast until the 9th hour” - in both meanings this expression is used in church language and equally corresponds to the idea of a non-holiday, fast day, on which the hours were kept, and the meal was supposed to be at the 9th hour, whereas in On non-fast days it was placed at 6 o'clock. The mention of one 9th hour on these days, without indicating the 3rd and 6th, which certainly should have been, shows that the power of τῆς ἐννάτης lay in determining the time for eating food. In this case, “ἀπὸ τῆς ς ´ λειτ ȣ ργεῖ ὁ πρεσβύτερος”, i.e., from the 6th hour mass is served. Εὶ δὲ καὶ μελλομεν ἐσθίειν (you need to add ς ´) ἀπὸ τῆς γ ´ – if we intend to eat (at 6 o’clock), then (serve mass) at the third. The same thing happens on days when there are no hours (ἀργία ὡ ρῶν), but the workers are not exempt from work. § 31. that is, at the end of the procession around the monastery, the brethren go to the Church of the Virgin Mary. Further, the words ἐι εἴσοδος should be read: ἡ or ἔιτα εἴσοδος καὶ λετ ȣ ργία τελέια. This is how this place is read in the charter of Athanasius, as translated by A. Antonin, although the order of service was presented here somewhat differently, in relation to the charters of local practice. – If it is absolutely necessary to keep ἐι in the sense of a conditional particle, then this will mean that Vespers is celebrated in this way only if the full liturgy has been celebrated. And it was celebrated only in churches that were “betrothed to the Holy Mother of God,” that is, dedicated to Her name, and not in others, due to the prohibition of performing the full liturgy during Lent, except on Saturday and Sunday. This rule was kept in practice for a very long time, despite the definition of the Council of Trullo, read in the Studian Charter (see Description III, 251) and in the final article to Mark's chapters in the later charters. By entrance in this paragraph we mean the entrance to the altar, which coincides with the time of the small entrance at the liturgy. (For this coincidence and about the departure of the entrance after the small one, see our article About the song sequence). § 34. This is the name of Lazarev's Saturday as the eve of the Vai week. This paragraph deals with Vespers. § 37. Λαμβάνομεν ἐυλογίαν - we accept the blessing - that is, in this case, the blessed bread, antidor. In the Jerusalem statutes, this word is replaced by “κατακλάςον”, a piece of bread. From what is further said “τὴν δὲ ἐυλογιάν ȣ κ ἐσθίομεν” (so as not to break the fast), it is clear that the studious eulogy was not small in size. Ε ἶ τα διακλυόμεθα μὲν οί κοινωνήσαντες. Διακλύω, διάκλυσις - rinsing the mouth after taking St. gifts. This custom is mentioned by Nikon the Montenegrin in his tactikon. In the Slavic charters διακλυόμεθα is translated: they are attempting to water; - but in the charter of the Blagodatnaya monastery and in later Greek types διακλυσμὸς, διακλύω lost their original meaning and began to be used in the sense of a small meal or snack of bread, fruit and wine, as, for example, on Holy Saturday after mass. Συστείλας δὲ ὁ ἱερεύς τὰ σκεύη - having composed (at the end of the liturgy) the vessels (in the σκευοφυλάκίον or deacon), the priest goes to the royal doors and etc. In ancient and new service books, at the end of the liturgy the prayer “ἐις τὸ συςεῖλαι τὰ ἁ γία” is read. In Service Anthony the Roman, it is called “transferred”, in the Synod Breviary. No. 371 (according to cat. Description) “district prayer” and is read differently (Description III, 140. There is also an explanation of the word district). Λ ȣ τὴρ - a bowl of water, a laver, a font, which stood in the church vestibule, where the blessing of water took place. In the Slavic charters, this word is translated differently, baptist, baptized (in Synod. No. 330, whence the very name of the rite of water consecration - water baptism - baptize = bathe = immerse, βαπτίςειν and hrstit = baptize = sanctify; baptize dinner with troparion), laver, basin. The latter is used many times in the charter of Patriarch Alexy and corresponds to the Greek Λεκανὴ. Our information about the studio charter until the half of the 11th century remains in this situation. From that time on, a major revolution took place in his fate, and his complete record appeared, known under the name of the charter of Patriarch Alexy. But it did not come from the Studite monastery and was not written for it, but was compiled on the basis of Studite practice for the Assumption Monastery, founded by this patriarch near Constantinople. Patriarch Alexy occupied the see of Constantinople from 1025 to 1043 and before assuming the patriarchate, he was a monk and official in the Studite monastery. According to some, he was an abbot, and according to others, he was an ecclesiarch, that is, the closest assistant to the abbot, and, therefore, he knew the Studite charter perfectly 64. According to Kedrin, his accession to the department coincided with the day of the death of Emperor Vasily the Bulgarian Slayer († 1025). Taking advantage of the personal fame and favor of the emperor, Alexy arrived to the dying man with the famous studio relic - the Head of John the Baptist - and was immediately appointed to the vacant, after Eustathius, department of the capital and proclaimed patriarch through the imperial prothonotary John. This was already the dying will of the emperor, who died that same evening. Kedrin notes several facts characterizing the personality of the new patriarch, and presents him as a supporter of government orders in matters that were not consistent with church canons. So, after the death of Vasily’s co-ruler Constantine († 1029), Roman Argir was proclaimed his successor, with the consent of the emperor, with the condition of marrying the daughter of the deceased, Zoe. But since Argir was already married and, moreover, was a relative of the deceased emperor, the marriage with Zoe could take place only with the permission of the spiritual authorities. The bewilderment was resolved by the patriarch in a positive sense and Roman was married to Zoya 65. In gratitude for this, Roman provided generous assistance to the great church and, being well acquainted with its economy as a steward, decided to release annually from the state treasury for its needs “ὀγδοήκοντα χρυσί ȣ λύτρας.” When Roman was treacherously killed by conspirators sent from Mikhail Kalofat, with whom Zoya was in a relationship, the patriarch was demanded to the palace that same night and, in view of the persistent demand (καταναγκάζει) to marry Mikhail with Zoya, had to give in, and as a reward for consent received 50 liters of gold for himself personally and the same amount for the needs of the St. Sophia Church (ibid. p. 239). Having managed to hold on to the patriarchal position under three emperors, despite the fluctuations of court politics, Alexy was able to remove the claims to the patriarchate of Michael Kalofat's brother, John. Patriarch Alexy outlived this emperor. He died already under Constantine Monomakh, in 1043, having occupied the patriarchal see for 18 years, and his successor was the famous Michael Cerularius. The chronicler, having mentioned the death of Alexy, added that the emperor was informed about some kind of monetary treasure kept in the monastery of the patriarch. An investigation was appointed, and those sent indeed found up to 25 centinarii here, who were selected for the treasury (ibid. p. 284). These are the few pieces of information about Alexy’s activities as a patriarch. Let's move on to the news about him as the drafter of the charter. Nine years before his death, in 1034, the patriarch founded a monastery near Constantinople in the name of the Dormition of the Mother of God 66 and wrote a charter for it, which, unfortunately, has not reached us in the original, but has been preserved in several later Slavic copies. The oldest of them should be considered the synodal list of the 12th century, the printing library of the same time, and the St. Petersburg Theological Academy of the 13th century. In all these lists, Alexy’s charter is traced back to Theodore the Studite, and its written presentation is assigned to the patriarch. This idea is expressed in the preface to the ustavnik (or rules of monastic life) and represents its origin in this way: “the ustavnik... established the monasteries not according to the scriptures by our reverend father, the confessor Theodore, who was abbot there, but he was handed over by the scriptures of Saint Alexy and the Patriarch’s monasteries in the monasteries he established in the name of the Divine Mater 67. Based on these words, one would think that Patriarch Alexy was the first to set out in writing the order of service and monastic life that was kept in the Studite monastery; but such a conclusion would be incorrect and contradict the clear instructions contained in the Alexian Charter itself. From these instructions it is clear that he had ready-made notes; only they did not embrace the full composition of the service and were not systematic. Alexy revised them, supplemented them, and used them in this edited form for his charter. But he wrote and compiled a lot again, like the compilers of the ktitor’s statutes. This should be noted, first of all, regarding the charter and the last additional part. Here the presentation is carried out on behalf of the patriarch 68 and his recording is given the character of a ktitor's charter, where the personal will of the organizer comes to the fore. That separate records existed in the studio. monastery and before Alexy, there are several hints of this in its very charter. So, for example, having said that not leaving the monastery during Lent is a rule of very ancient fathers, the compiler adds that it was not written in a studious or honest monastery 69, and then refers to the conversational announcement of St. our father Theodore, who are commanded to open the monastic gates from Friday of the sixth week of Great Lent 70. In addition to the short record (ὑποτύπωσις) 71, there were probably other more complete ones in his time, concluding the service in triodion and menea. Already Nikon the Wonderworker, 20–30 years after Patriarch Alexy, had at hand various lists of the studio charter, which could not have been formed during this period of time, and he does not cite any of them under the name of Alexy. It was from these records that the service part of its charter was drawn up. It differs from the other parts in presentation and is written in the third person. In addition to studio records, Alexy used the rules of the ancient organizers of monastic life 72, the customs of the Great Church 73, the orders of service and life of other monasteries, 74, but was mainly guided by the practice of the studio monastery, to which he undoubtedly referred in the expressions: “according to rank, according to custom, according to the supporting regulations.” How does the charter of Patriarch Alexy relate to these latter? He most often uses studio rules as ready-made material for his rules and often accepts them even in the local coloring that they received in relation to the conditions of studio service and everyday life. As, for example, the forefeast of Theodore the Studite was kept from November 8, according to the Studite custom, the memories of the local saints, which did not have general church significance, were recorded, and other local needs were taken into account, which we will talk about in the presentation of the liturgical part of the Stud. charter. But when assigning the rules of his monastery, the exponent treated them freely and in places did not agree with them, and omitted the inconvenient 75. He defines his attitude to the studio order as following the rules and traditions of Theodore the Studite, without extending this attitude to all aspects of practice there and without giving them unconditional significance. “I commemorate the church service with the good father of our confessor Theodore in the footsteps of those who follow” - this is his own expression (fol. 245 ver.), from which the mutual relationship of both statutes is clear. Thus, Alexei’s charter had a prefabricated, compilative character, where, along with borrowings from various sources, there is the personal work of the compiler and the application of existing orders to the life and conditions of the Assumption Monastery. There are especially many of these devices in the manual and the additional part, but they also appear in places in the service manual. It is very likely that the charter and the additional part were set out by him separately, in special articles, which were later attached to the service charter and formed one whole with it. This can be seen from the preface to the charter and additional rules. The first mentions previously accepted books (previously set out, accepted records = βίβλοι), in which everything related to spiritual food was set out in detail (the word sacred singing is used), but nothing is said about food and bodily meals. Wanting to fill this gap, the patriarch draws up a charter, starting with its rules about order at meals, and then talks about food for the whole year. In the preface to the additional part, he refers to “other books” in which the order of service was set out (of course the triode and monthly), in addition to which “it is appropriate for us in this present teaching to remember a few chapters... and leave nothing to those existing about the ministry.” In the article about when the brethren stand in church with candles, he refers for details to another charter, which says about this 76. That is why the manual and additional articles are not found in all lists of the studio type, and some contain only a service part for the triodion and the mesenzolov. In addition, these additions were of a local nature, and therefore could easily be bypassed and replaced by others, more suitable in disciplinary terms. Thanks to these conditions, the studio charter appeared in various lists and represents two main editions in its extant representatives: Greek and Slavic. Greek, as far as we know about it from the southern Italian charters studied by Tuscany, constitutes a special branch, which is directly adjacent to the Greek typica records that came out of the Studite monastery, which Nikon Chernogorets mentions 77 . The Slavic edition, headed by the synod, charter No. 330–380, represents a revision of the studio type in relation to the orders of the Alexiev monastery and in many places was compiled anew, under the pen of its ktitor. Has the authentic record of this charter reached us? We think that no, and its earliest synodal photograph already bears traces of later additions and could not have come out in this form from the pen of Patriarch Alexy. Having appeared a century after its presentation, and, moreover, in a Slavic translation, this list could hardly accurately convey the original text of Alexia’s record and was subject to editorial alterations. So in his monthly book the memory of Boris and Gleb is written down, in the title of the guide the name of the patriarch is read in the third person, as is customary to talk about people who have already left the stage. In the instructions to the monks to pray for the founder of the monastery, the very text of the funeral litany is given - about the patriarch in the following expressions: we also pray for the servant of God Alexy, peace, silence, etc. During his lifetime, the patriarch could hardly have included this prayer in his charter and referred to himself in the third person. In other ktitor’s statutes known to us, the matter is conducted more simply and is limited to the request of the ktitor to pray for him and celebrate a requiem service and funeral litany. The last words in the introduction to the synaxarion also hint at a later addition and, moreover, made by a Slav. Having said that the synaxarion begins in the month of September, he concludes his speech with the following words: “on this day the firstfruits of the whole summer of many for the sake of wine is considered by the Greek.” The Greek Church had long since begun the year in September, and there was nothing special to make about this. The Slavic translator is another matter: he had the right to make this reservation in explanation of why the church year begins with this month, and where this custom originates 78. Further changes to which the original list has undergone are as follows. From Alexiev's charter, lists were made for other monasteries; from application to local conditions, its rules changed one way or another, and the personal relationships of the compiler were smoothed out. This is how typographical charter No. 1236 is set out. Since Alexy’s charter was a ktitor’s charter and consisted of several sections, each written down separately, when it was used in other monasteries and churches, the charter with the additional part was left and made do with one service. Full lists of students. we have only two charters, and both are from the synodal library: No. 330–380 and 905–382. The senior typographical one contains one triode part, with a kondakar, the junior one contains a synaxar and a triode part; The second synodal church has the same composition, and only a small part of the Sofia church has survived. In later lists, local studio memories are excluded and new ones are introduced, partly Slavic, partly Greek, from other synaxarions. – These additions are noticeable in all lists, but Synodal List No. 905 is especially rich in them. In it, by the way, one reads a wonderful article about fasting on Holy Saturday, compiled under the influence of Athonite, Jerusalem and Studite customs, and the participation of the Slavic translator in the conviction to observe this Slavic fast “for the sake of our new enlightenment” was expressed. From this addition it is clear that it occurred in a very long time, when the Slavs could still call themselves newly enlightened 79 and was originally read in some early list, from which it passed into what we call the Synodal. The memory of Patriarch Alexy, as the compiler of the charter in the Studite lists, is more and more crowded out, and his origins from the Studite monastery are put in the foreground. There were also lists where a second preface was placed before the synaxal part, which directly states that this charter originates from Theodore the Studite, who, however, did not put it in writing, and this work was performed by an unknown monk, who wrote down the statute of the monk with the blessing of the abbot. Without calling himself by name, he says in the preface the following: “the writings now laboriously composed by anyone, let them not be hidden from the light and in the oblivion of deep darkness... this is the charter of the Studio monastery, and the prayers of us for this are commanded by the reverend father, we say this” 80. This preface is followed by the regulations for the monthly service, starting in September. The compiler apparently had in mind the preface to the brief recording of the studio charter and reproduced it with several changes in syllable 81. As for the Greek lists of the Studio type, as much as we know about them from the study of Tuscany, they constitute a special edition, different from the Slavic lists and, probably, originate from the record that was formed in the Studio monastery itself, to its revision by Patriarch Alexy. Just as this latter found use in the Slavic world, so the first was accepted and maintained in the southern Italian regions, among the Orthodox Greeks there. Like the Slavic, even before it, it began to undergo alterations and appeared in different presentations. Nikon Chernogorets already had at hand many Greek lists that were not similar to each other, and cited excerpts from them, but, unfortunately, he did not give accurate information about the composition of this ancient edition of the studio type and did not take the trouble to summarize its lists into special groups. It can only be seen that they differed from the now known Slavic and South Italian ones, representing special records that no longer exist 82. Of the Greek lists with a year, the charter of 1205 should be considered the earliest, followed by the same list in a more complete composition of 1292 and others. All of them belong to the group of southern Italian regulations and significantly deviate from the pure Greek type, constituting a reworking of the studio orders in relation to the customs of the Italo-Greeks. Thus, the charter of 1205 was written by Presbyter Hierotheos for the monastery of St. Nicholas of Kasul in Sicily 83, another XII century. compiled in relation to the rules established by Joseph, the founder of this monastery 84. Then this charter received additions and changes in the Crypto-Ferrat monastery under the hand of Bartholomew of Crypto-Ferrat and one of his successors in managing the monastery, Abba Blaise 85. They show traces of Western influence in the composition and grouping of memories and in some rituals borrowed from the Roman church. So, for example, on November 2, the memory of all the dead is recorded and a funeral service is supposed to be celebrated. Ρώμης ” 86 . As far as can be judged from extracts from Tuscany, the southern Italian charters differed from the Slavic copies of the studio charter not only in their presentation, but also in some features in the service and composition of the memories. First of all, there is no disciplinary part in them, but only one service part. Instead of kathismas, at festive matins there are only three antiphons, or three selected psalms, with special refrains 87. Everywhere a great doxology is shown, after each song of the canon at Matins on the Nativity of Christ there is a reading and sedal 88. At Matins on the day of the Annunciation, entry is due after glory to God in the highest 89. According to the charter of the 13th century. at Vespers, on the eve of the Ascension, the commemoration is celebrated: κύριε ἐλέησον ἶ β καὶ ἀπόλυσις.” If we found so many and such large differences on the basis of small extracts given by Toscani, then what can we say about the number of them in the complete statutes of this kind. Then the conclusion would have been broader. Did the Jerusalem Charter have any influence on the processing of the studio type? In raising this question, we do not mean to talk about the general principles of this and other principles and to explain the process of their development in the first period of the history of the charter. Our task in this case is somewhat different and concerns the changes that the already established, recorded, studio charter has experienced on the part of the Palestinian industry. Just from the fact that studio lists from the 15th-16th centuries have reached us - from the time when the Jerusalem charter came into full force in the east - of course, an assumption arises in favor of this influence, and on the contrary, it becomes incredible that, with the widespread development of the Jerusalem order of service, the studio remained outside of any relation to them. When this assumption is actually tested, it turns out, however, that the influence of the former on the latter was very insignificant, and does not have much data in its favor. First of all, it seems to me that it is necessary to include in the sphere of Jerusalem influence the change in the location of the departments of the studio charter according to its later lists, which, most likely, could have been influenced by the Jerusalem type. In earlier studio lists, parts of it are placed in this way: first the service according to the triodion, then according to the monthly word. In the later ones, on the contrary, the menaine part precedes the triode part and, what is especially remarkable, this order is maintained in clear violation of the type adopted for the studio edition of the charter 90. Further, this is indicated by the article on fasting on Holy Saturday (from Charter 905). Here a transition is noted from the previous lenient rules to the more strict ones adopted in the Jerusalem statute, and a passage from Ap. resolutions - the same one that Nikon Chernogorets had in mind, and to which the current charter refers. Finally, from the inscription of some southern Italian charters it is clear that the pure type of the studite charter was lost in the 13th century, and the order of service in them is not attributed to Theodore the Studite alone (as the representative of the studite order), but at the same time this right is shared by St. Savva the Sanctified, the Athos typicas and the ktitoric charters. Thus, the previous connection of the studio charter with its homeland fell, and the importance of other branches of typography increased. In what areas and for how long did the studio charter last? Unfortunately, this question, which is extremely important for statistics and the history of church rites, cannot be answered positively with current scientific means, and conclusions will have to be drawn only from a few fragmentary data. At the most flourishing time of its existence, the studite charter was adopted in the Patriarchate of Constantinople and some regions of Asia Minor. From Constantinople he moved to Athos, to southern Italy and was received in Russian monasteries. He stayed longest in the southern Italian monasteries, which, by their very position, stood aloof from the general flow of church life in the East and were distinguished by greater stability in preserving the ancient type of charter. In the half of the 16th century. (1558) the monk Gabriel from Constantinople rewrites the studio charter for the Bovensky Cathedral, in 1292 Paul of the Coroner, a native of Trani, for the monastery of the Mother of God - Mili - in Sicily. Thus, in the Italo-Greek regions, its use continues until the Greek rite is ousted from here and replaced by the Latin one. In Russia it lasted until the half of the 14th century. and only from this time does it begin to yield to Jerusalem, but in some places it remained there much longer, as can be seen from the existence of its lists dating back to the end of the 14th and 15th centuries 91 . He remained in some Russian monasteries until recently. According to Demetrius of Rostov, there were monasteries that kept the studite charter in his time. According to Patriarch Nektarios, it was used in Sinai in the 17th century. But these were, without a doubt, isolated cases. In Constantinople, studite customs were preserved longer than others in the Great Church, such as the celebration of the presanctified liturgy on Good Friday and cheese week. That is why Simeon of Thessalonica, speaking of this custom as continuing or having ceased only recently, associates it with the practice of the Great Church and knows nothing about the Studite charter. On Athos in the 12th century, studio customs were still in force, as can be seen from the fact that the strict rules of Nicholas the Grammar regarding fasting aroused confusion here, and the Holy Mountain residents referred to the statutes of Theodore the Studite and Athanasius of Athos to justify their customs. When and under what conditions the studio charter was replaced by the Jerusalem one is one of the most difficult questions in the history of the typography and cannot be resolved positively. Based on the data that were at our disposal, such a categorical formulation of the question seems impossible to resolve and is, in our opinion, the result of an a priori attitude to the matter, which is not allowed by positive sources. It is impossible to approach this issue in such a general form, because in itself it already implies a misunderstanding and smacks of haste. When it comes to replacing the studio type with the Jerusalem one and accepting the latter in place of the former, it is necessary to find out in advance how to understand the word: accepted, replaced. There is no doubt that, despite the close similarity of both regulations in the studio part, their joint existence in practice did not represent an outstanding phenomenon and did not strike the eye. It was all the more possible because the monasteries were not obliged to follow a certain type of charter (except for those cases when the monastery was a monastery), and the church authorities did not interfere with these orders. The absence of official orders in this sense and the broad rights that ktitors enjoyed in organizing their monasteries show that in the same area, at the same time, different statutes could take place and different orders of service could exist. And if this is so, the question of replacing one type with another should be posed more specifically and be reduced to another, more specific “about the first traces of the appearance of the Jerusalem order in one area or another.” The presence of these traces does not at all indicate the dominance of a certain practice, or its displacement of other charters and methods of service. Remaining consistent, in view of such facts, we can only say that here or there certain orders begin to appear; but no more. Their existence does not even imply the acceptance of a known type as a written code in its entirety and in a known presentation. Further, when it comes to the adoption of the Studio or Jerusalem type, it is necessary to limit the question to an indication of the locality. At the same time, things happened differently in Constantinople, differently in the Patriarchate of Antioch, on Mount Athos, in the southern Italian regions and in the Slavic lands. So, for example, Archimandrite Sergius, speaking about the replacement in the 12th century. studious type to Jerusalem, quite rightly limits his considerations to the boundaries of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, but is hardly scientifically right in asserting that this charter was adopted here “in its final edition” (Agiol. I, 131). Approaching the issue with these reservations, we have the right to come to the following conclusions. The existence of Jerusalem customs and local Palestinian customs in Constantinople began a very long time ago due to the immediate abolition of influence and the introduction of customs from one country to another. For example, the Jerusalem holidays and the canons of the Jerusalem hymnals were adopted in Constantinople almost simultaneously with their emergence and found a place in the short stud. records and charter by Alexiev. The adoption of the former had a positive impact on the processing of the church year according to various statutes, and the introduction of canons into the service influenced the setting of Matins. Thanks to this connection with Jerusalem, the name “ἀκολ ȣ θία τοῦ ἁ γιοπολίτ ȣ” was established for the last part of Matins, which Balsamon uses when speaking about that part of Matins that begins with canon 92. A brief studio recording is presented based on this order. Savvina Lavra had its own settlements and branch monasteries outside Palestine: by the way, such a monastery is mentioned in Rome 93. In many institutions of Theodore the Studite, the customs of the Palestinian monasteries were repeated. Even those differences that serve to distinguish studio practice from Jerusalem practice emerged later and did not take place in the most ancient period of the Jerusalem charter (for example, the permission of fasting for great and middle holidays). The author of the preface to the short entry, no doubt, had in mind the state of affairs in Constantinople when he said that different monasteries were governed by different charters, and that the studio charter is only the best of the others, which the majority follows. Relations between Constantinople and Jerusalem were constant. Not to mention the correspondence of Theodore the Studite with the monastery of St. Savva, about his great respect for the name of this Palestinian ascetic, Theodore the Studite in one of his catechumens speaks about the rule according to the divine Savva, about honoring his memory with a vigil and calls him a great mentor in monastic life. – The Patriarchs of Jerusalem were present at the councils in Constantinople 94; among the Patriarchs of Constantinople in the 11th-12th centuries there were several persons from Jerusalem and Antioch 95. Mark of Otranto, before he entered the southern Italian department, was a monk of the Savvina Lavra and steward of the Church of St. Mokia in Constantinople. That is why the history of the Jerusalem charter in the Patriarchate of Constantinople cannot begin with the first news of the Jerusalem order of service in the charter of the Empress Irene. He already assumes the existence of these orders and finds them ready in Constantinople. The compiler refers to the Synaxarion (charter), which contained more complete and accurate information regarding the service during Lent, which was left unspoken by Irina, and explained which holidays vigils should be held on 96. There were no such sections on vigils in the studio charter, and we encounter them only in the records of the Jerusalem charter, where a special article was written on this subject. But, as can be seen from Irina’s charter, the Jerusalem customs then existed together with others and coexisted with the customs of Studite and Athos 97 . This was the Jerusalem statute in softer forms regarding fasting, in the form in which it existed before the adoption of strict orders declared by Nikon the Montenegrin and Nicholas the Grammar. Traces of Jerusalem customs in Constantinople can be traced even earlier. In the famous letter of Nicholas Grammar to the proto St. mountains, the Liturgy of the Presanctified on Wednesday and Friday of Cheese Week is already mentioned, but only the ninth hour and vespers are mentioned, at the end of which a meal is offered and cheese, fish and wine are allowed 98. This custom, according to him, was followed by monasteries, but which ones were not said. Consequently, the Jerusalem order was adopted in many places at that time. The patriarch advises spending Friday and Saturday completely without food (ἄσιτως διαμένειν) 99. It may very well be that in this case he expresses a personal opinion without regard to any local customs, but for our question it is important that he gives preference to strict Palestinian rules and diverges from the lenient customs of the Studios. Thus, Jerusalem customs already took place in Constantinople at the end of the 11th and beginning of the 12th century 100. Ten to twenty years separate us from the time of Nikon the Montenegrin; but here, unfortunately, we have to put an end to the impossibility of drawing any positive conclusions about the state of affairs in Constantinople. Without revealing in any way the presence of the Jerusalem order here, Nikon gives only a few indirect indications of the composition of the then studio charter and the change in its previous rules in a more strict direction 101. It can be seen that the then studio charter had a prefabricated, compilative nature, and it included some rules from the studio outline, from the charter of Athanasius of Athos and in general from the practice of the Svyatogorsk monasteries 102. At this time, there were already people on Mount Athos from different parts of the Christian world and, by the way, from Palestine. The main center of monasticism at that time was considered Jerusalem and the Black Mountain. Lovers of monastic life flocked here to visit the highest school of monastic piety, and pilgrims came in droves to venerate the holy places. He was such a fan in the middle of the 11th century. Georgy Gruzinets, one of the first figures of the Iversky Monastery. On Black Mountain, he was engaged in translating Greek books into Georgian, and his successor George III († 1072) translated the charter of Savva of Jerusalem 103. But either this charter did not have time to come into force on Athos, or it diverged from its other editions that were in force in other places: only Jerusalem customs regarding fasting begin to penetrate here from Constantinople and meet with opposition on Athos. The Svyatogorsk residents insist on allowing fasting for middle holidays and express bewilderment about Uspensky’s fast. However, this struggle does not last long and is resolved in favor of the Jerusalem order. Savva the Serbian introduces almost the same rules in the Hilandar monastery as Queen Irene did in Constantinople three quarters of a century ago. He is guided by its charter and largely repeats it literally. The relations of Sava the Serbian with Jerusalem and the Black Mountain put, beyond any doubt, the influence of the Jerusalem order on the structure of service and discipline in the then Athonite monasteries. But if where we first meet the Jerusalem Charter, it is in the Patriarchate of Antioch, in the areas bordering Palestine and Syria. In Laodicea this charter was known before Nikon. He found in the library of the Spaso-Laodicean Monastery an ancient Jerusalem type, sent here from the Savvina Lavra with the abbot Nicodemus at the request of the Laodicean Metropolitan. This copy, as an authoritative list, was kept in the Laodicean monastery, and copies from it were circulated in the local region. Nikon transferred this copy to Black Mountain and recommends it for copying (Tact. Sl. 1, l. 62). But, as always happens when one order collides with another, old customs are not suddenly supplanted, they do not disappear from the scene all at once, but continue to exist simultaneously with new ones and, in turn, influence them. The same thing happened with the charter. The Jerusalem order first entered Constantinople as an alien custom and did not in the least constrain the Studite customs accepted here, but then, as it strengthened, they entered into a struggle with them and pushed them into the background. During this period of predominance of the Jerusalem type, the relationship between these two branches of the charter manifests itself in the form of two separate trends, and studio orders continue to operate and even find a place for themselves on the pages of the service book of the Jerusalem editorial office. Two Studite customs lasted longer than others during the era of the Jerusalem Rule and did not want to give up their place: the Liturgy of the Presanctified on Good Friday and the All-Night Vigils? Despite the absence of the first of these customs on the pages of the charter, it continues to retain its place in the service gospels and apostles, and this continues until the 15th-16th centuries, when the Studite charter had already become a thing of the past, and if it was in force anywhere, it was as an exception and sporadically. The custom of serving the presanctified liturgy on this day (as well as on Wednesdays and Fridays of cheese week) continued in the 15th century, during the time of Simeon of Thessalonica), but, judging by his words, it was apparently observed in Thessalonica alone, in the cathedral service there, and was abandoned in other places 104. As for the service books of the previous edition, this rule still remained in them, and these books were in use 105. In Rus', the same phenomenon took place before the 16th century, and is found in many gospels and aprakos apostles. The existence of these headings does not always, however, indicate that they were actually performed. In most cases, they were entered mechanically from previous lists and were not observed in practice; but in the XIV-XV centuries they had not yet fallen out of use, as can be seen from the instructions of Cyprian and Photius. According to Theophanes, Studius arrived in the sixth year of the reign of Leo - in 463 Cf. Vit. Theod. Stud. per Michael scripta. Pair. c. compl. T. 99 p. 145. Du Cange. Cplis Chr. L. IV p. 103. The Monastery of the Undying (μον ῂ τῶν ἀκοίμ ή των) was established in Constantinople, shortly (10–20 years) before the arrival of Studio, Venerable. Alexander, the father and founder of this kind of monastic communities. That is why he is called the founder of the monastery of the sleepless. Despite its short-term existence in the capital, the Akimite community, with its charter of continuous, day and night worship, has already managed to gain admirers and arouse sympathy. The Akimites enjoyed such success not only in Constantinople, but also in Syria and other places where their brotherhood was just beginning to operate. And of course, under the lively impression of this success, Studius had the idea to make up the first inhabitants of his monastery from the akimits. To secure such a brotherhood meant to a certain extent to ensure the future of the monastery itself, which was justified by the circumstances. For information about the akimits and the structure of their monasteries, see the Life of St. Alexander (Acta SS sub 15 Ian.) and his successor Marcellus (Patrol. T. 116). Collection of places relating to this institution: Du Cange. Gloss, sub voc. ἀκοιμ ή ται; Gloss. latinit. – acoemeti. Cplis chr. IV p. 151–152. Petr. Gill. ap. Banduri Imper. Orient. I p. 329 (points to the ruins of this monastery). Fabretti. Gloss. ad. 122 T. Patr. Curs compl. Arch. Sergius hagiologist. II volume under July 3. Codin. p. 102.Edit. Bonn. Καὶ πρῶτον μοναχ ȣ' ς ἐποίησε . Banduri Imper. Orient. T. I. Anon. p. 21. Chronic. paschal, sub an. 627. Patr. T. 92, p. 1017. The month of August is 29th day. You should know that the beheading of St. John the Baptist is commemorated in the same way, when the rulers (δεσπόται - the title of the Byzantine emperors) go to his holy church in the Studite monastery (εὶς τὰ Στ ȣ δί ȣ) according to the rite shown above, on the day St. Panteleimon. In the morning, the entire synclite, dressed in scaramania, goes to the studio monastery, and the masters, patricians and other officials of the court stand outside the monastery gates facing the sea, and the cuboculars, malclavites and those belonging to the squad at the pier where the royal ship stops (δρόμων). You need to know that the monastic brethren (ἀββάδες) stand in two rows on the right and left sides from the gate to the pier. When the bishops set off on the ship (in the order described on the day of St. Panteleimon) and, having arrived, leave the ship, they head to the monastery, accompanied by the ranks of the edicule (royal bedroom), Malklavites and retinue), preceded by the abbot with a censer and the brethren with candles. When the Lords approach the gate where the masters, patricians and other ranks stand, they fall to the ground, bowing to the Lords, and, standing up, follow behind them. Passing through the porch (ἐξάερον - atrium), they pass through (διαβατικῶν) they meet the eastern part of the cortege on the right side, put on gold embroidered robes here, light candles and make an entrance to the church, together with the priests, and light the candles again. You need to know that immediately the liturgy (small entrance) enters, and the king, the first, having accepted the censer from the preposite, censes, then they go along the right side of the altar (where the holy head of the Forerunner is kept), place candles here, and, having left, enter the mitatorium located right there (a mitatorium is a special compartment or tent where the kings rested and changed clothes), take off their scaramanias and, having put on Kolovii, ascend to the choir (γυναικίτης) and stand here on the right side of the altar to the east, lighting candles during the gospel. Then they go out onto the terrace (ἀναδενδράδιον), have a snack with those from the authorities who are ordered, and the brethren serve at the table. Having risen from the table, they return the same way to the dromon and in the same procession. (De ceremon II, p. 13, p. 562. Edit. Bonn.). Subsequently, on the feast of the Nativity and Beheading of the Forerunner, the kings went to the monastery of His name, known under the name τῆς πέτρας, τῶν πετρ ί ων (Cod. De offic. p. XV). This monastery is located on the seashore, near Blachernae (Cplis Christ. IV p. 102). Ἕ νπερ (μονὴν) ὁ μέγας Θεόδωρος, πόνοις πολλοῖς πρ ώ ην ἐκθρέψας ἐπλήθυνε καὶ τὸν χιλιοςὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐξισωθῆναι μικρ ȣ' δεῖν τὴν πληθὴν κατεσκεύασε (Vit. Nic. Stud. Patr. T. 105, p. 901). Μονὴ ὀνόματος λαμπροτάτ ȣ τετύχηκε καὶ τοῖς δλοις περισημοτάτη γεγένηται (Vit. Theod. p. XXX p. 145). In the biography of Nicholas the Studite, this monastery is called τὸ μέγα φημὶ κοιν ώ βιον τοῦ Στ ȣ δί ȣ (Patr. Τ . 105, p. 869). Patr. T. 122, p. 380. Cf. Du Gang. Famil. Byzant., p. 170–171. Georg. Acrop. Annal. Patr. T. 140, p. 1217. Such were Ivan and Dobrila, compatriots of Stefan Novgorod, whom he found here copying books. Metropolitan Cyprian rewrote the staircase here. Sakharov. Tales of the Russian people, p. 53. Travels of Deacon Ignatius ibid. 100. His relics are mentioned by Anthony of Novgorod Cf. Riant. Exuviae Sacrae Cplitanae T. II, p. 225 De topograph. Constantinop. Liv p. 9. Apud Banduri Imper. Oriental. I, 419–420. Vit. Theod. p. 128. In a letter to one Gothic archimandrite, Theodore the Studite calls the work of Basil the Great on monastic life “θεοχαράκτον” and recognizes it as a guide of high importance, without which neither the abbot nor the brethren can do (Patr. T. 99, p. 1520) In his will he gives instructions the abbot not to transgress the commandments and rules of the fathers and especially (πρ ό γε πάντων) of Basil the Great. (Ibid. p. 1820). The scholia to the ascetic writings of Basil the Great is known with the name of Theodore the Studite, where their falsity is proven. ȣ Βασιλε ίȣ. Fabr Harl. Vol X, p. 472. Patr. 99 p. 1683–1688. Matthaei. Lectures Mosquevenes vol. II. Lips. 1779. Lavdat. s. Plato, ibid., p. 825. In the printed edition, they begin with the fourth iambic and continue without interruption until 19 in the following order: the 4th iambic to the abbot, the 5th to the subordinate, the 6th to the assistant abbot, who occupies second place in management (εὶς τὸν δευτέρα φέροντα), 7th - to the steward, 8th - to the epistomonarchs, 9th - to the observers of the brethren (ἐριτηρήται), 10th - to the canonarch, 11th - to the taxiarch (the person who oversees behavior in the church), 12th - to the cellarer. 13th - to the observer during the meal, 14th - to the cook, 15th - to the tailors, 16th - to the alarm clocks, 17th - to the hospital overseer, 18th - to the sick, 19th - to the shoemakers, 26th - to the gatekeeper, 27th - to the brother going to serve outside the monastery, 28th - - to him, returning from service, 29th - to the hostel (monastery hotel), etc. Διωρίσατο δὲ καὶ τισιν ἐριτιμίοις ἤ ἀφαρισμοῖς ἤ γονυκλισίαις τοσ ᾶ ις δε, ὁ τῶν θείων ὕ μνων καθυστερῶν ὑπαχθήσεται, ἢ τὸ σκεῦος συντρ ί βών, ἢ ἐικ ᾶ ιως ρίπτων καὶ ? περιττὸν ὁμιλῶν καὶ μὴ γλώσσης ἐιδείη κρατεῖν. - προσέθηκεν (Vit. Theod., p. 149). Patr. T. 99, p. 1733–1758 τῶν στ ȣ δί ȣ ἐριτίμια · κοινὰ τῆς ὃ λης ἀδελφ ό τητος ἐπὶ τῶν παραλειπ ό ντων ἐν τῆ ἐκκλησί ᾳ εἰς τὸν κανόνα . T. e. Our Venerable Father and Confessor Theodore, Abbot of Studium, penance common to the entire brotherhood for those who have omitted (anything) in the church according to the rule. For Greek lists of these penances, see Fabr. Harl. Biblioth. X, p. 472. Slavic lists of these rules are placed in some studio charters and church collections under the name of our reverend father Theodore Studite “on the remains of church rules.” This title was probably formed from an incorrect translation from the Greek text, in which the translator read “παραλειπομένων” instead of “παραλειπόντων.” In addition to the two Studite synodal charters No. 380 and No. 382, ​​the Studite penance rules are read in the synodal helmsman of the 13th century. (1282). T ὰ καθημερινὰ ἐριτίμια τῶν μοναχῶν ἐκτεθέντα παρὰ τοῦ ὁσιοτάτ ȣ πατρὸς ἡμῶν Θεοδ ώ ρ ȣ. They are known in two collections - large and small - and therefore are called the large and small catechism. An indication of their composition and lists is from Fabr. Harl. p. 446, 449–450. Fabricius gives the table of contents of the 217th table of contents for one of the most complete collections of these words (ibid. p. 470), from here it is reprinted in Min. So far, 134 (or 135) catechumens have been published, and the rest are known from manuscripts. In the Bible M.D. Academy has a collection of the catechumens of Theodore the Studite, containing 150 words. Their order does not coincide either with the publication of Min, or with the list of Fabricius. This collection includes many unpublished teachings, some of which are very important due to the indications they contain on certain aspects of the then official charter. We quote these passages from the named manuscript, adding the corresponding number from the Greek list of catechumens published by Fabricius. We, even if we were five years old or ten years old, we were already practicing monastery life with little written verbs, ustanikh, and a lot of kneeling, ustavikh, or praying or fasting. (Sl. 8 l. 21 vol. In Fabricius’s list this word is numbered 151). Let there be singing, verse and vigil and veneration in accordance with the instructions of the correct teaching (fol. 138 vol. Fab. No. 183). Bibl. gr. T. X, p. 472–473. On the hymns and hymns of the Greek Church, 235. Nessel, in addition to Lambetius's description, gives, under the name of Theophilus of Alexandria, a word about the reason for allowing cheese and eggs on Wednesday and Friday of cheese week. Since the cheese week appeared later than Theophilus and, judging by the beginning of this article, it talks about the Armenians, there is no doubt that Theophilus’ name was put in vain. Probably, the reason for attributing this article to Theophilus of Alexandria was the rapprochement with his original rule on fasting at Compline at Epiphany. (Nessel. Supplem comment. Cod. LVIII, p. 138). Beginning of the article: „ οἱ ἁ ιρετικοὶ καὶ μ ᾶ λλον οἱ ἁ ρμενίοι... The catalog of the Bodleian Library mentions an article of similar content under the title: Nicephori R. Spl. et Theodori Studitae canones, quod oportet monachos omnes jejunare feria quarta et parasceve τῆς τυροφάγ ȣ. Beginning: ὄτι δεῖ τοῦς μονάχούς νηστέυειν (Catal. codd. Bibl. Bodl. No. 215). His life writer speaks about Theodore, as a compiler of hymns for Lent, in a story about one resident of Sardinia, who, under the influence of a bad review of them expressed by newcomers from Sicily, changed his previous attitude towards the Trisongs of Studite and began to use the canons of Sicilian writers when praying. Regardless of the main idea that penetrates this story and consists in the fact that the works of Theodore the Studite, when spreading in the Italo-Greek regions, had to withstand competition with the works of local hymnographers, this story is important for us because of the direct and, as far as we know, the earliest indication of the participation of the Venerable. Theodora in the composition of the Lenten triodion. The biography says about the Sardinian admirer of Theodore the Studite that he used „ καὶ τὰ ( συγγράμματα ) τ ῇ άγια τ ȣ' τ ῳ πεποιημενα " (Vit ρ . 216), and sang them at Matins “ἐν όραριν ᾶ ις δοζολογίαις.” Nikephoros Callistus, in the synaxarion for the week of the publican and the Pharisee, says that, in imitation of Cosmas of Mayum, Theodore and Joseph the Studites compiled three songs for the other weeks of Lent and introduced them into use in their monastery. Georgy Kodin adds one detail to this and coincides with the hymnographic works of the Rev. Theodore to the monastery of St. A novel that, according to him, was created by Queen Helena. St. Helena, he says, created the Church of St. Romana and near her placed a coffin with the relics of the prophet Daniel, the relics of the Great Martyr Nikita and many other prophets, whose remains she brought from Jerusalem upon returning from the veneration of the Holy Cross. They say, he adds, that the creators of the canons, Joseph and Theodore the Studite, his brother, fleeing the persecution of Leo the iconoclast, stayed here and compiled the canons. From the founding of this church to the stay of the said songwriters in it, 500 years passed (De aedific. p. 98. Edit. Bonn.). Kodin is generally an unreliable narrator, conveying here some kind of walking legend, without any verification, referring to the irresponsible: they say, it is very possible that this legend was compiled under the influence of the parallel that was drawn between the Studite and the famous creator of kontakions - Roman the Sweet Singer. Just as he composed his works under the church roof in the Kirov Church, so the activity of Theodore the Studite in later tradition was dedicated to the church and, moreover, in honor of the saint of the same name as the creator of kontakions. Peter, for unknown reasons, adds the following to this news: Socios illis (Theodoro et Iosepho) fuisse operis et latibuli, suspicor, Antonium et Clementem, quorum poemata superioribus mixta supersunt. The Typographical Library has a 12th-century triodion. (No. 254), which is called the creation of Joseph and Theodore. Another triode, colored, from the same 12th century library. (No. 255) bears the following title: "Triod, that is, trpeCnna. We begin with the bm7b. t week. tsvenoe to all st7h. having the slouzhbou fulfilled. the creator of the two. iwsifa and feudora." In the first manuscript, the sedala and stichera at Matins on Monday of the first week are called the creation of Joseph and Theodore, and on the penultimate (256) sheet the following entry is read with the name of the scribe Moses, who is called “Kyan”. If this means its origin from Kyiv, then we have perhaps the only example of a manuscript of the Kyiv letter. Here is this entry: "skonpashasya kiigyi this mtssa. genvrya kk7. st7go ap7la timotheya zime and stefan gave. lying. stim (then two words erased) sp7lyu. his del sps7iya and all the styyh. and lay forty years. and far styvm (then by it is written to the wiped ones) to the martyrs two hundred and plzdo was cut. and don’t say me sin and grubago: In the library of the Trinity Lavra there is a sticherion of 1303 (No. 22 according to the description), located according to the month and called in the title the work of Theodore of Studium. About the participation of Rev. Theodore in the compilation or editing of sticherary collections is not known either from his writings or from other sources. The scribe of the Trinity stichirarion either mixed up the works of the Studite regarding the triodion, or put his name at the head of one of the most commonly used service books in relation to the Studite charter, which at that time was still in full force in Russia. Analecta sacra spicil. solesm. parata 1876 T. I, p. XLIII-XLIV. More details in our essay Metropolitan of Cyprus. 92–93. Cf. Description of R.S.B. III. 268. Ὁ ὁσιομάρτος πατὴρ ἡμῶν Θεόδωρος ὁ στ ȣ δίτης ἐν τ ῇ θε ίᾳ ὑμνολογί ᾳ τ ῇ πρὸς . (De monast. Iaic. non tradend. Patr. t. 132, p. 1121). This work is not mentioned in Fabricius or in other lists. Theodori Studitae hymni graduales seu „ ἀναβαθμοὶ ” numero 75 cum Nicephori Callisti vel cujisdam expositione with a preface to the abbot of the Cuzenae monastery Callinicus. The treatise consists of six articles: 1) who was the creator of the power psalms, 2) why they are called that and are sung only on Sundays, 3) why there are three antiphons or nine power ones for each voice, 4) why they are called antiphons and not troparions, 5) why the eighth voice has not three antiphons, but four or 12 power ones, 6) why the last antiphon is adopted by St. Spirit. At the end it is written: τέλος τῶν ἀναβαθμῶν οἱ πάντες αναβαθμοὶ ο 7 καὶ ε 7 i.e. 75 (Catal. codd. manussc. Bibl. Bodl. p. I. Oxon. 1853. Codices Thomae Roc. We have no other data to verify the validity of the news about the authorship of Theodore the Studite in relation to the sedate songs, but in view of these indications, the assumption of St. Philaret of Chernigov naturally falls that these sedate songs “are nothing more than songs for the burial of the Lord Jesus” (On the chants 234). For details about the hymnographic works of Theodore the Studite, see Fabr. Harl. X, p. 448–473, Phil. about chants 232–234. We intended to indicate new data on this issue and give a different explanation of what was known before. A lively sketch of the Studite’s activities in this field is found in Pitre: Analecta sacra spicilegio solesmensi parata. T.I. 1876, p. XL-XLIV; but the essay is not complete and does not cover all of Studite’s works on hymnography. Let's make a list of articles of service content: § 1) introduction, § 2) Easter service, § 3) on the week of St. Thomas, § 4) features of the service at Vespers on holidays, §§ 5–9) features of the service during the 50s, § 10) during the fast of the Holy Apostles, § 11) about saying “Lord have mercy” twelve times after readings at Matins, § 12) about the service for the dead on Saturday, § 13) features of the service on the feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God and other great holidays, §§ 14, 21, 32) about the service of Great Lent, § 15) about the hours and other rituals during Holy Week, § 16, 21) about the reading of Theodore’s catechumens Studite and about the teachings to the brethren, § 17) about the number of stichera of Sunday and praise on Saturday evening and at matins, § 20) on what holidays compline is celebrated, § 31) about the features of the service on the day of the Annunciation, § 34) about the change of choirs in the eve of the week of Vai, § 37) about the consecration of water on the eve of Epiphany and the ritual ablutions on Maundy Thursday, the remaining paragraphs of disciplinary content. As for the headings that separate a certain number of paragraphs in this entry, they do not correspond to their content and mostly refer to one nearby paragraph, while the following ones have their own special content. Thus, the titles do not express the content of the entire section at the head of which they stand, and refer to the initial paragraph. Obviously, they were made by a later collector on the basis of more prominent articles of the charter, for greater ease of use and to highlight the more important articles. So, for example, the introduction is followed by the following title: how do we act in the assemblies of the holy, glorious and three-day resurrection of our Savior. About the tree (i.e. about the bill). But only the second paragraph corresponds to this title, and in the third and subsequent ones we are talking about the service of Pentecost, Peter's Lent and various official remarks. The next section about the Holy Pentecostal Day even less justifies its name and contains more than half of the articles of unrelated content. The table of contents of the 6th section on proportionality in services refers only to paragraph 34, and the following up to and including 37 have special content. Patr. t. 99, rub. 1693 sqq. Arguments against the authenticity of this word are presented in our work Metropolitan of Cyprus 171–172. Navcrat. De obitu s. Theod. Stud. p. 1845. Fathers and brothers and children have been working naturally since the past vigil of our reverend and God-bearing father Sava, now from the present reign of our father and the wonderworker Nicholas (lyrics 35 l. 92 Fabric No. 52). Heri beatum Chrysostomum celebravimus, hodie perillustrem Ephraemum (S. 42 p. 565). Sancti 40 martyres, quorum impraesentiarum egimus memoriam (S. 62, p. 590). These 14 martyrs are not the same persons as the 17 martyrs who, according to the instructions of the Nanian Apostle of the 11th-12th centuries, under Michael and Theodore, were killed in Syria because they did not agree to eat meat during Lent. (Mingarelli. Codices Naniani, p. 381. Cf. Sergius under February 17). In the Nanian Apostle on February 17 it is written: πρῶτ ȣ συμβόλ ȣ συρίας ἀναγκασθέντων τῆ μ 7 κρεοφαγῆσαι καὶ μὴ πεισθέντων διὰ ξίφ ȣ ς ἐτελει ώ θησαν . Praeteriit pascha peractaeque feriae Sant... Talis beatus Domitianus, quem celebravimus (ὑμνήσαμεν) cujusque cum sanctis memoria est. (S. 2, p. 510–511) Oὖ δὲ τὴν μνἡμην σήμερον ἑορτάζειν ἠ ξιώμεθα. Festum imminet festorum ac pro foribus est ascensio servatoris nostri Iesu Christi. (p. 517). Praesentes dies plerique ferias appellant, per quos helluentur vinoqne bacchentur, ignari abstinentiam eos profiteri carnium, non crapnlae et ebrietatis functionem (p. 575). Lex est universalis hodierno die mundanos esu carnium defungi. Jn Evangelio, quod hodie sit audiendum, de quo et cantatus canon est magnum et illustre Domini nostri Iesu Christi adventus diem cogitemus (Ser. 50 p. 577). Benignus Deus, qui vita imbutos ex anno in annum ductat, benevole ad hoc quoque jejunii tempus perduxit (S. 53 p. 580). Jam praeteraequitat quadragesima (p. 597). Deo duce medium jejunium praeteriimus (p. 599). Σήμερον ἡ ἐκκλησια ὧ πται παρὰδεισος , τὸ ζύλον τῆς ζωῆς ἐν μεσω προφέρ ȣ σα . ... ξύλον προσαπτόμενοι χείλεσί τε καὶ ὄμμασι .. . (pp. 693, 695). Τἰς μεγαλοπρεπῶς τοῦ τοσ ȣ' τ ȣ μυστηρ ίȣ ἐκθείασεν τὴν δυναμίν ; Τἰς ἕ τερος ἥ ὁ χρυσοῦς ἡμῶν πατὴρ Ἰ ωάννης , ὁ διαπρύσιος καὶ μεγαλοφ ώ νατος κήρυξ (p. 709). (b. 1612). Festum festorum summum est sancta pentecoste, quam peregimus, sed festum est et sanctorum omnium solemnitas, quam nunc contigimus (Ser. X, p. 522). Praeteriit sanctorum Apostolorum qvadragesima (Ser. XIX, p. 534). Διὰ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἀρχ ή τε ἰνδίκτ ȣ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐν τῆ ?? πάντων τῶν κηδευθεντων (De cura insepultorum. p. 953). At the same time, people walked around with candles, and the city shone with rich lighting. On a raised platform, in full view of everyone, a priest stood and performed the blessing of water. ( Ειστ ή κει κατὰ π ᾶ σαν π ό λιν καὶ χ ώ ραν κήρυξ ἐρὶ τοῦ μετεωρ ȣ ιερεύων τὰ θε ἄ καὶ ἁ γιάζων τὸ ὑδατα διὰ τῆς ἐπ ’ ἀυτὰ τοῦ θει ȣ πνεύματος ἐριφοιτησεως p. 708). Vit. Theod. With. 78 rub. 186. Kedrin calls him a monk and katigumen of Studium (Patr. T. 122, p. 212), and in the lists of patriarchs he is given the title of ecclesiarch “ἐκκλησιάρχης μονής τῶν Στ ȣ δι ȣ.” Καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας σύν τῶ πατριάρχη λυσάντων τὸ ἀμφίβολον ἱερολογεῖται ό Ρωμάνος τῆ Ζωῆ (ibid. p. 217). Kedrin mentions the monastery founded by Patriarch Alexy: “ἐν τῆ τοῦ Ἀλ e ξ ίȣ μονῆ” (Patr. p. compl. Τ . 122, p. 284), also Skylitzes and Zonara. - Balsamon in the interpretation of the 7th rule of the double council (Description of S.B. III, 240). The consecration of the main church of this monastery took place in 6542 (1034) August 14, as can be seen from the mention of it in the monthly stud. Charter 333–381 (fol. 82 ver.). The Patriarch puts the following words into the mouths of the monks, with which they turn to him, asking him to be buried in their monastery; This saint of ours, who formed the monastery, did not leave the fence that he himself built... remain with your children after death. Cf. Ducang. Cplis Christ. I. IV, p. 152. No. 330–380, l. 196 revolutions This is the way the word comes to us (l. 197); as in the latter we will reveal, and return to the path of the word (fol. 200 turnover); That’s already enough about dinner, it’s already said more quickly about dinner (fol. 202); again the word will return to service (l. 213); of course, give us the word (l. 241 turns); it is appropriate to offer other things... in current books (fol. 216 turnover); We have laid down a sound rule (l. 225); already in other books the church service was given over (fol. 245). Literal extracts from this record were included in Alexy’s charter; for example, about the rearrangement of choirs at Vespers on Saturday for Lazarus; Easter Matins service; about the commemoration of the dead on Meat Saturday; here and here there is mention of kissing after the evening party. However, when comparing the brief entry with Alexy’s charter for the synod. list, significant differences are noticeable between them, and it is clear that some of the previous orders have already fallen out of use and have been replaced by new ones. These differences are indicated in Agiol. I, 118. For example, why did the “old fasting mentors” choose to pronounce the Six Psalms in a quiet and even voice, l. 251. The Patriarch often refers to the customs of the Great Church: in some cases he gives preference to them, in others he does not agree with them. So, based on the custom of the Great Church “the most honest law,” he appoints washing of feet on Maundy Thursday before mass; in the article on the exaltation of the Cross, it is supposed to sing the troparion “as in the great church it is customary to sing.” He immediately refers to the charter of the Great Church. In the Great Church on the Feast of the Transfiguration they sang: Elitsy in Christ: in the charter of Alexei this custom is not accepted. In the rules on fasting, in addition to the accepted custom, it refers to how the matter is conducted “according to a different charter”; is guided by more ancient customs and rules (Op. S.B. III, 259). So, contrary to studio custom, on the eve of the erection for the upcoming holiday, one is supposed to sing “God is the Lord.” (Description III, 249). On December 7, the service to the drowned brethren, but to Nicholas the Wonderworker and Ambrose of Mediolon (ibid. 250) is not performed. Candles are given to the brethren “at the time of the consecration of the church and the vestibule to everyone, “as it is written in the Droulzem Ostave V25;c” (fol. 271 turns). Of course, there is probably a chapter on church illumination, which shows on what days the church is fully illuminated. Perhaps there was another article on this subject, but it has not survived to us. Nikon, in his excerpts from the studio charter, cites an article about fasting in a short version, and this shows that Alexiev’s edition had no authority and was important in the monasteries of few. Having cited this quote from Soph. Charter (now St. Petersburg Academy), Sreznevsky notes: this could not have been said by the Greek and for someone who began the year with the Greeks in September (Ancient Memories of Russian writing and language p. 38). Soon we didn’t even learn to eat Slovenian on that Saturday for the sake of our new enlightenment (l. 313). The same must be said about the article about the meeting between the prince and the metropolitan, which was included in the penance rules of Theodore the Studite from some later, probably Slavic, source. Typogr. hands No. 287 l. 27. Ἀμέλει καὶ ἡμεῖς σήμερον πατρικ ᾶ ις προσαχθέντες ἐντολ ᾶ ις ταύτην ( παράδοσιν ) ἐν χάρταις είς άληστον μνήμην τ ᾶ ις μετέπειτα γεν ᾶ ις καταλιπεῖν, ὡ ς ἡ δύναμις, πρὸς τὴν ὑπακοὴν ἐαυτούς καθήκαμεν. Θεοῦ δηλαδή παρέχοντος ἡμῖν τ ᾶ ις τοῦ ποιμένος ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν προσευχ ᾶ ις τοῦ λ ό γ ȣ συνθέσεως (Patr. T. 99, p. 1704). Toscani reported information about this remarkable branch of the statute in his work: Ad typica graecorum ac praesertim ad typicum Cryptoferratense animadversiones. Romae, 1857. Particularly important for acquaintance with the liturgical side of these types of excerpts regarding the service on the day of the Nativity of Christ, the Annunciation, the Ascension, the week of the publican and the Pharisee. Pitra published a service for the days dedicated to the memory of St. Peter (January 16, June 29 and 30), according to the cryptoferratensi typico of Bartholomew (Ex typico Cryptoferratensi S. Bartholomaei IV abbatis. Hymnographie de l’église grecque p. CXLVIII-CLII). As directed by Toscani. Cod. Barber. No. 76. Ibid. Cod. Vallic. D.61. At Matins on the day of remembrance of St. Peter and Paul; ςιχολογοῦμεν ἀντιρῶνα g7. το ᾶ ψαλμὸν 18... το βψαλμὸν 14... το γ 7 ψαλμὸν 20. Pitra r. C.L. This is how this part is stated at the Matins of the Nativity of Christ in the Crypto-Ferrat Rule: καὶ ἐυθέως (after six psalms and troparion) ςιχολογοῦμεν ἀντίφωνα g7. τὸ ά ψαλμός ρ 7 λδ . ἀινεῖτε τὸ ὄνομα κυρί ȣ. τὸ β ψαλμὸς ρ 7 θ . εῖπεν ό κύριος τῷ κυρίω μοῦ . τὸ γ 7 ψαλμός π 7 ς . οἱ θεμέλιοι ἀυτοῦ. οίθ ȣ' τως ἰςαμένων πάντων ψάλλεται ἡ ὑπακοὴ . Εἰς τὸ τέλος ἑκάτων ὠ δῶν τῶν κανόνων κάθισμα καὶ ἀνάγνωσις Δόξα ἐν ὑψίστοις. ε ἶ τα ἔισοδος καὶ ἐκτενὴ συναπτὴ τῶν ἀιτήσεων καὶ ἀπόλυσις . When Vespers was combined with the liturgy, the liturgical antiphons and prayers related to them were performed in their own order, or were secretly read by the priest and deacon in the altar during proskomedia. At Vespers on Saturday of the Publican and the Pharisee, according to the Crypto-Ferrata List, the Sunday stichera are called ἐκ τῶν ἀρχάιων (hereinafter they are called στηχηρὰ ἀναστάσιμα τὰ ἀρχαῖα τῆς ὀκτωήχ ȣ), and differ from them ἑτερα g7 ἀνατολικὰ; therefore - like the later ones and the stichera of the holy day. The triode stichera are placed on the stikhovna. The canon of the daily Saint, if it is not deliberate, is sung προόρορον (Bovense - at the midnight office), and if it is deliberate, then it is left until Monday. The original arrangement of the parts in the studio charter can be seen from the preface, which is placed in ancient copies after the triode part before the synaxar and serves as a transition from the first to the second. It begins with the words: “the charter for the hymnology during this Great Lent and on the days following Easter... it is understandable for us to observe the rule of proper hymnology every month on special days (days)....” But to the synod. list No. 905–382, this preface is placed at the very beginning and, according to the fair remark of S.B.’s descriptors, it is not in the right place; because it assumes the triode charter is already written in front, which in fact is not the case due to the reverse rearrangement of the articles. In this order, the contents of the charter are set out in the junior synodal lists, No. 333–381, 905–382 and in the junior typographical list. Here are some data indicating the existence of studio orders in our country in the 12th-15th centuries. From Kirik’s questions it is clear that the Lamb was prepared for five days during Lent. Consequently, they served presanctified service every day, and not on Wednesday and Friday (R. East. Bible vol. VI, p. 51). In response to the question: is it possible to erect a cross to the abbot if there is no bishop, the Patriarchal Council of 1276 gives the following answer; The canons of St. do not scold this. Theodore of Studium (Issue 18 ibid. 135). What is meant here by the canons of Theodore the Studite? In the works of Rev. Theodore does not say anything about such a case, and this issue was not the subject of a special decision. The cathedral probably has in mind the studite charter, where a special article is written about the erection of the cross, and this rite is assigned to the abbot. According to the Jerusalem Rule, in its most ancient copies, the erection of the cross is carried out by a “priest.” From 21 Nifontov's answers it is clear that in our country it was carried out not only by the abbot, but also by ordinary priests. The issue in this sense is resolved positively by Metropolitan Cyprian. And after the erection of an honest cross, he says, in every church, throughout the whole earth where Christians live, a cross is erected, at least one priest, for the glory of the honest and life-giving Cross (ibid. 237). Dionysius of Suzdal (1382), in his letter to the Snetogorsk monastery, without directly naming the studite charter, refers to Theodore the Studite in favor of the hostel (ibid. 210). Theodore of Rostov (1455) refers to the Studite charter in his letter of repentance on the occasion of allowing them to eat cheese and meat on Epiphany Christmas Eve, which happened on Sunday (ibid. 597). We will talk about the meaning of this link later in the section on fasting, but here we will only note that in the half of the 15th century. The studio charter was not forgotten among us and enjoyed authority. – Metropolitan Photius allows the laity to eat meat on Wednesday. This lenient rule echoes studio practice (ibid. 516). In the Synodal Helmsman of 1283, the article on burial is inscribed: the order of burial of the brethren according to the charter of the Studei monastery (fol. 611). This is the same article that is read in the charter of Patriarch Alexy under the title about burial. (Published by us as an appendix to the op. Metropolitan of Cyprus, with discrepancies from the Synod. Helmsman of the 13th century). Echoes of the student of the statute are also heard in the first printed editions of our type. Thus, in the preface to the rules of the church, the charter is erected, among other things, to the leader of the Studi monastery, and excerpts from the studs are given. typical according to the list of Patriarch Alexy, and some rules of service are associated with the name of Theodore and Joseph the Studites. Περὶ τῆς διὰ τῶν τρίων σημαντ. μετακλησ. Rhally IV, σ. 521. Patr. T. 98, r. 616. The compiler of the life of Gregory of Agrigento calls himself “abbot of the monastery of St. Sava in Rome.” At the council, convened to refute the essay on the icons of Leo, Metropolitan. Chalcedon, under Alexius Komnenos, was presided over by: Patriarch Nicholas of Constantinople (Grammatik) and Simeon of Jerusalem (Patr. T. 127, p. 976). Cosmas of Jerusalem 1075–1081, Theodosius of Antioch 1178–1183, Dositheos Patriarch of Jerusalem 1190–1191. Συναξάριον (said here) ἑν πασι κυριακη δεσποτικη εορτή καὶ τῶν λοιπών ἁ γιων μνημ ᾶ ις (Cotel. IV p. 220). Article about the second meal p. 45 (studio); Complete non-eating is only required on Monday of the first week of Lent, in accordance with Athonite custom (see extracts from Nikon the Montenegrin). Strict fasting on Holy Saturday and, if possible, non-eating on Friday indicate the emergence of more severe rules of the Jerusalem Rule. Т ὰ μονασιήρια ο ὕ τως ἔχ ȣ σιν ἔθος τὴν ἐννάτην πληρώσαντες καὶ ὕ μνον τῆς ἑσπέρας , ο ὕ τως εἰσέρχονται λοιπὸν ἐν τῆ κοινῆ τραπέζη τυροῦ μεταλαμβάνοντες ιχθύων καὶ οἴν ȣ (§14). Balsamon mentions the Jerusalem, Studite and other types regarding the question of the Dormition Fast: στ ȣ διτικὸν τυπικὸν, ἀλλὰ μὴν καῖ τὰ λοιπὰ (De jejun. Rhally T. IV, p. 566). Judging by the fact that the Jerusalem charter is placed in first place, one might think that it enjoyed greater authority. The consumption of cheese and eggs on holidays falling on Peter's Day and Nativity Lent is canceled, although in the short studio version it is allowed. “Yadyahom in the ancients,” says Nikon, “but now with the skill of our fathers we cut them off.” This clause is read in an extract from the studio charter, which Nikon cited in the 57th word pandekt (l. 571). Patriarch Alexy introduced this change even earlier. N ῦν ούκ ἐνεργεῖται ἀπὸ τοῦ μοναχικοῦ τῶν ἱεροσολύμων ... θεσσαλονικέων ἐκκλησί ᾳ (Ad Gabr. Pentap. Resp. 56. Patr. T. 156, p. 908). ἀναγνωσματα μαρτυροῦσι τὰ προφητικὰ καὶ ἐν ταῖς παλαι ᾶ ις εὑρίσκεται διατάξεσι (ibid. p. 905). ?? πολλοῖς τῶν ἄνωθεν διατάξεων καὶ ἐν εὐαγγελικ ᾶ ις καὶ (ibid. p. 908). You might be interested in: