II. Западное влияние в Московской и Юго-западной Руси

General comments – The role of South-Western Rus' and Polish influence in general – Polish influence in the monuments of the external life of Moscow – Study of Latin and Polish languages in the Muscovite state – Distribution of Polish and Latin books – Translations from Latin and Polish – General comments about translated Latino-Polish literature – People from South-Western Rus' and the attitude of Muscovite people towards them – Polish influence in South-Western Rus' and deviations from Orthodoxy. In the history of the spiritual life of the Russian people, in the formation of the original principles of the Russian nationality, two spiritual movements that have been active and active throughout the existence of the Russian state play an important role. On the one hand, the influence of Byzantium from the 9th to the 15th centuries, on the other, the influence of the West in subsequent times, which was especially pronounced in the reforms of Peter the Great. Several extensive works and many individual studies are devoted to the question of the cultural influence of Byzantium on us in the pre-Petrine era. Byzantine influence is seen in translated literature and especially traveling tales, court ceremonial, architecture, land structure, even serfdom, but one cannot conclude from this that this issue has been finally developed and resolved. So far, only material for future constructions has been collected, and what is important, of course, is not the external borrowing of this or that monument, this or that artistic or social form, but what is important are the ideas that are borrowed, which form the basis of the borrowing, enter into the internal worldview not of individuals, but of the entire mass of the people, and then continue to act in new conditions. The existing hasty, mostly subjective generalizing conclusions about the significance of the Byzantine influence, made before collecting all the necessary materials, before their critical evaluation and disassembly, turn out to be harmful for science, that is, for the truth. At one time, in the form of private generalizations directly applied to the case, these conclusions served the progress of the educated part of society, expanding the mental horizon, even if only with a false generalization, but now they must give way to a broad, dispassionate study of the largest possible number of facts and a calm, objective assessment of them. What we said about the study of Byzantine influence and the final judgment about it also applies to Western influence in Russian history, with the only difference that the latter has been studied even less. To present, based on factual grounds, a picture of the gradual invasion of Western Europeanism in general into pre-Petrine Rus', its replacement of Byzantine principles and to evaluate the significance of this influence - of course, it would be an important and interesting task, but it is beyond our capabilities given the current state of documentary data 245, and it would distract us too far from our topic. We will limit ourselves to collecting together the data available to us for the study of Latin-Polish influence in Moscow Rus' in the 16th-17th centuries, mainly in the literary field, and the intermediary role of Little Russia in this matter. This material, in turn, will explain to us the reason for the emergence of two parties among the Great Russian clergy at the end of the 17th century: the party of Old Moscow and Little Russian supporters, who entered into a fierce struggle, first on literary and then on church grounds. Further we will see how the struggle of these two parties, the parties of conservatism and innovation, will be complicated by the fatal question of internal politics about the primacy of Princess Sofia, the Miloslavskys on one and the Naryshkins, Tsar Peter on the other. With the powerful beginnings of Peter's reform, both parties fade away, and Little Russian leaders and their supporters little by little join the ranks of Peter's ascetics. Among such figures who joined the reform, but at the same time retained their individual traits and did not succumb to the general flow of the reform in the Dutch-German spirit, full of Protestantism, is St. Demetrius of Rostov. This is the connection between this and the following chapters with the main theme of our work. Western influence came in two ways to Muscovite Rus'. One path of predominantly German influence went through Novgorod and Pskov: the fortifications of these cities and their participation in the Hanseatic League will remain an eternal monument to it. Its final development took place in the Moscow German settlement, into the dirty street of which the great Peter turned. Polish influence 246 went through southwestern Russia in another way. The latter influence naturally should have increased since the overthrow of the Tatar yoke, the fall of Constantinople and the Union of Lublin. This influence manifested itself little by little in the phenomena of both external and internal life: it is indicated by buildings, painting, clothing, music, on the one hand, legislation, customs, literature, language, on the other. Russian life perceived these influences, processed them, assimilated them and still remained Russian: there were no drastic changes, no violent break-up. During the era of the interregnum, Moscow people saw the Poles and their way of life up close, and this acquaintance, of course, did not remain without influence on the people of the Moscow state. As we will see below, the Polish influence has been visible since the time of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich in isolated facts, and the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich is distinguished by its widespread development 247. Both external and internal circumstances of the reign contributed greatly to this: the war with Poland and its troubled situation in connection with the formation of the Russian party in it and two-time negotiations on the choice of a Russian tsar or prince to the Polish throne, the annexation of Little Russia and the resettlement from it of not only learned people, but also peasants 248 . The question of southwestern settlers in the 17th century to Muscovite Rus' is, in our opinion, of particular importance. Unfortunately, we have very little published material to solve this problem. Migrant artists and craftsmen moved themselves and were called up under Alexei Mikhailovich from Smolensk, Vitebsk and other cities conquered from Lithuania. Russians came to them in science and, according to Tanner, showed great success in the preparation of cloth, gunpowder, etc. 249. As can be seen from the census book of the Meshchanskaya Moscow Settlement and the Polish Row of 1676 and 1684, in Moscow we meet about a hundred artisans who came from Smolensk, Shklov, Slutsk, Vilna, Polotsk (since 1621), etc. Among them we meet blacksmiths, silversmiths, potters, hat makers, carriage makers and carriage upholsterer, shoemaker, butter maker, pepper mitten maker (gloves), saltpeter maker, tile burner, etc. 250. It is clear that the things they made bore the imprint of Western Polish: they make Polish soap, they make hats made in Polish hands. According to another (?) inventory, also from 1677, in the same settlement, four people made Polish soap, two made Polish stockings, a tailor from Shklov made a non-German dress, and one tradesman lived by fishing (rymarstwo - saddlery) 251 . There is also literary evidence from a contemporary (1652–54) about the penetration of Polish things into Russia. “When the Polish ambassadors pass... merchants with goods pass under the command and defense of the ambassadors without any washing. And the goods are those that merchants bring to Moscow from Lithuania, Rus', Poland and other Ukrainian countries: cloth, silk things, satins, damasks... From time to time they also bring some foolish things, from which they get a big profit, since Moscow people are more likely to buy bad things in time; whoever gets his hands on something, he gives more money for it” 252. Especially a lot of things in the form of works of jewelry: weapons, clothing, bells, etc. were exported after the campaigns in Poland 253. The close people of Tsar Alexei were equally sympathetic to Poland: the Miloslavskys, the famous Nashchokin, and his opponent, the boyar Bogdan Khitrovo 254 . Tsar Feodor Alekseevich was very inclined to Western innovations in general, and to Polish and South Russian ones in particular. A pupil of Simeon of Polotsk, he knew Polish and Latin well, and loved southern Russian books and southern Russian figures, who often dedicated their works to him 255. “He,” in the words of the Little Russian chronicler: “great love was dear to our people, because in Moscow we sent piety in our chant to churches and monasteries, and ordered Moscow clothes to be abolished, but allowed them to be worn in our own way” 256. Maybe here we should see the influence of his wife Agafia Grushetskaya, the daughter of a Smolensk nobleman 257. Polish influence is also visible in the state activities of the tsar: for example, he wanted to establish, according to Polish custom, so that captains, lieutenants and cornets would be permanent, so that everyone would know who to enlist in the company 258. His intention to establish governorships appeared under the influence of the Polish neighborhood and was perhaps prepared by the same Polish aristocracy - the gentry 259. This is all the more likely because of the 754 families of the Russian nobility, 109 came from Poland and 78 from Lithuania 260. The tsar's inclination towards everything Polish gave the usual reason for some Catholic writers to consider Fyodor inclined towards union 261. The reform movements of Fyodor Alekseevich were also noted by his contemporaries. On the portrait of the Tsar in the Archangel Cathedral in Moscow there is the following inscription: Tsar Fedor “has always devoted himself to the teaching of the free wisdom of the Russian people, and has designated the monastery of the Savior in the city of China for teaching, and has written a wonderful and very praiseworthy... letter for that teaching... written his royal house and cities, the Kremlin and China, in abundance renew, and change the clothes that are at a great loss to the people” 262. This is the general picture of the new movement in the second half of the 17th century. Moving on to particular cases of Polish influence, we will dwell briefly on monuments of external life (buildings, furniture, paintings, wood carvings, clothing), and in more detail on literary monuments. The impostor has already built himself a palace in the Polish style 263. Near the palace a special fun was staged, undoubtedly of Polish origin. It was “hell” - in the words of the chronograph - a copper three-headed gigantic Cerberus, according to Zabelin, or an amusing fortress, as Massa describes it (if only we assume that they are talking about the same thing) 264. After the war of 1654–67 we see furniture and wallpaper in the palace in Polish taste. Since the middle of the 17th century, Polish tables with carved legs have been in the palace. The throne of Tsar Alexei in the Polish spirit with a Latin inscription was built in 1659 265. In 1685, for Princess Natalya Alekseevna, a linden table with four legs, based on a Polish model, was made for the stone dining room tska (board). Hinges and other plumbing supplies come from Poland 266. Carvings, gilding and painting in the palace in 1662 and 1668 were performed by Polish masters: among the painters we know Stanislav Loputsky, Smolensk nobleman (1656–67) and Ivan Mirovsky (from 1670). The Pole Semyon Lissitsky wrote the Last Judgment in the palace in a wall letter in 1684. During the work in the Kolomna Palace, river workers from Belarus are working, the same ones who previously worked in the chambers of Patriarch Nikon 267 . The patriarch and the boyars use kleynots (coat of arms). So Archbishop Athanasius of Kholmogory: there was “a drawing based on the example of the patriarch’s klenote, and under the coat of arms on the klenote there was an inscription in Latin letters named after Athanasius 268 . In 1673, the South Russian watchmaker Pyotr Vysotsky created moving and roaring copper lions in the Kolomna Palace near the royal seat, sung by Simeon of Polotsk in his Rhythmologion 269. The boyars imitated the kings. The house of A. S. Matveev, his gifts to Tsar Fedor speak enough about Western influence 270. Matveev and Golitsyn had many paintings painted by Poles 271. Portraits painted by Polish painters begin to appear. Thanks to Polish engravings and images, Western influence penetrated into Russian iconography: the name of Simon Ushakov and his message to the royal isographer Joseph are enough. Hence the schismatics’ complaints that “the images of saints are painted in an inappropriate way: the eyes are like servants, the faces, ruddy for the flesh, are fat and plump, the vestments are German... The priests pick up their mustaches, and they themselves cross themselves with the Roman touch” 272 . In Suzdal, in one of the churches, I personally saw among the local images an image of the Gishpan Mother of God with a whole legend from the Great Mirror. Let us remember Prince Khvorostinin, who revered Latin icons, Polish icons taken by Patriarch Nikon from the boyars 273 and the ban on selling Fryazhsky sheets with images of saints. In the front manuscripts of the 17th century, the Polish influence is noticeable, which passed here through the Polish Kyiv printed sheets 274. Common people's paintings and engravings are distinguished by the same Polish character and even Polish signatures, such as the works of the carver Gregory 275. It seems that the carved painted images of Jesus Christ with those standing (Deesis) in a Catholic savage-tender spirit, found in our churches in the 17th century, were created under Polish influence 276. Probably the custom of depicting Christ in prison was taken from the Poles 277. In 1681, a molded alabaster Calvary with a carved crucifix and a vertograd with the Holy Sepulcher were made in the palace - a purely Polish-Catholic idea 278. We will not dwell on the introduction of the Renaissance style, etc., into Russian ornamentation (in manuscripts and utensils). We will limit ourselves to one example of introducing innovations into church utensils, “Summer 7174 (1666) March 25, the okolnichy and gunsmith Bogdan Matveevich Khitrovo gave a tax in the Przemysl district to the house of the Most Holy and Life-Giving Trinity in the Lyutikov Monastery for his father, Matvey Elizarievich, and for his mother, the schema-nun Praskovya Alekseevna, and for his daughter, Prince Ivanov, Borisovich Troekurov’s wife, Princess Vasilissa Bogdanovna, with the image of the Most Holy Theotokos of Kazan.” This layer has two circles cut out on all four sides, one under the other. On the top, front side, there is the above inscription, and on the others there are seven sibyls with signatures denouncing the Pole painter: Sivella Gelesponticus, Sivella Lubitske, Sivella Agrippina, Sibyl Percula, Sivella Cumagne, Sivella Curene, Sivella Eurotane 279 . In the middle of the 17th century, under the same Polish influence, the character of tombstones also changed: they began to be made smaller, but with rich ornamentation in the Renaissance style. Such, for example, is the slab over the grave of Bishop Arseny. Pskovsky († l682) with an inscription in Greek, Latin, German and Polish 280, Velyaminov’s slab in the Pskov Church of the Resurrection of the Word, slabs from the Zaikonospassky Monastery, etc. German and Polish cut of dresses began to appear in Rus' from ancient times. This quite naturally followed from the robberies that accompanied the campaigns against Poland or Nemechina, when many “German” clothes were among the booty. Already the Monk Efrosin († l481) in his will convinces the monks of the Pskov Eleazar Monastery he founded “neither to wear German clothes, nor to wear fur coats with down.” 281 In the apocryphal conversation between Sergius and Herman of Valaam (16th century?) we read: having loved the weak and lovely Latin faith, which is illegal for us, and many faiths, and have envied the infidels’ vestments, from head to foot, and their customs... it is not given to them to understand about our new grace and they are envious of our nothingness. They prophesy this bright life... and for this reason, our beloved brethren, we are firmly shunned from all their unfaithful charms... Woe to the Christian race, deceived by the infidels' ports and shlyks and having them on themselves, holding their unfaithful charms and letting them into their land and expecting help from them and guarding the Israeli cities and Christian camps by them and their courage... they are dishonored and the cities that possess them will also be in captivity... there is a lot, but more will increase in the world and under the kings of wise literates, and even more from the books of storytellers, but there will be little in them that understand how to help... with peace to the king, holy divine books 282. Fryazhsky costumes and toys were already in the possession of the children of Tsar Mikhail 283. Patriarch Nikon's hat is made in the manner of a cardinal's, his shoes are decorated with crosses, his miters look like either a tiara or a western crown, the bishop's staff with snakes resembles a caduceus, he rode in a Little Russian carriage 284. Boyarin N.I. Romanov dressed his servants in Polish liveries, and when leaving for a hunt, he himself put on Polish clothes, which, as we know, led to quarrels with the patriarch 285. German, and together, of course, Polish dress became so widespread that it was considered necessary to prohibit its wearing by decree (in 1675) 286 . We have already mentioned above the dress reform carried out by Fyodor Alekseevich 287. Royal fun in the 17th century was organized by Western or South Russian immigrants. Already in 1635, horse gardens were established with the participation of some Ivan Telyatevsky. In 1666, the Mezhigorsk monk Filaret was appointed royal gardener from Kyiv and brought plums, grapes and duli from Kyiv. In 1667 he again went to Kyiv to buy fruit trees, and in 1670 he was finally released to his homeland, and the elders of the Lubensky Mgarsky monastery Gennady and Onuphry were called in his place 288 . The names of the organists at the court of Tsar Mikhail Feodorovich Proskurovsky, Zavalsky (around 1637) are Polish or South Russian. The same is true for the noble organist Simon Gutovsky, c. 1639 who made a press for printing prints in 1677 289. The custom of keeping dwarfs and dwarfs at court is of Polish origin 290. The foreigner Bogdanko Saltanov (Pole?) painted twelve sibyls on canvas and presented them to the prince in 1673, and at the same time they presented him with books 291. In 1677, the organist Vasilevsky from Smolensk, a Belarusian or Pole, took part in the sovereign's entertainment in 1677. In 1675, Stepan Chizhinsky, the son of the Lviv povet of the gentry, who taught Latin to the children of the gentry in Smolensk, came to Moscow and became the head of the theater business, probably replacing the famous Gregory 293. Various court orations and panegyrics bear an undoubted Polish character 294. Following the example of the Polish aristocracy, Russian nobles begin to study their genealogy 295. Until now, we have talked about borrowings from Poland and Polish influence mainly in the household sphere. Now let us turn to the literary influence itself, which was expressed directly in the study of Latin and Polish in Muscovite Russia and in the translation of Latin-Polish works. Earlier news about the acquaintance of Russians with Latin and Polish was collected by M. I. Sukhomlinov 296. We will trace this issue through documentary evidence from the 15th century. Known for his translation of the Explanatory Psalter, Dmitry Gerasimov (born around 1465), learned Latin in Livonia 297. The Greek Dmitry Ralev, who traveled to Italy and arrived in Moscow in 1488, knew Latin very well 298. In 1490, among other artists, the organ player Kaplan of the White Chernets of Augustine's Law, Ivan the Savior, was summoned to Moscow, of course, explaining himself in Latin 299. In 1506, Maxim the Greek arrived and was assigned as translators to the Latinists Vlasiev and Gerasimov 300 . Grigory Istoma, interpreter under Herberstein (c. 1517) was the first of the Russian interpreters (according to Academician Hamel) to learn the Latin language (in Copenhagen) 301. Around 1525, Fabry, when talking with Russian ambassadors in Tübingen, used the services of one Russian who knew Latin and German 302. Ivan the Terrible thought to found schools in Latin and German 303. Let us not forget Kurbsky, who in his old age learned Polish and Latin, and owned Polish and Latin books even before his departure to Lithuania. Let us remember his review of the Gospel of Nicodemus in Polish: “and this false weaving was written in the Polish language in the first place” 304. Horsey, who arrived in Moscow in May 1572, wrote a Latin grammar for the son of boyar Nikita Romanovich, Fyodor, the future Patriarch Philaret, which Fyodor Nikitich studied with great zeal 305. Perhaps the first evidence of the spread of the Polish language in northeastern Russia dates back to the 16th century. Around 1557, the Englishman Goutry in Vologda acquired a handwritten book containing: 1) Beginnings of teaching for children and 2) Nauka krotka ku czytaniu pisma polskiego 306. Under Grozny, the Duma nobleman Zyuzin spoke Latin, and the clerk Shchelkalov spoke Polish 307. Under Boris Godunov, in 1602, several young people were sent to England to study Latin, English and other various German languages ​​and literacy 308. The impostor Dimitri said that he wanted “upon his accession to the Moscow throne to call upon young and well-educated foreigners in order to motivate Moscow children to study the sciences and arts by their example... He himself “wanted to have an idea of ​​what the ancient Latin authors wrote regarding rhetoric and philosophy” 309. Jesuit Lavitsky, under False Dmitry, wrote to the provincial Grodzitsky about sending educational books in Latin, Polish and Slavic for his own people and for Muscovites who want to be Catholics 310. The Poles who survived from the retinue of False Dmitry, among whom there were teachers and sages 27,311, probably subsequently contributed quite a bit to the study of the Polish language. Prince Khvorostinin in 1620 was accused of disbelief in the resurrection of the dead, veneration of Latin icons, and reading Latin books 312. Olearius (1633–36), who generally notes that people in Russia are unfamiliar with the Latin language, nevertheless, talking about the passion of the Russian ambassador to Persia, A.S. Romanchukov, for mathematics, mentions that Romanchukov knew the Latin language well 313. Around this time, it became a custom to write Russian words in Latin or Polish letters 314. Kotoshikhin talks about the interpreters at the embassy order, who, among other things, knew Latin and Polish 315. A certain Stepan Olyabyov stated in 1650 that he wanted to study Latin with Arseny the Greek, but when he was exiled to Solovki, he stopped studying and tore up his alphabet 316. Simeon of Polotsk, upon his arrival in Moscow in 1664, by order of the Tsar himself, gave Latin lessons according to Alvar 317. The uncle of the famous F. M. Rtishchev, Elder Spiridon (Simeon) Potemkin († 1665) “knew Greek and Latin to the end and Polish, he was a learned man and sat over books all the days of his life” 318. The Russian ambassadors to Spain and France, Likhachev and Potemkin, although poorly, spoke Latin 319. A.F. Ordyn-Nashchokin, wanting to educate his son, surrounded him with captured Poles. He himself was taught Latin by his father 320. Our resident Tyapkin, living in Poland, personally made speeches in Latin-Polish and sent his son to a Polish school 321. The famous Spafari taught his son Artemon Sergeevich Matveev Latin and Greek, small letters 322. Tsarevich Alexey Alekseevich communicated with the Polish ambassadors in Latin and Polish 323. Boris Golitsyn spoke Latin and hosted Polish musicians and home teachers 324. Lazar Baranovich wrote to Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich in 1671 that “the sigklit of the Tsar’s Most Holy Majesty does not disdain the Polish language, but they honor the books of Lyatsky in sweetness” 325. Andrei Artemonovich Matveev in 1681, while in exile, wrote the lives of saints in Polish, Latin and Russian 326. To teach his son Latin, he kept with him a Pole from the smaller Polish nobility, Ivan Lavrentiev, son of Poborsky 327. The singer Lavrenty Kuzmin Burmistrov was sent by his father around 1685 to study Latin with Sylvester Medvedev 328. The children of Colonel Ivan Perekrestov were apprenticed to Ivan (Joseph) Bogdanovsky, presumably a nobleman 329, and they spoke races to the sovereigns in 1688. It is not for nothing that the well-known inquiry officer Euthymius, complaining about the spread of non-Orthodox opinions, says that this was facilitated by the Russian nobility, who, in order to educate their children, began to keep foreign teachers at home and read Latin books. We will not dwell on the significance of the Slavic Greco-Latin Academy in Moscow. The author of the Russian Grammar (1696), Heinrich Ludolf 330, also speaks about the study of the Latin language by Russians in Moscow. In the 17th century, not to mention medicinal remedies with Latin names, even in the most incantations and renounced prayers one can find traces of familiarity with the Latin language 331 . Under Tsar Alexei and Patriarch Nikon, Polish and South Russian verses 332 appeared among the people of Moscow. And in folk songs there is a Polish influence 333. The distribution of Polish and Latin books in the 17th century in Moscow can be judged from the following data, which, of course, does not exhaust the subject. In 1653, according to the Sovereign's decree, Prince Repnin-Obolensky bought a Slavic-Russian lexicon, Pyasetsky's granograph, Gdansk Dictionary German-Latin-Polish, Gwagnin, a Polish Bible, a description of Poland, a book of the Constitution 334. In 1669, eighty-two Latin books 335 were sent to Ordyn-Nashchokin from abroad. Patriarch Nikon, according to the inventory of 1675, had Latin books: Alvar, Canon, Medical Book, Description of different states, Faithful Shepherd, Herbalists 4 books, Missal, Radzivil's Wanderings, Stobeush (Florilegium), Vuyka Bible and Polish Prayer Book, not counting the Greco-Latin editions of Aristotle, Demosthenes, Plutarch, Procopius and others 336. In 1672, an order was given to Przemysl from the Discharge: “so that the Polish and Latin seals of books and all kinds of letters that were taken in Polish cities during the war .... are not kept secretly or openly 337. Epiphanius Slavinetsky († 1675 November 20) “at his departure, for the sake of eternal remembrance of himself, he ordered the monastery of the brotherhood of Kyiv to pay his own book, to this the Great Master, His Holiness Joachim, Patriarch of Moscow and all Russia, indicated to send to the monastery and part of its estate. Inspector Euthymius sent through the magisterial father, Abbot Theodosius of Mezhigorsky, books of acquisition by Mr. Father Epiphanius: in the tenth Great Spectacle of the Life of Man 7 volumes Latin, Plutarch Greco-Latin, Collection of Scholastic Feology (i.e. Summa theologiae scholasticae) Latin, On Truth and Judgment Latin, Interpretation on the teachings of John Shkot in Latin, at noon the Polish Messiah, Dialectics in handwritten Latin, Philosophy rationalis in handwritten Latin; another Philosophy handwritten Latin; at a quarter... Justina on the history of Trog Pompea, Egyptian Symbolism, Pandects and Controversions, Naturalis Magia, Chronology of Matthew Berfalka; to ridicule: Liviev, About the Danish kingdom, About the Turks, About the stats of Hungariae, About the stats of the kingdom of Scotia, Martin Bekan, About the Latin seas, Belgia confederate 338. In the library of Paul, Metropolitan of Sarsk and Podonsk, there were the following books in Polish and Latin: the book of Baroneusz in Polish, the Truthful Messiah in Polish, Donatov's grammar in Latin-Polish, Synonyma in Latin-Polish, The Way of Virtue in Latin-Polish, part of the Bible in Latin, interpretation of Ecclesiastes in Latin, Misal (Missale) in Latin, Virgiria (sic), Orology principum (Horologium principum?), Explanatory Psalter, Kikeron's book, two Alvar grammars, Saxon politics, Kikeron's epistle, New Testament and Psalter, all the latter in Latin; in addition, Lute and Lives of Polish Saints (Baranovich), Knapiusz Polish and Stone (Λιθος) Polish 339. In 1676, a written Latin Bible, in white leather from the painter Ivan Bezmin 340, was purchased for the painters in the armory. In the library of Artemon Sergeevich Matveev, according to the inventory of 1677, we find Aurelius Augustine in Latin, George Pachymer in Greek and Latin, another book by the same George in Latin alone, books: about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Virgil, Anthony Possevina, church chronicler of the Old Testament, John Anthony Veliasquens interpretation (?) of Kazan, all in Latin, book of horses in Polish; lives of the saints, Kromer's history, Aristotle's Politics, Code of Magdeburg Law, Belsky's history, printed in Polish; at noon Botera, Stone, Justin the historian, New Testament, Brief description of the Polish kings (of course in Polish) 341. It is curious, the order of Tsar Fyodor Alekseevich in 1678 to ambassadors Buturlin and Chaadaev and clerks Golosov and Protopopov. They were ordered “by all means” to deliver books in Latin and Polish, “for reproach from the Jesuits.” This order is explained by the following letter, which the ambassadors received after leaving Moscow: “We are aware of the great sovereign that in the state of the royal majesty the churches of God and the inhabitants of the Greek faith are being subjected to destruction and oppression, and to the Roman faith and to the union there is more coercion than ever before... The notebooks were printed in Lvov in Latin, so that people of the Greek law then they did what was printed in those notebooks, contrary to the tradition of the holy apostles and holy fathers.” The ambassadors had to tell the representatives of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth with all diligent care that the pious Eastern Church and Christians of Greek law would remain free in the state of the royal majesty 342. Simeon of Polotsk (in 1680), in the preface to his rhyming Psalter, explaining the reasons that prompted him to work, says: in all the countries of Little, White, Black and Red Russia, especially in Great Russia in the reigning city of Moscow, the sweet and harmonious singing of the Polish psalter, poetry offered, usual psalms sung 343. In the inventory of books of the Zaikonospasky Monastery in September 1689 we find: 125 Polish and 414 Latin books. Notes the most characteristic Polish ones: Polish Primers (483–5), Polish Donat (315), Versification (521), Arithmetic (494), Polish Numbers (411), Geometry (139) Doctor's Book (248), Doctor's Book (213), Polish Herbalist (136), About Ciepels [about greenhouses?] (160), On military actions (533), On ship actions (230), Official of the Polish kingdom (197), Charter of the Polish kingdom of general privilege (142), Code of the Polish kingdom (91 and 113), Domostroy (103), On table food (231), Removable politician (491), Turkish Monarchy (98), House war (106), Martin Belsky (91 and 137), etc. 344 V. Golitsyn, Sofia's favorite, had in his library, among other things: a book about the queen of Olunda and twin breeds; a book written in Polish; a book from Polish letters with the story of Magilona Kralevna; grammar of Polish and Latin; written history of the Polish language 345. In the royal library (late 17th century) we find books taken from the embassy order (mainly original translations): Cosmographies by Mercator and Bother, Latin and German textbooks by Alvar, and from Matveev’s library: works by Augustine, Virgil, Possevin, Philoponus 346. Translations from Latin can be indicated as early as the 15th century. Under arch. Novgorod Gennady, around 1499, translated from Latin (from the Vulgate) the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Maccabees (two). The translators, as is known, were Dmitry Gerasimov and the Dominican Veniamin 347. Gennady of Novgorod is also credited with translating the so-called Solomon Seal, which sometimes appears in our manuscripts (Rom. No. 368 and 374 Und.; No. 53 and 448), with the words Sator arepo tenet opera rotas, placed in a square of 25 cells 348. By the XV-XVI centuries. refers to the southwestern translation of both editions of the torment of St. George from the Latin text subsequently printed by Surius 349. In 1501, the interpreter Dmitry Gerasimov translated from Latin the work of Nikolai Delira against the Jews. 350 In 1504, he also translated from Latin the denunciation of the Jews awaiting the Messiah Rabbi Samuel, from the Cologne edition of 1493 351. In February 1506, the essay “On the Freedom of the Holy Church,” written in defense of church estates 352, was to be translated from Latin. In 1522, Donatus, that is, grammar and alphabet, was translated from Latin by Dmitry Gerasimov 353. In 1535, translation by Dmitry Scholastic or Gerasimov from the Latin Explanatory Psalter of Brunon. 354 Before 1541 - translation from Latin “The Legend of the Sratsyn Faith of Riklad” (Richardus). 355 In 1560, a dictionary of Latin and Russian languages was compiled at the University of Tübingen by the Russian monk Ivan Alexandrov. 356 In 1564, a translation of the “Life of Augustus of Hippo (Augustine of Hippo)” and other words from Latin, which belonged to Prince Kurbsky, is mentioned. 357 Kurbsky's translation of the conversations of John Chrysostom on the Gospel of John, from Latin, is known. 358 In 1565–68, under Metropolitan Athanasius, the following were translated from Latin: cosmography and Polish chronicle. 359 A translation from Polish by a certain Negalevsky (in Volyn) of Chekhovich’s gospel dates back to 1581. 360 The cosmography of the collection dates back to 1584. M. Belsky translated by the Lithuanian nobleman Ambrogiy Brzhevsky. 361 In 1588, a medical book was translated from Polish for the governor of Serpukhov, Buturlin. 362 The translation from Polish of the book by Conrad Lykosten dates back to 1599. Chronicle, or chronicler of great heavenly and earthly miracles from the beginning of the world to the present day. 363 To the 16th century we must include, in the absence of immediate dates, translations from Latin: The Secret Secrets of Aristotle 364, Lucidarius 365, Bestiary 366, cosmography of Pomnonius Mela 367, excerpts from Gwagnin (Gvanini) 368, Travels of Adrichomius to St. land 369, Tale of Atyl, King of the Ugric (the latter from Polish). 370 A translation of some German encyclopedia (?) made by Mikhail Izvashkov and Selenkov dates back to 1606. 371 In the same year, by decree of Tsar Vasily Shuisky, the translator of the embassy order, Anisim Mikhailov, began translating from German and Latin from books on cannon and other various military affairs and skills. The translation was completed only by 1621. 372 In 1607, the translator of the Ambassadorial Prikaz, Fyodor Gozvinsky, translated the Tropic of Pope Innocent († 1216) from Polish. 373 He also translated Aesop’s fables in 1609. 374 Hierodeacon Vitaly, translator of Dioptra (Eve 1612) “worked day and night translating books from Greek and Latin.” 375 In 1630, translation of the cosmography of Gerardus Mercator. 376 Some cosmography has come down to us in the list of 1632 377 Dating back to 1634, although not probable, is a translation of The Tale of the Seven Wise Men. 378 In 1637, Bogdan Lykov translated Mercator's cosmography from Latin by order of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, together with his comrade Ivan Dorn. 379 In 1642, Kalepin's dictionary was translated from Polish. 380 In 1645, Barsanuphius Letsevich translated from Polish into Russian the Image of Eternity by the Jesuit Jeremiah Drexellius. 381 During the reign of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, transfer activity increased. It was not for nothing that Krizhanich, who proposed to ban wanderings in foreign lands, demanded the study of science to fight foreigners on commercial and political grounds; for which purpose he proposed to translate the best works on crafts and agriculture from foreign languages ​​into Russian. 382 In 1647, translation from the Latin of Thomas a à Kempis, “On the Imitation of Christ,” by Orestes Nasturol. 383 In the same year, the psalter was translated and printed in Rome. The Polish edition of Donatus's Latin grammar dates back to 1649 with a Russian translation of the same time added in the margins. 384 In 1650, Kalepin's dictionary was translated by Slavinetsky and Satanovsky. 385 Translations from Latin by Epiphanius Slavinetsky († 1676) also date back to this time, namely: Pliny the Younger's Panegyric to Trajan (part), Andrew Vesalius of Brussels' anatomy, On the murder of Charles I of England, Citizenship of good morals 386, Levenclavius Jus graeco romanura, three words of Bernard, and in 1652 Athanasius of Alexandria on the psalms. 387 In 1652, Arseny translated Mefret's teaching Hortulus reginae by royal decree. 388 In the same year, the Kiev Brothers Archdeacon Mikhailo, at the behest of the Duma clerk Mikhail Yuryevich, translated some work of Augustine. 389 In the period 1652–54, an extract was made in Russian from the Polish chronicle of Gvanini, probably by Simon Azaryin with some changes. 390 In 1655, Nikon ordered the monks of the Iversky Monastery to translate “the book of the Polish press History and, having translated it, copy it and send that book to him.” 391 In 1657, The Mirror of the Belly of a Christian Man was translated from the Polish edition of Drexellius in 1640, almost in Chernigov. 392 After 1657, the life of Blessed Macarius the Roman was translated into the Novgorod-Seversky Monastery by Ivan Armashenok from the Latin. 393 The translation of Theatron or general geography by Boter Benesius, belonging to the Duma nobleman A. Ya. Dashkov, dates back to 1659. 394 By 1661, Patriarch Nikon contributed to the Resurrection New Jerusalem Monastery with a translation from Latin - “The disgrace of the entire universe or the New Atlas.” 395 In 1664, the book of the verb Mathematics was newly translated from the Hellenic and Latin, Vloss and Polish languages ​​into Slovenian in Moscow. 396 In the same 1664 - translation of Thomas a à Kempis “On the Imitation of Christ”, made by Ignatius Belenevsky. 397 In 1666, Simon Azaryin added a monastery to the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, translated from the Polish Lifos Peter Mogila. 398 The compilation and translation of a special 76-chapter cosmography according to Mercator and Belsky dates back to 1655–1667. 399 In 1667, A. Vinius translated and compiled from the Latin book Water World: Description of the distances of capitals, states and islands. 400 A list (or translation?) of Stryjkowski's chronicle from Polish dates back to 1668. 401 In 1670, Albertus Magnus translated On the Sacraments of Wives (De secretis mulierum). 402 In 1671, the book Pastoral Cares of Gregory Dvoeslov was translated from Latin by Simeon of Polotsk. 403 In 1673, the Tale from the Time of Dagobert, King of France, was translated from Polish. 404 The book about the Sibyls was translated (from Latin?) by Spafarius by order of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich. 405 In 1674, the Christian Anfirmaria was translated from Polish by Mark Ivan Pazukhin. 406 In 1674, A. Vinius translated, by order of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, from Latin (?) The Spectacle of Human Life. 407 In 1675, Aesop's fables were translated from Polish in Simbirsk. 408 In 1675 the story was translated from Polish: Queen Olunda. 409 In 1676, Aristotle's House Construction was translated in Moscow from the Polish by the works of the steward Fed. Grieg. Bogdanov. 410 The translated textbook in the Bible dates back to the same year. Trekhletova. 411 In the library of I. P. Sakharov there was a list of the Pharmacopoeia translated from Latin in 1676 412 In August 1677, The Tale of the Roman Caesar Otto was translated from Polish. 413 In the papers of I.P. Sakharov, a record of some manuscript has been preserved: “The book of the verb planetary, published by ancient philosophers, this book was translated from Polish into Slovenian in the summer of the birth of the Lord God and Savior Jesus Christ 1677.” In the same 1677, the Great Mirror was translated from Polish at the request and command of V. G. Ts. and V. K. Alexei Mikhailovich. 414 The true story about the Princess of Altdorf, and about Peter the Golden Keys, as well as the comforting story about a merchant who entered into a marriage with another about the virtue of his wife, translated from Polish in the same 1677. 415 In the same 1677, a favorable story about the noble and beautiful Melusine was translated from Polish by the translator Ivan Gudaysky (var. Rudinsky). 416 In the same year, the book “On the Properties of the Human Body,” also known under another title, “Aristotle’s Problem on the Parts of the Human Body,” was translated. 417 In 1678, “The Court of the Tsar of Turkey” was translated from Polish. Simon Starovolsky. 418 In the same year, excerpts from the chronicle of Baronius were translated from Polish. 419 Then, in November, the Facetsii or Polish Zharty were transferred to Novgorod-Seversky. 420 In the same year, Modreski's book on civil coexistence (from the original of 1577) was translated from Polish. 421 In 1679, Diletsky translated his “Idea of Musician Grammar” from Polish. 422 In the same year, the monk Theophanes translated from Belarusian (or Polish?) the teaching on the mystery of repentance. 423 When printing the Latin edition of the World of John Amos Comenius in 1679, a modern Russian translation was written in the margins. 424 In 1679, Simeon of Polotsk translated the legend of Mohammed by Bishop Vincent Bellovacensis. 425 In 1680, he also translated an extract from the books of Peter Alfons from Latin. 426 In 1681, the book of Epistles of various kinds from various ranks of people (from Latin or Polish from the VI book of Baronius 440–518) was published in the chart of the Russian language in the summer [zrpf - 6189]). 427 In 1682, the first book of the Chronicle of Stryikovsky was translated, “from Slavonic-Polish to Slavonic-Russian works and with the diligence of Andrei Lyzlov, steward of E. Ts. His Most Serene Majesty.” 428 In addition, a poor, secondary translation of Stryjkowski's chronicle dates back to 1682. 429 Dating back to 1682 is “a cutbook about the Polish land from Polish historians, briefly collected and copied in Russian.” 430 The preface to the historical book, compiled at the behest of Tsar Feodor Alekseevich († 1682), states that it was collected from sacred and Russian chronicles and Latin and Polish books. 431 In 1683, Andrei Lyzlov translated again (or remade) The Court of Caesar of Turkey Starovolsky from the Polish edition of 1649 432 In 1683, translation of The Swans with His Feather by Ioannikiy Galatovsky from the Polish edition of 1679 433 In 1684, the monk Theophan translated from Polish the work of some Benedictine: The spiritual font or the teaching of spiritual life. 434 In the same year, a translation of geometrical passages from Pliny. 435 In 1685, the Zodiac of Drexellius was translated from Polish. 436 In the same year, almost Sylvester Medvedev translated from Latin or Polish “A Brief Convenience of Reasoning and Knowledge of Spiritual Assumption.” 437 In the same year, in Moscow, translator Stakhy Gadzelovsky translated (from Polish) four books on horse riding. 438 In the same 1685, Gabriel Dometsky, archimandrite of the Simonov Monastery, translated the spiritual Vertograd. 439 The translation of the Orthodox Confession of Faith by Peter Mogila from Latin, with the permission of Patriarch Joachim, also dates back to the same year. 440 No later than 1686, a translation from the Polish of Neveisky’s work “Comet of 1680. 441 The translation from Polish of the book dates back to 1687: Against the man of God's all-honorable creation, the envious judgment and evil behavior of the damned demon. 442 In the same year, the translation of the book. Radzivil in St. land. 443 In the same year, the Controversy of Arius and Athanasius, the work of Vigilius Bishop of Tridentine, was translated from Latin. 444 In 1688, the famous Theophan translated from Polish “Desideria or the path to the love of God and the perfection of life of the Christian” Cardinal Bellarmine. 445 In the same year, he translated from Polish the work of Drexelius: Solnechnik or the control of the human will with the will of God. 446 In the same year, the Church Composer was converted from Latin to Slavic Russian, based on the books of Gregory Cassander, in the reigning city of Moscow. 447 The Polish-Russian dictionary belonged to the same year. 448 In 1689, part of the chronicle of Baronius, in Skarga's abbreviation, was translated from Polish by a certain royal synclitician (perhaps Andr. Art. Matveev). 449 Not later than 1689, translated from the Latin of Thomas a à Kempis about the imitation of Christ by some A. Kh. B. (Andrei Khristoforov Belobodsky?). 450 Prince V.V. Golitsyn (until 1690) had translations from Polish: Alkoran Makhmetov and the History of Magelon Kralevna (i.e., about Peter of Provence). 451 Around 1690–91, book. M. Krapotkin translated in Belgorod, from Polish, Apophegmata and other passages. 452 In 1691, the story of Apollonius of Tire was translated from Polish. 453 Also in 1691, the famous Theophanes translated the Roman Acts. 454 In 1692, the Book of the Seven Wise Men was translated by Kamenevich Rvovsky. 455 The Slavic-Greek-Latin-Polish primer in persons in the Solovetsky Monastery belongs to the same city. 456 In 1693, Karion Istomin translated from the Latin Julius Frontinus, Senator of Rome, on military cases. 457 In 1694, Euthymius translated from the Polish Clement's instructions to St. Apostolov. 458 In 1696, the Slovak calendar was translated from Polish. 459 In 1698, the medical book “Cool Vertograd” was translated from the Polish edition in Krakow of 1565. 460 In the same year, Theophanes translated from Polish and Latin a book entitled The Ancient True Faith. 461 The translation, one must think from Polish or Latin, dates back to 1699: “Civilian architecture selected from Paladiusz and others from Kaszpar Barclay.” Written in Venice in the summer of 1699, September, with the teaching and care of Prince Dolgorukov. 462 The following translations, not marked with an exact date, should also be attributed to the 17th century: The Torment of Esus 463, Chudaev's translation from Polish books On the Deliverance of the Righteous from Hell (Gospel of Nicodemus) 464, Psalms and Verses 465, Mizad Sunday or cornets 12 ever-memorable living and prosperous secrets (from Anthony Mizad Monolucensis) 466, Science for bites 467, The mirror of a Christian man, that is, pious reflection for every day “from Polish for the lack of knowledge, translated into Russian” 468; Logic from Latin 469 ; Domostroy in questions and answers (from Polish) 470, Military Council (family of Domostroy) Bartosz Paprocki (from Polish) 471; The description of wines or parables that lead to the destruction and ruin of any state comes from Latin, V. Sadovsky 472; The history of the Polish king Wladyslaw IV Gorczyn 473, The Tale of Skanderberg, book. Albanian (according to Belsky) 474 ; Teaching about a comet from Latin 475; Selenography of John Hevelius from Latin 476; a collection with articles probably from Latin, On the healing of the terrestrial or earthly globe, on the healing of the armillary sphere and the celestial globe and the table of climates 477, Conversations on the seven celestial planets (a kind of calendar), Gromnic of Heraclius and Tablica Pitagoresowa 478 and the collection Pacierz (Preces), often published with primers 479. At the beginning of the 18th century, translated: Julius Florus from Polish in Moscow 1704 480 Ovid from Polish - manuscript of 1706 belonged to Demetrius of Rostov. 481 Astronomical hundred from Latin 1707 482 Polish curiosities, translation from a Polish letter, the author Jan Zaicic's statement about the good nature of man is sweetly and gracefully depicted in short words. Originally copied word for word from the summer of May 1708... 483 Titus Livy was translated from Latin in 1716 in Chernigov. 484 Raymond Lull Ars magna (from Polish, judging by the numerous Polonisms). 485 Probably the translations that were in the Novgorod Sofia Library of the Chorograph and Topographer Palestiev from Latin and Polish, Troyan Bokalin about the Parnassian Gazette, Martyn Sumeizel History of Crowns 486, Athanasius Kluver Jesus book called the Sphinx the mystery teller or hieroglyphic exercise about mummies, translation from the Latin edition date back to the same time. 1679, equipped with a preface and afterword by Joannikius and Sophronius of the hieromonks and teachers of the Likhudievs 487, and a Latin-Slavic lexicon from Colette, “translated by Dimitri Savich, Metropolitan of Rostov.” 488 This is the general picture of translated Russian literature of the 17th century. There is nothing to say about translations from German, Czech, etc.: there are too few of them. The main translators are Little Russians and Belarusians. In the translations of the 17th century, which especially intensified towards the end of the century, two trends are distinguished: some of them satisfy the religious and moral feelings of Russian readers, putting moral maxims in a living narrative form, which in itself, in its plot, had sufficient interest; others pursue purely practical goals. Among the latter we see historical, legal, physiological, medical, economic, etc. works. All these works, brought from Southern Russia and Poland, despite the diversity of content, were not divorced from ancient Russian literature of the 11th-17th centuries. In them we find the same religious overtones, the same views on world events, the same desire to draw a moral conclusion from the environment as in previous literary works. 489 The reproach that these works are backward from the European level of that time is not entirely correct. True, in Europe there were already Montanus and Bacon, Harvey and Huygens, Spinoza and Leibniz, Descartes and Grotius, Molière and Scarron, but these writers were the property of a select few, and the ordinary public was content with various now-forgotten Karptsovians, Scharfians, Schurzfleischs, Köhlers, Gedericks, etc. Scholasticism was strong in the 18th century, but XVII there is nothing to say. Be that as it may, by introducing new information and a kind of mental discipline into the contemplation of the people, who had hitherto been supplemented by Byzantine literature, scholasticism represented a stream of a certain freshness, a certain movement forward. Translated scholastic literature, innovations in the everyday and legal spheres, and finally schools of the southwestern model, which we will talk about further below - all these were the beginnings of a new reform movement in the Polish-Catholic spirit. The main conductors of this spirit, the predecessors and initial assistants of Peter's reforms, which at first had the same coloring, were southern and western Russian immigrants and settlers. Individual immigrants from southern and western Russia have been appearing in Moscow since the 15th century. Since the 17th century their number has been increasing, and since the annexation of Little Russia it has been a mass movement that is still waiting for its historian. 491 Moscow clergy looked rather hostilely at people from western and southern Russia. Isaiah (or in the world Joachim) came to Moscow in 1582 with a sheet of the King's book by Zhegmont Augustus, King of Poland, to ask the royal bookkeeper for a copy of the Bible word for word, so that it could be printed with embossing, and the Gospel Discourses in the translation of Silvanus, a student of Maxim the Greek, and the life of Anthony Pechersk..., and not to seek faith, nor to talk about faith. But Isaiah was expected in Moscow by dishonor, and suffering, and bitterness, and reproach from some people of Moscow, from the monks and Beltsy, who, spontaneously from great piety, went into great frenzy, and in a word, Christians and monks in robes. We don’t know what happened to him after submitting a petition from prison to Ivan the Terrible, who soon departed to the Lord. 492 Many, Palitsyn writes: newcomers from the Seversky and Polish cities learned from many heretics in Ukraine living their evil customs and customs... and in their faith the heretical many transgressed out of ignorance and kept the law with them in everything. 493 Cathedral of 1620 with Patr. Philaret at the head decided to rebaptize Belarusians who are defiled by an unfaithful heretical meal, pray for the pope, etc. 494 In 1627, the famous teaching gospel of the South Russian Cyril Tranquillion was condemned for heresy to be burned, the case of which surfaced again in 1665. 495 In the same year, there was also a well-known debate over the catechism of Lawrence Zizanius, in which there were allusions to purgatory, the recognition of Augustine and Jerome as saints (which Lawrence refused), etc. 496 Around 1634, the icon painter Kirill Khmelevsky (of course a South Russian) was accused of dousing himself, swearing oaths on unleavened bread, visiting heretical churches and anointing himself with heretics in heretical churches and churches. 497 Let us note, by the way, that Krizhanich also reacted unfavorably to the book “Heaven” by M. 1865, edited by Slavinetsky. 498 Suspicious attitudes towards the South Russians completely disappear under Nikon, who was accused of Latinism by the schismatics for this reason. The people closest to the patriarch are precisely the educated Southern Russians and even the Poles 499 - “in... the Roman Church, the Poles and the Kyiv Uniates, the Roman dish-lickers,” as Avvakum puts it. 500 Nero also mentions them in his petition (1653), exhorting “not to accept foreign monks, heretical innovators into the council.” The activities of the southern Russian inquiry officers summoned even before Nikon and his patronage, Arseny Satanovsky, Epiphany Slavinetsky and Elder Theodosius, who arrived in Moscow on July 12, 1649, and Damascene of Galitsky, who arrived with the monk Mark in 1650, are quite well known. 501 Nikon resettled the monks of the Kuteinsky Monastery to his beloved Iversky Monastery, and already in 1658 they printed the Book of Hours in their own printing house “to increase praise in the mouths of the youth, until the Lord will hasten for more.” The book “The Mental Paradise,” published by them in 1659, has the appearance of completely southern Russian publications: on the back of the title page is Nikon’s coat of arms with his initials and suitable verses. 502 Near Moscow, Nikon built a convent for Mogilev and Smolensk nuns. 503 The Patriarch also patronized South Russian singing. In 1656, Vasily Pikulinsky and the elder of the fraternal monastery Joseph Zavoisky were summoned: they were sent by Lazar Baranovich. 504 In 1664, Nikon demanded that “nine-voice cantys, osmotic psalms and Milevsky’s mass, and three-voice concerts” be sent to New Jerusalem. 505 In 1666, the new Kiev singer John Kalenda appeared in the royal choir. South Russian singing greatly embarrassed the zealots of antiquity. “The chants they sing are newly published from their own composition, and not those dedicated to the saints, but Latin and Roman fables and partesian verses excommunicated by the holy fathers.” 506 The manner of speaking sermons from oneself, common among southern Russian preachers, was introduced among us by Nikon 507, and also caused displeasure among the zealots of antiquity: “You bigots are starting a new heresy, teaching people in church, but we didn’t teach people this in church before. “You have demons in you and are all hypocrites,” said Nikolsky priest Prokopiy to priest Ivan. 508 After Nikon, the names of South Russians come across more and more often in the Moscow state. In 1676, in Solovki we met Elder Victor of Kiev. 509 In 1679, people from the land of Tours came out of the sea on ships to the city of Arkhangelsk, full of people, the black deacon Lazar, a tonsure of the Kiev-Pechersk Monastery, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem Dosifei bought him, and with him as a deacon came two people full of Yakim, a Little Russian, and Konstantin, a Ukrainian, both in German dress.” 510 In 1688, in the Savvo-Storozhevsky Monastery we find a total of 165 elders - 26 South Russians (all senior brethren), people from the Kyiv, Chernigov, Rylsky, Baturinsky and Mogilev monasteries, including Archimandrite Sylvester of Chernitsky himself (1673–1699). 511 But with the increase in the number of immigrants, familiarity with the everyday and church life of the Little Russians also increases. The people of the Moscow state were involuntarily and sharply struck by the difference in the entire system of Moscow and Little Russian life and the strong Polish coloring of the latter. To illustrate this idea, here are a few guidelines. If we look at the types of ancient stone Little Russian churches of the 16th-17th centuries, we will clearly see that the former Byzantine outlines have disappeared under a number of extensions and superstructures in a purely Western, Polish taste. 512 The shape of the domes, instead of Byzantine hemispheres and segments or Moscow onion domes, gives the outlines of either ellipsoids or polyhedral pyramids with interceptions. Let's not forget the Western design of machicolations or hanging archers and vaulted basilicas, which were included in life and in Russian manuscripts. 513 Pavel Aleppo testifies that the stone buildings of Kyiv, its palaces belonged (and therefore were rebuilt and decorated) to the Poles. 514 In the Pechersk Lavra, a grave with a stone image of Prince Konstantin Ostrozhsky and intricate tombstone inscriptions with decorations have survived to this day - the direct influence of Polish churches with their arrangement of noble tombs. 515 Icons of purely Italian painting are common in Little Russian churches: among them are Catholic icons of the Child Savior on the cross or the coronation of the Mother of God. 516 Carved painted images of the crucifixion, Christ in prison (see above), saints in exquisite poses, in full height, indicate Polish examples. 517 Headpieces, engravings, allegories, coats of arms on books and portraits - all these are things of Polish origin. High-voice church singing in general, the melodies of psalms and canticles, almost identical in content, are similar in melody to Polish works of the same kind. 518 The robes of Orthodox monks with hoods resembled those of the Jesuits and Capuchins. 519 The ceremonial trains of the Kyiv metropolitans with their armed retinue were arranged following the example of the trains of the Polish prelates. 520 There is nothing to say about the Cossack kuntushes and looted clothes and weapons. Polish money circulated even after joining Russia; The expression zlot has survived to this day. A Polish Czech weighing 5 money went instead of 2 Russian money. 521 Russian cities under Polish rule were governed by Magdeburg law; Mayors, raits, castellans, workshops, etc. sounded strange to a Moscow person. “Borrowing the forms of Polish social life entailed the transfer of a whole atmosphere of concepts developed in the Polish-gentry society and the assimilation of the habits of the gentry’s community life.” 522 The Polish influence on the Little Russian language has not yet been brought to a final result, 523 but a Muscovite could clearly hear a lot of Polonisms in the dialect. There is nothing to say about the spread of the Polish language among church pastors and polemicists, who wrote equally fluently in Russian and Polish. 524 Orthodox Little Russian pastors (for example, Baranovich) received education in Western and Polish-Jesuit academies and wrote Polish verses. Already in the 16th century, in the writings of Kurbsky and the messages of Vishensky, we find interesting indications of the predominance of Latin and Polish. 525 Take a closer look, says Vishensky in a later letter: that they are using the ink of cunning, and not the Holy Spirit, by words, educated school executors, who, from the Latin heresy, have seized on the way of the schools, preach and teach, but do not want a Poler and dispassionate life... Our current new Russian philosophers do not know anything in the church, read neither the same psalters, not the Book of Hours... And if anyone knew even a little how the south would reach a verse of any of Aristotle’s fables, then the south psalters would be read at a minimum... students of Latin fables, called execs, don’t want to work in the church, they just build and play comedies. 526 The author of the Book of Faith (ed. M. 1648) complains: “Many people, exalted by our pride, abhor the Slovenian language... and many now, having abandoned their bread and spiritual treasures in reading and teaching the abundant Slovenian books, are grabbing someone else’s bread, which is made with deadly poison.” The compiler of the Spiritual Mirror (circa 1652), a Little Russian monk unknown to us, says: in Rus', “soul-harming dirty tricks are spreading,” for many “disdain the Slovenian humble language and from foreign indignant waters, vomited by charm, get drunk on delicacy.” 527 The influence of Polish scholasticism in post-Mogila schools, which deviated from the original type of fraternal schools, is too well known to be discussed. Hence, of course, came the dependence of Orthodox preachers on Polish models both in the form of speech and in the choice and arrangement of evidence, which Catholic polemicists pointed out with malicious joy. 528 From Poland came all these causations, verses, panegyrics, laments and other works with their intricate titles and intricate allegories. 529 Polish influence was sharply reflected in the church sphere. Many religious customs in southern and western Russia are of Polish origin. In the Minsk province and other areas, among the ancient Orthodox, the customs have still been preserved to have a crypt in the vestibule and to wet your hand in it for the sign of the cross when entering the church, to kiss the church floor and lie on it with a kreez, to put up crosses for the longevity of children, to fast on Wednesday of the bright week to get rid of hail, to celebrate general commemorations on October 26 (dziady), to cover the floor with straw at Christmas, wearing skippers, i.e., the monograms of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary, with a vow to read at a certain time the Virgin Mary and the Lord's Prayer, sing cants, read passions (even in Kyiv), etc. 530 There are indications of similar, with different deviations, rituals even before the open introduction of the union, such as: celebrating Friday, a festival in honor of the canopy of the Virgin Mary (December 26) 531, pouring in the sacrament of baptism, using a bell, etc. 532 He wrote about the depravity, or at least about the originality of the rituals of the South Russian church, around 1536. Suprasl Archimandrite Sergius Kimbar to Kyiv Metropolitan Macarius II. 533 By the way, let us indicate in general those deviations that could sharply catch the eye of the Orthodox Great Russians. These were the words: “Holy to the Saints”, pronounced in the wedding rite when presenting wine to the groom, communion with agiasma (Epiphany water), the clergy walking behind the coffin while carrying it out 534, drinking white wine, adding one heat to the cup, wearing a paten not on the head, but on the shoulder 535, a special rite of the Kiev-Sophia cathedral, which is also different from the Greek 536, a special cake given to the priest at baptism, the performance of a funny Divine service with music (during the burial of Hetman Zolotarenok in Nizhyn) 537, finally, we saw the custom (in the Sumy district of Kharkov province) to bandage the right hand of the groomsmen at the wedding and force them to hold wedding candles, etc. In addition to rituals, which, of course, was not so important, Polishness also affected some dogmatic beliefs, which at that time did not arouse special attention in anti-Catholic literature. These are the Catholic teachings about the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary 538, about purgatory 539, about the time of the transubstantiation of St. Darov. Of course, all these deviations did not at all testify to the unorthodoxy of Little Russia, which defended its confession with the blood of its martyrs, but nevertheless they were not slow to emerge during the political annexation of Little Russia to Russia, and especially during its ecclesiastical subordination to the Moscow Patriarch. Everything had to be the same: the high opinion of the Little Russian Church, which considered itself more enlightened than its metropolis Moscow and was accustomed, under the rule of the Patriarch of Constantinople, to almost complete independence; the sneakiness of the Greeks, who, thanks to the educated Little Russians and distrustful schismatics, were losing ground from under their feet in the Moscow state; the uneducated and suspicious Patriarch Joachim and the gentle, humane Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Golitsyn; Streltsy unrest and Jesuit intrigues 540; political struggle between the Miloslavsky and Naryshkin parties. All these stormy circumstances intertwined as if on purpose in order to give a private, purely random dogmatic dispute about the time of the transubstantiation of St. gifts to attract the attention of Russian people at the end of the 17th century and contribute to the resolution of another decisive question in Russian life: the direction of reform. The next chapter is devoted to a review of this dogmatic dispute, in which Saint Demetrius was not indifferent. True, we have studies, for example, on the influence of Western literature on ours, in the works of our venerable scientists Buslaev, Pypin, Petrov, Veselovsky, Vladimirov, Zhdanov, Kolmachevsky, Dashkevich, Kirpichnikov, etc., but these works themselves clearly show what an immeasurable field for the study of Western influence is presented to researchers in the field of literary history, and about other broader and more complex areas of the history of art, law (the works of Butovsky, Buslaev, Cole Le-Duc, Stasov, Sultanov, Bobrovsky, Vladimirsky-Budanov, Kistyakovsky, Levitsky, Leontovich, Rozenheim and many others), and there is nothing to say. It is clear that the attempts made in this regard are in most cases either insufficient or tendentious. Such, for example, is the voluminous (598 pp.) book by Prof. Brickner's Die Europäisierung Russlands, Gotha, 1888 (especially pp. 174–220), based on facts taken almost exclusively from Soloviev. That is why we leave aside the solution to the question of the benefits or harm of Western influence in Russia, which should be the result of a comprehensive study of Russian and Western life in past times. Only at the end of this chapter will we allow ourselves to present the thoughts that we have drawn from the study of some particular data, which are far from deciding matters about the significance of Western influence in general. Two works are specifically devoted to this issue: Lebedeva Historical and critical discussion on the degree of Polish influence on the language and on the structure of schools in Russia. St. Petersburg 1848 and Eleneva Polish civilization and its influence on Western Rus'. St. Petersburg 1863. On the reverse influence of Russia on Poland, interprets op. Makusheva Traces of Russian influence on Old Polish writing (Slavic collection III, 1876, p. 166) The books of Pervolf, Slavic reciprocity give something. St. Petersburg 1874, pp. 205 and 235, (compare it: Slavs, their mutual relations and connections V. 1888, vol. II, chapters III and V passim) and Borichevsky, Orthodoxy and the Russian people in Lithuania. St. Petersburg 1851 (documentary research). One cannot help but admit that in general, both Russian and Polish works on this issue are distinguished by great bias. Lest we think that we attribute exclusively beneficent significance to all Polish influence, we note that lues venerea, according to Collins (p. 29), is also a gift from Poland. Several such evidence of the resettlement of Western Russian peasants to the Moscow regions is found in the handwritten inventory of decrees and charters of the boyar B. M. Khitrovo, now owned by V. N. Khitrovo. Honey cakes. Histor. meaning king Alex. Mich. M. 1854, p. 213. Materials for the history of the Moscow merchants. T. I, Appendix 2. M. 1886 in 40. Readings General Il. and others Ross. 1860, II, inventory of Moscow. local settlements 202, 231, 363, 352, 432, 353, 473 and 544. Description of cities, translation from Gvagnin (ed. 1611), with additions, manuscript by Simon Azaryin, now Moscow. Spirit. Academy, No. 29 (201). Leonid, Information about Slavic manuscripts. Holy Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius, now found. to Moscow Spirit. Academician M. 1887, I, p. 143. Thus, Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich brought a combat watch (Polish work) from Smolensk and donated it to the Savvin-Storozhevsky Monastery. (Smirnov. Historical. Description of the Savvino-Storozhevsky Monastery. M. 1877, p. 55), “The story of the miracles of the Honest Life-Giving Cross, which was taken in the Lithuanian city of Vilna by the son of the boyar Arzamas Mikulin and brought to the city by Murom,” is known. (Rumyants. musical director. No. 2858, 17th century, p. 10). Boyar B. M. Khitrovo gave a bell to the Lyutikov Przemysl Monastery in 1657, with a Polish inscription by A. Korwin Gonsevsky, 1639 (Papers of I. P. Sakharov in the library of I. A. Shlyapkin). Binding of the Polish case on the apostle of 1684 (Izvestia of the Imp. Arch. General. IV, 348), etc. Ikonnikov, Predecessors of the Petrine reform, 289. Soloviev, XII, 216; premise of the book: “Lunch spirit.” Polotsk - Samoilovich, Yasinsky and Gisel (Moscow. Arch. M.I.D. minor letters. No. 408 (423)-410 (425); Petrushevich, Consolidated Galician-Russian Chronicle 1600–1700, Lvov, 1874 p. 198 (sending the prologue to the Skitsky Monastery). Baranovich writes Tsar Alexei, sending essays dedicated to the princes Theodore and John: “I published in the Polish language as I wrote at that time, when the Poles, in the name of your king, prayed to the scepter of the Polish koruna to pray, so that they might strengthen the strongest union of a peaceful union... I am known, as Tsarevich Fedor Alekseevich, not just to our natural ones, but also in the Lyak language, honors the books... published in the Lyak language, because the sigklit of this language does not disdain, but they honor the books and stories of Lyak in sweetness." Chronicle of the self-witness K. 1878, p. 152. Bojari Feodoro infensi erant ex eo, quod patrios mores penitus exosum Polona vestis et ornamenta deleverunt... Idem Feodor ecclesiam Romanam cum scholis Smolensci aedificare permisit (Theiner, Monuments historiques relatifs aux règnes d'Alexis, Feodor III et Pierre le Grand czars de Russie 1859, p. 241). Wed. also E. E. Zamyslovsky Kingdom. Fedor Alekseevich I, pp. 191–192. Solovyova. XIII, 369. Która to Carowa (Grushecka) będąc s porody od oyca polskiej zamęzciem swym za cara Fedora wiele dobrego panstwu Moskiewskiemu przyniosia: naprzod ochobnie to jest suknie plugawe bialoglowskie, ktore na nie był tiran car włozył, żе z woyska nie biac sie sromotnie pouciekali, zrzucic namowila, kudly u brody golic, szable u boku u kontusze polskie nosic, and with więkze szkoly polskie u lacinskie na Moskwe sakladac poczęto... ktory postępki w Moskwe jedny chwalili, drudzy tez nechętni z partiy Artemona (Matveeva) ganili, moviąc zie niezadługo lackę wiarę za swoimi factiami wprowadzi na Moskwę, z lachami spokrewnuąc się jako car Dmitr Mniszkownę poiąwszy zacznie (Ruk. I.P.B. Polish IV Q No. 8, l. 3 Diariusz zaboystwa tyranskiego senatoròw roku 1682.) Zamyslovsky, p. 06 based on Tatishchev’s handwritten information. Wed. Solovyova. XIII, 296. Zamyslovsky, 038; Valuev, in the Sinbir collection, p. 179. Reports on zas. General Love. Dr. Letters. 1884–1885, p. 64. Fertur hunc Theodorum propensum nimis fuisse ad sanctam cum Romana ecclesia unionem. Kulczynski Specimen ecclesiae ruthenicae, Petropoli (s. a.) p. 294. However, similar things are impudently told about Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich: In puncto mortis illum poenituit quod vivente se cum Romana ecclesia unionem non fecisset, sed haec vota illius schismatici sacerdotes dissensu et murmure in agone ejusdem suppresserunt. Theiner, Monuments, p. 240. Snegirev. Archangel Cathedral in Moscow M. 1865, pp. 29–30. Tales of Massa and Herkman. St. Petersburg 1874, p. 165, Zabelin. Home life of Russian tsars. M. 1862, p. 52. Popov. A collection of articles from chronographs. M. 1869, p. 237. Zabelin. House. life of kings, page 52. Tales of Massa and Herkman. St. Petersburg page 169. Antiquities of the Russian State. Dept. I. No. 64–66. Zabelin. House. life of Russian tsars, pp. 62, 153, 156, 116. Zabelin. 164, 165, 139, 351–352. Titov. Dvinsk Chronicle M. 1889. p. 112. Zabelin, p. 150. Buslaev. Histor. christomathy 1198. Testimony of Lizek in Medovikova, pp. 215 and 227. Zabelin. Home life Russian. kings, page 171. Lileev. Description Chernig. hands p. 235. About Western influence and Simon Ushakov art. Filimonov in the Collection ed. Society Drevner. Art. on 1873. M. 1873, pp. 79–85. Here the schismatics agreed with St. Joachim, who also complained that Pr. The Virgin Mary, her betrothed head and hair are openly painted and carved icons are made into a human embrace (full-length?) (Life of Joachim, ed. O.L.D.P. p. 135). Macarius. I. R. Ts. XII, 170, 171, 207. Rushchinsky. Religious life 165, 182, 223. Sophia had, by the way, the image of B. M. Czestochowa already in 1686 Zabelin. House. life of kings, p. 170. Buslaev. Essays P, 382 and 386, Cf. p. 73 about Western painting that penetrated into the 16th century. through Novgorod and Pskov. Artemon Sergeevich Matveev (nb. son of a German woman) had a drawing of Polish land. Rovinky. Russian folk pictures V, 16. I met them in churches in Moscow, Pskov, Ryazan, Rostov and Suzdal. A.K. Zhiznevsky (Tiles on the Staritsky Cathedral. Tver 1888, p. 12) points to a carved crucifix already in 1577. However, it should be noted that the question of carved images in the Russian church, repeatedly asked at archaeological congresses, is still awaiting a final solution. I saw such a painted wooden figure in a sitting position, draped with red woolen material, in the bell tower of the Florishchevskaya Hermitage (Gorokhovetsky district, Vladimir province). Zabelin. Home life of Russian tsars. M. 1862, pp. 36–64. Hand. Sakharov bibliography Shlyapkina. For the sibyls, see Buslaeva. Essays II, 361–365, where their images are also attached. Vasilev. Histor. statistical sketch of the city of Pskov. II. 1878, p. 86. Acts Arch. Exp. I, No. 108. We present from the original under the seal of the Novgorod Archbishop Theophilus (1471–1480), kept in the library of the monastery. Hand. I. P. B. Pogodin No. 1111, 411. 415 and 417. We have deliberately provided a more extensive extract from this curious monument. It is unlikely that anywhere you can find a sharper description of the Old Russian view of life in contrast to the Western European one. Zabelin, Home life Russian. kings, pp. 23, 41. See these things in the Moscow Synodal Sacristy Wed. Shusherin. Life of Patriarch Nikon p. 33, Makariy, XII, 322, etc. It is not superfluous to recall Nikon’s statement during the trial that he would appeal to the pope, etc. (Makariy, XII, 388, Soloviev, XI, 327). Ikonnikov, Predecessors, etc. p. 304. Travels of Olearius translated by Barsov M. 1870, 202. Medovikov. Historical the meaning of kingdoms. Al. Mich. p. 216. Prince B. F. Golitsyn has preserved an interesting modern portrait of Prince Boris Alekseevich Golitsyn, Peter I’s tutor, in a rich Polish costume and Cossack hairstyle. In Antiquities of the Russian State (IV, 22) there is an image of the Polish caftan of Tsar Peter Alekseevich. Zabelin. Experiments on studying rus. ancient II, 276, 289, 281, 294. Zabelin. Home life Russian. kings. 177, 169. His, Home life Russian. queens, p. 433. Gutovsky made “clavichords and cymbals” for Tsarevich Peter. Zabelin. Experiments II, 12. Zabelin. House. to be Russian queens, page 449. Additions to the Act. ist. vol. VI, 195–197. Readings General East. and others Ross. 1860, II, inventory of localities. settlement No. 464. Morozov. History of Russian theater. St. Petersburg 1889, vol. I, p. 191. Nosov. Chronicle of the Russian Theater M. 1882. So, 26 Dec. 1682, followed by the presentation of congratulations to the Princess and V.K. Sofia Alekseevna from Lukashka Golos, containing the title and greeting to the princess, a word about the incarnation of Jesus Christ, poems for the youths and canons for the Nativity of Christ in verse (Rumovsky, Description of the Vologda Cathedral of the hands. No. 50). About Lukian Golosov himself, see Ikonnikova, Near Boyar A.F. Ordyn-Nashchokin p. 290. Cf. later the book Slawa heroicznych dziel I. W. Pana V. R. Szeremety roku 1698 przez Piotra Terleckiego (ed. O. L. D. P. No. VII). Such, for example, is the Rider in his fortress defeating his enemies on horseback soon... revealed to the steward Prince B.A. Golitsyn on July 4, 1671 in Moscow (Leader I.P.B. Pogodina No. 1753). The book, which contains genealogical research on Guagnini, Stryikovsky and Mekhovsky, was compiled by some Feodor Tyshkevich. On linguistics in ancient Russia (Scientific notes of the second department of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, book I, St. Petersburg, 1854, especially pp. 217 et seq.) Gamel. The British in Russia 1865, p. 176. Let us note by the way that in the Tale of the White Cowl, attributed to Gerasimov, the influence of the famous Donatio Constantini is felt. Zabelin. Home life of Russian queens M. 1869, p. 407. In the Explanatory Psalter (list of the 16th century) we read; I exist as an assistant to Maxim the Greek and express the Greek language in a Latin voice, Vlasie and Demetrius Besha, reliable men of Rus' and highly skillful interpreters of the Latin voice of the Grand Duke and Autocrat of All Russia Vasily Ivanovich. Shlyapkin, Description of the manuscripts of the Suzdal Spaso-Evthyim Monastery. St. Petersburg 1881, p. 8. Gamel. The British in Russia. I, St. Petersburg. 1865 pp. 11, 163, 167 et seq. Sukhomlinov, On linguistics, p. 230 with reference to Monuments of Diplomatic Relations, I, p. 346. Sukhomlinov, On linguistics, p. 193 Yasinsky. Works of the book. Kurbsky. Kyiv, 1889, p. 85. Orthodox. Interlocutor 1863, vol. II, p. 552. Whether “before” refers to Kurbsky’s stay in Moscow or Poland, we do not know. This is probably the first Russian alphabet that has come down to us. The manuscript is kept in Oxford's Trinity College and in the Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Heberniae 1697 marked No. 626. Hamel p. 47. Ikonnikov. Predecessors, etc. p. 26. Notes to them Ak. Sciences vol. XI, book. 1, p. 91. art. Pekarsky. Obolensky. Foreign works and acts M. 1848, vol. I, p. 13. (notes of Barezzi). About the impostor's poor knowledge of Latin, see Levitsky False Demetrius I as a propagandist of Catholicism in Moscow. St. Petersburg 1886 p. 10. Readings General Love. Spirit. Enlightenment 1874, II, p. 235. Kapterev. Add. to Creation Holy Father 1889, IV, 596 with reference to hand. Moscow Synod. Bible No. 346 l. 1220. Of course, these teachers were, for the most part, Poles or Belarusians, rarely Germans. Shakhovskoy, denouncing him, says: contemptible false witness and champion of your arrogance, a foreigner and alien to this land from the evil Latins, and again approach our pious faith Zablotsky. Hand. Mos. Spirit. Ak. No. 213 and 82 and No. 214 and 62 vol. Reported by S. F. Platonov. Wed. Zabelina. Home life russian Tsarits M. 1869, p. 420. Ikonnikov, Predecessors of Peter's reform. I, St. Petersburg. 1883, p. 26 (from Rus. Star. 1883). We meet these letters in hand. Simon Azaryin 1645, in the hand recording. Tsarskogo No. 392 l. 221.– Siia kniga Grigoria Stepanowicza Weresazgina 1644. Kniha siia hlaholemaia Rodoslow domu okolniczeho Alexeia Petrovicza Holovina. Anno Domini 1683 (Stroev, Library of General History and Other Russia, p. 63)., cf. manuscripts of Polotsk, Medvedev, Evfimy, Karion Istomin and others. Wed. Acts of the South and Zap. Russia VII, p. 61 No. 28. The name of the ligature – Fryazhskaya – is also interesting. Snegirev. Archangel Cathedral in the Kremlin. M. 1865 p. 37. Kotoshikhin. About Russia during the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich, p. 68. Kapterev. About Greco-Latin schools in Moscow in the 17th century (Additions to the Works of the Holy Fathers 1889, book IV, p. 595). Kapterev. About Greco-Latin schools in Moscow in the 17th century. Add. to Creation St. Fathers 1889, IV, p. 596, (with reference to the manuscript of the Moscow Syn. Bible No. 40 and 258). Also from Tatarsky Simeon of Polotsk M. 1886, p. 67. Soloviev. XII, 244. Ikonnikov, 27. Materials for history schism vol. VI, p. 230. Popov, Description. hands Khludova, p. 645. Soloviev, XI, 93. The latter fled to Poland in 1658, like Kotoshikhin, who initially fled there. Ikonnikov. Predecessors of Peter's reform. I, pp. 26 and 295. Soloviev, XIII, 214. Zamyslovsky. Kingdoms Fedor Aleksevich. I, 181. Soloviev, XII, 369. Ikonnikov 50–51. Brickner, O source. for ist. Peter the Great (Journal of Min. Nar. Prosv. 1879, VIII, p. 286). Pervolf. Slavic reciprocity. St. Petersburg 1874 p. 232. Soloviev, XIII, 216. Stroev, Bible. Dictionary 209. Hand. Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 307 (686). Rushchinsky, Rel. to be Russian 194. Soloviev. XIII, 221. Search cases about Shaklovit. St. Petersburg 1884 I, p. 569. Search cases about Shaklovit. St. Petersburg 1884 I, p. 659. Russos etiam nonnullos linguae latinae et germanicae studiosos inveni. Sukhomlinov, p. 234. In the collection Imp. Pub. Bible QXIV 25 l. 122 contains “The Song of the Image of the Most Holy Theotokos of Iveron, as Nikon, the Most Holy Patriarch of Russia, decorated it.” This collection of works from Hierodeacon Gerasim Parfenovich, some Vasily, etc. also presents interesting political verses about the war between Russia and Poland and the oppression of Orthodoxy. Is this Gerasim not the same Archimandrite Gerasim of New Jerusalem (1658–1665), whose story about the famous vision of the crown on Patr. Nikon was printed by Mr. Belokurov in Christ. reading 1880 Tsypin, Folk poems and songs (Otech. Notes vol. CXVI, I, pp. 316–318). Temporary General East. and others Ross. XV, 2, census of the treasury of Patr. Nikon. Macarius. XII, 283. Letter from monk Euthymius Chud. Rector Kievsky Golovchich. Hand. I. P. B. Pogodina No. 1963 l. 127 Readings O.I. and D.R. 1846 IV, pp. 71–72. Temporary General I. and D. R. V, mixture, pp. 66–73. It is curious that some of these books were sold (Baronius, Synonyms, The Path of Virtue, Politics, etc.) and, comparatively, not cheaply. Zabelin, House. life of kings, p. 142. Tsvetaev, On the history of culture in Russia in the 16th and 17th centuries (Phil. Notes 1890, I, p. 14), with reference to hand. Moscow Arch. M.I.D. affairs of the embassy order of St. I, no. 1. Zamyslovsky, Relations between Russia and Poland under the Fed. Al. (J.M.N.P. 1888, 2 p. 465. with reference to the Polish affairs of the Moscow. Arch. M.I.D. book No. 189 l. 241 et seq.) Rhyming psalter M. 1680 l. 5. Wed. Van Klenck's news of 1676: noble Russians have Polish musicians in their houses, who teach them to play various instruments, and also teach them to sing (Zamyslovsky, p. 206). Temporary General East. and others Ross. XVI, mixture, pp. 53–67. Young man for 1844. Kharkov, 1843, pp. 142–152. Is this not what Benjamin is talking about? Blush. No. 2748, where the book is placed: Flores of talents and malice translated from Vloshsky to Volosky Albo Bogdanskoy through German Voloshin and then from Voloshsky to Slovenian through Veniamin Hieromonk Rusik 1492 (1592?) This work, of 35 chapters, represents something like Stobeevsky Florilegium or our Bees. The invocation of Satan is hidden in it - osatan pater tor oro, a tespero. This information was not known to Professor Köhler (see his interesting article in Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft 1881, 15 octob.). Kirpichnikov, St. George and Yegory the Brave St. Petersburg. 1879 p. 7. Tsarsky No. 461 Vologda Seminary sp. XVIII century Hand. Kaz. Univ. No. 21382 l. 134. Blush. No. 1257. Gorsky II, 3 p. 610. It is included in the collection of St. Demetrius: Failure to correct things in 1704. For the essay itself, see Pavlova. Histor. essay on the secularization of church lands in Russia I Odessa 1871 p. 61. Evgenia. Description of the Kiev-Sophia Cathedral p. 40. Gorsky II, 3 p. 609. Artemyev, Op. hands Kazansk Univ. St. Petersburg 1882, p. 318. Ak. Buslaev distinguishes the translator by the name of Dmitry Scholastic and says that he also knew Dmitry Ispaliysky, the author of Liber etymologiarum (Essays II, p. 324). The year of translation (7044–7045) is also found in the chronicle (II. C R. L. VI, 298). Lists of the Synod. Bible No. 77, Troitsko-Sergiev. laurels, plural Solovetsky Novgorod and many others. etc. Chet-Minea Makaria July l. 810 and Novogorodskie Menaion. Hand. Bauze No. 1 (Ch. O. I. and D. R. 1862, No. 2 p. 45). Chertkovsky Bible. II, 443. Bychkov. Description collection I. P. B. volume I p. 56 “Other Words” is probably a translation of the conversations of John Chrysostom from the original of Erasmus of Rotterdam, given below. Acts Arch. Exp. I, 353, Filaret. Review 1884 p. 162. Vladimirov. Doctor Francis Skaryna St. Petersburg. 1889 p. 40. Hand. Tolstoy I No. 205 and 206. Bauze No. 281. This book is a medicinal herbalist of local and local herbs, the Polish language, and Latin words from Roman masters, translated to Pan Stanislav, Voivode Trotsky Gashtovtov, copied in Krakow in the summer of God's birth in 1423. Translated from Polish into the Slavic language by order of Voivode Foma Afanasyevich Buturlin in the God-saved city of Serpukhov, and Pan Stanislav Stanchesky translated it for the honor and praise of the Lord God and for the instruction of the Russian people and for the service of Pan Governor Foma Afanasyevich Buturlin in the summer of 7096. Rukop. Alexander. Assumption monastery No. 16 (Vestn. Archaeol. and Historical. 1885, II, p. 48). Wed. Thurs. General East. and Ancient 1887 book. pp. 1–27. In the report Mosk. Public Bible until Jan 1 1864 St. Petersburg. 1864, p. 44, an even earlier medical book is mentioned, translated by order of Metropolitan Daniel, a German from Lübeck, under the title Dobrokhotny Vertograd. Petrov. On the influence of Western European literature (Proceedings of Kyiv. Dukh. Acad. 1872 III p. 712. Manuscripts of General History and Ancient. No. 15, Tsar II, 72. Tolstoy II, 55. Solovetsky list of 1677 by elder Mark Shcherbakov. Risen. Bible No. 160 according to description. arch. Amphilochia; Kamenevich-Rvovsky 1685 from Belarusian (director Archeogr. Commisi No. 229 according to Barsukov’s description); Synodal No. 359 and 723 (by order of Savva); Undolsk. No. 740 and 750. Dobryansky Vilen. hands No. 468 Belarusian. list of the 16th century Filaret Review St. Petersburg. 1884, p. 163 attributes the translation to the book. Georgy Tokmakov. Wed. Oblich. the word of Maximus the Greek (op. III, 227. In Letop. Rus. Lit. and Others I, 1, 35, the printed translation is indicated from German (?). The description of the manuscript. Vilens. Publ. Bibl. V. 1882 p. 232 reads: Lucidar book drawn (?) in Moscow in 1622. There are a huge number of lists: Tsar's No. 99, 227, 228, 423, 433, 452, 474, 627 and many others. Belarusian manuscript of Priest Nalivaika of the 16th century. mentioned in the Moscow Report. Publ. and Rum. Museums 1874–1875 No. 2616 l. 83: about the nature and life of birds and about human and animal character. Hand. XVI century Moscow. Arch. Min. In. Case No. 514 (995). The first of three books of Mela cosmography has been translated; friend list of the 17th century Chudov Mon. No. 347. Mem. Ancient Letters. 1879, IV p. 194 and preface. N.V. Charykova to Cosmography 1670 ed. O.L.D.P., p. 77. Tolstoy I No. 153. 161 II, 287 Tsarskogo No. 225 and 211. Blush. music No. 2397 and list Imp. Publ. Bible The translation, according to Mr. Dolgov, is not literal, but from the Orthodox point of view it was made no later than the last years of the 16th century. during the time of Kurbsky and Elder Artemy. The journey itself was published in 1583–84. and represents the compilation itself. In addition to archaeol. At the 1889 congress, Dolgov pointed to the Russian translation from the Polish of Anselm Krakowsky's Journey to Palestine. Veselovsky From the history of the novel and story II St. Petersburg. 1889 pp. 307 and 173. Catalog of books, manuscripts (manuscripts and letters) located in the library of V. A. Popov, owner of the town of Reshetilovka St. Petersburg. 1864 p. 7, rare and extremely stupid catalogue. Rozenheim Essay on the history of military judicial institutions in Russia before the death of Peter the Great St. Petersburg. 1878 p. 1. Isn’t this the same as the previous translation? The title of the original work is: De contemptu mundi. There are many lists: Gorsky II, 3 pp. 164–169. Solovetsky Library five lists. Alexander. Assumption my. No. 18 (Vestn. Arkh. i Ist. 1885, II p. 49), Piskareva No. 85 and 86; Vololeksins: No. 194. Libraries General. East. and Ros. No. 204, 222, 278 and 269; Veliky Ustyuzhsk Cathedral No. 40; Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 320, 700, Moscow. Spirit. Academician No. 233 (stock of Simon Azaryin) in 1665; I.P.B.O.I. 253; Room. No. 2638, Tsarsk. No. 417 and 59; Und. No. 207, 208 and 209; Thick. II, 140, 145, 286; No. 441 and No. 627; Chudovsk No. 249; Shlyapkina No. 71. Und. No. 690. Wed. Rus. Bulletin 1842, II, 2, p. 174. Stroev Description of Tsarsky's books M. 1836 p. 55. Artemyev Op. hands Kazan. Univ. 1882 p. 171. It is close to the cosmography of the Rumyantsev Museum No. 406. M. Evgeniy Dictionary of secular. pis. II, 37. Popov Review. chronic II, 190 indicates five lists, and N.V. Charykov in the preface. to Cosmography 1670 ed. O.L.D.P. gives two more; In addition, there are also Solovetsky lists. Stroev Bibl. sl. 395. I also know the handbook. Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 241 (441). In the same place for No. 243 (443), I don’t know whether it’s a copy or a translation, (written as proposed, but quite similar to No. 241) 1685 Wed. S. Stroev. Description of the memory of glory. Russian liter. bib. Germany and France M. 1841 p. 111 and below translation of 1650. Original Latin. Translation in hand. Kyiv Lavra Library. No. 152. Rus. State to the floor XVII century M. 1859, vol. I, pp. 148, 182, etc. Und. No. 557, Moscow. Spirit. Academician It would be interesting to compare this translation and the translations of 1664 and 1689 with the printed Vilnius edition of 1681 Baise No. 21. Hand. Synod. No. 738 l. 1–32 is the book spoken by Donatus, in which he talks about eight parts of broadcasting, and it is taught to beginner students after the ABCs; l. 41–70 Ginokse (?), kind of dictionary; l. 171–172 ABCs. Wed. Tolstoy III, 27. Dictionarium latino-sclavonicum Ambrosii Calepini, servata verborum integra serie, conformatum studio atque opera S. R. in Christo patrum Epiphanii Slaviniecky Arsenii Korecky Satanoviensis O. S. B. M. Moschoviae anno reparatae Salutis 1650. Hand. Mos. Arch. Min. In. Case No. 242 (442). General Histor. and Ancient Ross. No. 238 Unpublished about him. work by V. M. Undolsky in Rum. museum. (Description of hand. Und. p. 58). Und. No. 40 (Fabr. Bibl. gr. XII, 487), Khludov No. 80 and 81. Rosenkampf. About the Helmsman p. 3. Table of contents of the books, who compiled them M. 1846 p. 21. Hand. Weather, No. 1963 l. 124 rev. Ikonnikov New collections of manuscripts in Russia K. 1890 p. 22. The translators, Epiphanius and Arseny, placed in a house specially built for them with a luxurious garden on Krutitsy, were observed by Pavel, Metropolitan of Sarsk and Podonsk. Soloviev. East. Ross. XIII. M. 1878, p. 174. Acts Ist., III, 480, Petrov. Description hands Kiev. music 507 (1632). Right Review 1887, I, p. 164. Manuscripts Moscow. Spirit. Academician No. 29 (201). Leonid Sved. oh glory. handwritten Holy Trinity - Sergius Lavra found. in Moscow Spirit. Academician M. 1887 I, p. 143. Part of this extract is given above, on p. 56. Rus. East. Bible Vol. V p. 543. Lileev Description hands Chernig. seminary (Memory of Dr. Letters 1880, II, p. 199). Tsetrov About the influence of the West. liter. page 49. Bauze No. 324. Tsarskogo No. 222 Undols. No. 1112. Copy from the 1681 list of Patriarch Adrian in Rum. Museum No. 20. Pekarsky. Science lit. under Peter Vel. I, 337. See Sansovino's Statecraft and Botero's World Relations. St. Petersburg 1866. pp. 41–70. Stroev. Bible dictionary page 396. Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 220 (381). It is possible that other arithmetic textbooks were also translated from Polish or Latin in the 17th, and maybe in the 16th century (Bobynin Essay on the history of the development of physical and mathematical knowledge in Russia in the 17th century, M. 1886, pp. 40–32 and 126). The teaching of the seven free wisdoms came to Russia from the West (Isidore of Spain), and not from Byzantium, and although Ave. Bobynin points to the small number of Polish mathematical manuscripts, he himself cites evidence from the preface to the Bible by Francis Skaryna about the spread of the “seven wisdoms” in Poland. Galakhov History rus. literature I, 197. Leonid Sved. about the Slavs. handwritten Holy Trinity - Sergius Lavra, now located. to Moscow. Spirit. Academy. M. 1887 No. 29 (83). Vygolex. No. 185, Moscow. Spirit. Ak. No. 83. Thick. II No. 172. The translation from Polish of Cassian Sakovich’s Perspectives No. 30 (223) l. is also indicated there. 237. Charykov Cosmography 1676 ed. O. L. D. P. preface, p. 42 The remodelers used Belsky’s translation of 1584. Pekarsky I, 337 also indicates a translation of the cosmography of 1661–65, but whose! In the Archive of History. and practical information rel. to Russia St. Petersburg. 1859 vol. III, dep. II, an excerpt from the cosmography was printed, with the translation dated back to 1665. Cf. Rovinsky Rus. people. pictures IV. 465. Acts of Arch. Expeditions I, 353 (?). Weather No. 1583 l. 238. Tolstoy II, no. 51. Bauze No. 201, Rumyants. No. 2955: “Alberta of the glorious sacrament of the woman (from the Amsterdam edition of 1648) the word is translated from the word from Latin into Slavic and written in the summer of 1670, from the creation of the world 7177.” Description Veliky Ustyuzhsk Uspensk cathedral Vologda. 1862, p. 40 No. 16. Synod. 11, 264 and 539. Stroev Bibl. Dictionary 258 specifies three lists. Let's also mention Novgorodsk. No. 1220 (37). Hand. Mos. A.M.I. Del 462 (930). Room. No. 226, Pogodina No. 1598, l. 238, Tolstoy I, No. 129, 141, etc. There is also an indication of a translation from Polish of a similar article. Christian anfirmaria, that is, at the death of a sick person, reasoning, contemplation and amusement of a serious illness are cured by someone who is a guardian of hearing; from Polish and Latin languages ​​is attached to the Slovenian-Russian dialect in the summer of March 7182 and April and is prescribed with the report. Stroev Bibl. General East. and others Ross. M. 1845, p. 4, no. 4. Hand. Sakharov (from Polish). St. Petersburg 1839, p. 15; Tolstoy II, 461 (from German). Undolsky No. 717 and 1339 Novg. No. 407, Weather. No. 1561. Khlud. No. 238. To Kyiv. Laurel. bib. there is a printed Theatrum vitae humanae 1638 (sine loco). Bauze No. 108 Wed. Soloviev XIV, 93, book by V.V. Golitsyn: how Queen Olunda is twinned and how their mother-in-law and her mother are the Tsar's princess even if you destroy them. Hand. Pisarev No. 192, Bauze No. 268. It is curious that around the same 1676, Krizhanich suggested that Tsar Feodor Alekseevich translate Aristotle, for “although with so many faithful advisers there is no need to read political books... who knows, maybe there might not be any comfort in the end.” (Scientific Notes of Kazan. Univ. 1865, I, p. 19). Yarosl. Lip. Ved. 1856 p. 125. Sakharov's papers are in my possession. The original is probably in the library of gr. A. S. Uvarova. Weather No. 1770. Vyazems. F. No. 55, Tsarsk. No. 448 and 217. Pypin Essay on stories and fairy tales 239. Vladimirov, Great Mirror 1884, p. V we count up to 29 complete lists. They wanted to publish the translation under Tsar A.M., just like the Book of the Sibyls. Alex's list. Assumption mon. marked 1671 (Vestn. Arch. and Ist. 1885, II, p. 33), and at Petrov Ave. even 1666 (Tr. Kyiv. Dukh. Acad. 1872, 737) and Description. hands Kiev. museum 567. The distribution of the Mirror in extracts is enormous and began very early. So we know the extracts of transactions dated May 23, 1681. Ivan Denisov's son Tulenin. (Bibliography General I. and Others No. 215, l. 1–125). Particularly interesting is the influence of the Mirror on synodics, perhaps the most widespread book of the 17th century. Pypin pp. 236, 241 and 277. Tsarskogo No. 438 f. 177. Hand. V. G. Druzhinin without No. 1738. Pypin. For lovers of book antiquities, M. 1888. p. 40 indicates three more lists. Published General Love. Dr. Letters. in 1882 Tsarsk No. 416 l. 90. I. P. Sakharov owned the manuscript of “Problemat”, translated in Moscow in 1673 from Polish. The problem, that is, ganania or co-questioning, is different from the books of the great philosopher Aristotle and other wise men, both natural and medical tricks about the properties and location of the members of human and other animals (from the Krakow edition of 1567). Book Problemata Great. Lord Holy Cyrus - Adrian, Archbishop of Moscow and all Russia and all northern countries, Patriarch of the cell, and give her printing yard to the reference hieromonk Karmon Istomin - the manuscript of the library. General East. and D. Ros. No. 162. Rumyantsev list No. 2866 of the 17th century. Another translation No. 163. Cf. Tolstoy II, 166, I.P.B. Q III No. 77 and Solovetsky. Ed. in Pam. Ancient Letters. 1883 by hand. Synod. bib. No. 539. Arch. Leonidas attributes the translation to the famous Theophanes. Wed. hands Mos. Arch. Min. In. Case No. 56 (57) 1687, Undolsk. No. 1034 and Solovetsky sp. The translation was made almost in view of the war with Turkey: “We must pray to God, so that the Christian people will free our brethren from the heavy yoke of the Basurman, and give our Orthodox autocrat courage, victory and victory over the enemy of the Cross of the Lord. Wake up, wake up!” The most necessary things are again brought from Baroniusz of the second drukeniya. This book was translated from Polish into Slovenian from a book written in Krakow with the blessing of His Eminence Joseph, Metropolitan of Ryazan and Murom in the summer of the village. m. 7187, and from the birth of G.B. and S.N. Jesus Christ 1678. The name of the person who translated this book is seven-letter, three-syllable, it has four vowels and three consonants, the beginning takes place from the first vowel (Alexey?). Rumovsky Description. Veliky Ustyuzhsk Assumption Cathedral, Vologda 1862 p. 39. Stroev Bibl. Dictionary p. 113. Rum. No. 16. Bauze No. 188 and cfr, No. 223, Tolstoy I, No. 230 and 231. Academy of Sciences I, 63. It seems that this particular translation was published in 1719. Pypin 265. Their text is published in Pamyatn. Ancient Letters. 1878–79 p. 88. Stroev, Bible. words 85 (two lists). Tversk. Seminary, Moscow. Arch. M.I.D., General. East. Dr. R., Sakharova, Moscow. Spirit. Academician No. 104. The idea of ​​the Musikian grammar, first compiled by Nikolai Diletsky in Vilna, was later translated by him into the Slavenian dialect in the reigning city of Moscow in 1679 and presented to G. D. Strogonov. The main sources for the composition were the works of Polish writers - Rozhitski, Ziuska, Kolyada, Zamarevich and Milczewski. Gorsky Description syn. manuscripts II, 3 p. 234. Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 60 (82). Tsarskogo II, 70. Moscow Arch. Min. In. Cases No. 59 (81) and No. 58 (80) cfr. Tolstoy I. No. 186. Hand. Tolstoy I, 157 l. 299 cfr. hands Tolstoy I, 192. Zamyslovsky Reign F.A. pp. XXXV, appendix. (Isn’t it the same as the previous one?). Dobryansky Description. hands Vilens. Bible p. 474 No. 286. In hand. Tolstoy II, No. 121 l. 382 we find a translation from a Polish printed notebook, which was printed in Krakow in the printing house of Francis Caesar, the Turk Saltan about the court and about its rank and about the Tsar City and about other articles printed in 1646 in Roman numerals; and clerk Grigory Kunakov brought that notebook from Poland in 157 (1649). Gorsky II, 3 p. 280 (from the library of St. Demetrius). Chudovsk No. 279. Solovetsky. Hand. bib. Trekhletova Yarosl. Lip. Ved. 1856 p. 125. Kievsk. Mikhail. Monastery No. 1745. It was also in the library of Euthymius Chudovsky. Years. Rus. Lit. and Ancient V, page 52. Hand. Novg.-Sofia. For information about the translator, see below. Stroev Bibl. dictionary 397. Sakharov's papers, bibliography. Shlyapkina. Popov Description hands Khludova p. 494 No. 246. Bauze No. 91 Weather. No. 1108. Tolstoy II No. 268. Tsarsk. No. 428 and No. 448 l. 155. S. T. Bolshakova et al. Hand. Spasoyakovl. Rostov. Monastery No. 20 and Alexander. Uspensk mon. No. 4 (Bulletin of Arch. and History. 1885, II p. 47). Stroev Bibl. sl. 395 indicates 2 lists: M. Arch. M.I.D. (No. 302/681) and Alexander. nunnery cfr. Gorsky II, 3 p. 405. Stroev Bibl. see 307 dec. three lists of Rum. No. 97 Undols. No. 538. Tolstoy V 130 and I No. 330 Solovetsk. bib. two lists. Synodal No. 92. Printed edition St. Petersburg. 1795, etc. It is interesting to compare a Russian work, also from the 17th century, with a similar title: “The path or path is small from death to life” (Report of the Moscow Publ. Museum before January 1, 1864, p. 43). Vostokov Description. hands music St. Petersburg 1842 No. 99 l. 160. There are lists in the Chudovsky Monastery and the Synodal Library. The same work was translated by John Maksimovich under the title “Iliotropion” and published in 1714. Vestn. Arch. and East. 1885. II p. 38 (It is curious that the articles borrowed from here, which are in the manuscripts of St. Demetrius, were attributed to him, namely 12 articles that assure those who doubt, etc. Works of St. Demetrius, volume V p. 124, see below). Gorsky II, 3 p. 206. There are three more lists in the Solovetsky Library, but we don’t know whether this is the translation. Soloviev XIV, 93. The latter is probably in the 1677 translation. Piskarev No. 173. Director. Archaeogr. Com. No. 145 Weather. No. 1561 l. 26. Tolstoy II 92. Tsarskogo No. 16 and 674. Synodal No. 326. Solovetsky. Printed publications from Sopikov II, 31. Years. rus lit. and ancient I, 1, 6. To Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 250/555 contains a translation of the Roman Acts of 1691 from the Krakow edition. 1663. Aesop's fables are also included here. Acts published General. Love. Dr. Letters. I St. Petersburg 1877 On page XVI, Tsarsk is indicated. Gesta No. 313 written. Alexei Korobovsky 1691 - July 15 with the caption: this book is a joy in boredom, when Vasily Fedorovich is in court, there is no one to share time with. Tsarskogo No. 440 l. 397, no. 711. Cfr. Weather No. 1604 l. 215 Thick. II, no. 15. Thick. II, No. 181, 215, 370, III No. 45. Tsarsk. No. 440 l. 550. Message from A.F. Selivanov in General. Love. Dr. Letters, 20 Feb. 1887 A tray copy to Peter I in Moscow. Arch. Min. In. Case No. 257 (462). Undol No. 39 Synod, No. 92, 474, 223 Cfr. Bibl. Graeca Fabricii VII, 24, Assemani Calendaria Ecclesiae universae. I, 100. Rovinsky. Rus. adv. kart. V, 88. Blush. music No. 262, Piskarev No. 193 and 194. Let us also note the translations: Therapeutic book from Polish. (Vyazemsk. Q No. 221) and from Latin. Imp. Pub. Bible (Report for 1861 p. 62). Stroev Bibl. Sl. page 307. Hand. Moscow Arch. Min. In. Case No. 258 (463). Petrov Description. hands Kievsk. Music page 492. Yarosl. Lip. Ved. 1856 No. 21 p. 192. Tolstoy II, 163 – Spanish original. Barsov Description of the manuscript. and books from the Vygoleksin Library. St. Petersburg 1874 pp. 23 no. 11. By them. Pub. Bible Q I 480 l. 36 rev. Bauze No. 233. According to others, Sadovulin. Weather 1604 l. 448 Thick. I No. 171 l. 22, No. 339 II, No. 395 III, No. 60 Tsarsk. No. 434 l. 36. Weather. 1605 l. 275 l. Solovets. libraries and many more etc. M.A.M.I.D. No. 197 (333). Bychkov Description. collection I.P.B. vol. I p. 20. About the moon, the sun, the use of a telescope, etc. Dobryansky Description. Vilens. hands p. 501 No. 318. M.A.M.I.D. 215 (375), now lost. Tsarsk No. 434 l. 180. Isn’t the second article a well-known apocrypha? Kozlovsky, The fate of the Russian language in Lithuania and on Zhmudi V. 1870 p. 27. Synod. No. 809 cfr. Tolstoy II, No. 434. Stroev Bibl. General East. and others Ross. p. 98 No. 213 l. 181. Moscow Univ. Izvestia 1833, I p. 695. Weather No. 1761 with drawings from the 18th century, Bauze No. 208, Tsars. No. 266. Pam. Ancient Letters. XII, pp. 5 and 18. The title was copied from somewhere by I.P. Sakharov. Hand. Synodal No. 211. A similar lexicon in the Bible. Spaso-Yakovl. Rostovsk 18th century monastery. No. 376. Examples of Little Russianisms: asthmaticus – dikhavichnii; asyntheta – crystals; bilapsus – sheptivia; concio – indication; conjector - having reasoned, guessed, guessed. According to Bauza, this is a translation of 1701 by the teacher Ivan Filippovich. The teachings of Mefret (trans. 1652): About the city of the queen (Hortulus reginae), are characterized in this way: “Described in that book are the names and properties or natural natures of many different four-legged animals, birds, amazing sea fish, serpents,... precious stones, beads, all kinds of wood... There are still stories about every thing... And everything is put together with reason and butt in the Trinity, to the One Holy One, to the angels, etc., by the amazing alignment and testimony of the Old and New Testaments. (Acts Histor. III, 480). The history of the Roman Caesar Otto (translation 1677) ends with the words: Let us consider that we can ask for nothing from our Creator God, the most useful thing, but spiritual wisdom, which teaches all to despise and only desire His nobility and His kingdom and seek it with labor, and truly this wisdom will bear much fruit forever. But we do not teach ourselves in these little books, even if they explain the wondrous providences of God, but in the law of the Lord: be it our will to learn from His law day and night (Pogodin No. 1770). In the preface of Desiderius (trans. 1688) we read: “These books are an undertaking, in which everyone will practice, and they will point out, give and describe, the shortest way of perceiving true love... (These books) the reader, even if sad, can greatly restrain and usefully console, for under fair similarities (following the example of Our Lord, with which they are similar in His teaching heavenly, often use as you wish) they serve great, glorious, useful and necessary things. May God grant to all Christians that they love reading books more than such, and not vanity, menageries and fables, and especially the harmful and destructive writings of carnal, worldly people or depraved and cunning heretics, they do not want to let go of those things that are piously, reverently and saved, they abhor.” The new instruction is also interesting: not all imashis should delve into the life of God; It is not appropriate to abandon a hard-working life (Chapter XXIV). The translated work of 1687: “Against the man of God, an all-honorable creation, is the envious judgment and evil behavior of the damned demon,” from which, in view of its interest and little-knownness, we will give some extracts, begins with the preface: .. I was forced to write this, for no good reason, but was defeated by such a pretext written here ... not exactly the scripture behold, he denounces evil deeds, but also in the name of the appearance of those who are proud in spirit, he confuses us and commands these to stagger and run away; prohibits fortune-telling, and sorcery, and divine enchantment, which was the first offering and gift to Satan; he bequeaths the same vile names as the hedgehog, the devil, the demon, the devil, which is by no means appropriate to be named. (It is interesting to compare the parable of Stefan, from whom the devil took off his boots, which we published in the “Historical Bulletin” 1881, No. 7, p. 679, and Barsov’s Description of the Vygoleksin manuscripts, St. Petersburg, 1874, p. 66). “I have ended, as if from old age, I have no end, with stories from evil deeds that frighten and confuse all our evil ones and from the evil fighter, delivering the Lord’s Prayer with its disposition to the glory of my Creator and God, and to all my neighbors, that is, fellow tribesmen and together the faithful, for the benefit of our Savior Christ. Amen. (Manufacturer Pogodin, No. 1108 l. 3–5). Some things seem to echo Milton, although everything is cluttered with scholastic rubbish. The thoughts of the demons and their reasoning are presented, and the demon Phaler, who offered to repent, is pushed to the clouds “where there is a duality, it holds with both demons and people.” The letter that Satan writes begins with the words: “We, Lutsyper, the prince of Gehenna, come from the highest heaven, with all the leaders of the brethren of hell, and so on. To you, the Lord of heaven in the highest heaven and on earth, the Sovereign Creator, we declare all creatures and others by this scripture now and in times to come, and to all the inhabitants of heaven. Fever, including the sisters: terse (truceya?), lamia or kikimora, obruha, and other demons are sent to the Germans: and let the whole darkness go on our way, for there they call us by the thousands, saying tyffer tauzent, let Tefin go there with his regiment, let him teach resistance to make princes against Caesar (l. 137). Next we find a whole discussion about the benefits and harms of the sciences: from the demon Tefta, the teachings of the Teftons are severely cursed by their teachings, they pretend to be wise and are called evangelists, although Bacchus puts many obstacles in their way (l. 138). Lutsyper sent an entire regiment of demons to our country, or even more so, to catch the darkness and lead him into much lust, and even more into pride and drunkenness, and into coolness and dancing. She also sent her sisters, the damned women: a sorceress, a witch, a fortune-teller, a fortune-teller and others, through Poland, an ambassador to Lithuania, to White Rus' and to Moscow itself, there and even more so Bacchus and pride (l. 40). People love to say: the devil taught you, the devil taught you, the devil sent you, the devil take you, the devil tear you, and the devil will not take you away, and the devil will not take you, and we do not know these other words as evil to ourselves and to each other, unless we give it to the Devil (l. 145). Having seen with my own eyes how many others play pranks out of nothing, they infuriate those who look at them, and this happens because of this they are not punished... but they show mercy and serve them (l. 146). The drunkards fight: I’m brave, I’m overpowered and they did something to me, but the poor guy’s hair was almost knocked out... this is all for us: medicine and medicine and health: wine in the morning, beer in the evening, drink and sing, don’t be afraid... (l. 149). Also interesting are the mentions of Merlin (fol. 147 and 162) and Lohengrin (fol. 163, directed by Pogodin No. 108). In general, the monument would deserve research and publication. At the end of the translation (1670) of Cosmography we read; Let us clear our minds and look with rational vision and talk with soulful reasoning about the transformation of the throne of the mighty into kingdoms and states and great countries and glorious powers: where is Babylon first in glory and Persia the many-born? where is the Roman dominion over the universe? Where is the blessed Constantinople, filled with holy bodies? where is the prolific Bulgaria and Serbia and Selun?.. those cities were destroyed by war, and others were orphaned by desolation... how much evil is the power of sin! about the weaker weakness of human charms and crafty harlots and sowing multi-rebellious lives! but glory to the One, Wise Creator God, who arranges everything with His unknown judgment! (Cosmography 1670, ed. O.L.D.P., p. 448) It is enough to indicate the “Code” of Tsar Alexei, created under the strong influence of the Lithuanian Statute. For the relocation of peasants, see above. Here are some little-known indications of the migrations and trips of southern monks to Moscow. In April 1626, nine elders of the Lubensky Mgar monastery arrived in Moscow for eternal life (Kapterev, Patriarch Nikon as a church reformer and his opponents. Orthodox Review 1887, I, p. 148). In October 1626, the Kiev abbot Petronius was buried in the Kalyazin Monastery (Library of the Kalyazin Trinity Monastery, handwritten documents, book III, X 2). In 1629, the people of Kiev live in the Kazan Spassky Monastery: Hierodeacon Martyry and Chernets Evstrat and Gerasim, and Litvin Fedka Kotelnitsky and Yakup Streshnevsky (Belokurov, Materials for Russian History. M. 1888, p. 249). In 1630, 1631 and 1632, elders from Mezhigorsky and other monasteries came to Moscow for eternal life (Kapterev I. p. with reference to the Little Russian affairs of Moscow. Arch. M.I.D.). In 1640, Ignatiy Oksenovich Starushich came to Moscow from Metro Peter Mogila with a proposal to establish a Latin-Slavic school in Moscow (Kapterev, p. 161). In 1641, on October 9, Ioannikiy Golyatovsky gave an oration in the Moscow court church (Panument of Ancient Letters. XII uk. Novgorod manuscript. Soph. bib. No. 28). See also the books of Palace categories and Exits of the Tsars, where there is a lot of similar material, as well as in the Moscow Archive of Min. In. Del. Readings General East. and others Ross. 1883, Bychkov. Description of hands. I.P.B. St. Petersburg. 1882, I p. 143. Palitsyn, The Legend of the Siege of the Trinity Sergius Monastery M. 1822, p. 45. The decree was published in the Secular and Monastic Consumer Book of 1639, pp. 398–43 and Prashchitsa, pp. 268–273. Wed. article by Kapterev Prav. Review 1887, 1, 147, as well as Orthodox Interlocutor 1864. Gorsky, Description. manuscript M. syn. bib. IV No. 294. Collection. state gram. and agreement. III No. 77, pp. 298–299. Palace ranks II, 822, translation of the gospel in the Rural Manual. Shepherds 1873.1, pp. 241 and II, 486. It is curious that already in 1622 there were people in Moscow praising Cyril’s work (Pekarsky II, 16). The debate was published in Let. Rus. Lit. and others II, 80–99 and General. Love. Ancient Written. in 1818. Analysis in Rights. Sob. 1855, 3, p. 129. Local South Russian patriotism was expressed here quite clearly, for example, in the following phrase: “We, the people of Kiev, have kept the rules from Constantine.” Bychkov, Description. handwritten I.P.B.I, p. 145. Denunciation of the Solovetskaya petition. Kazan 1878, p. 9. Macarius. East. rus. churches XII, 12, 951, 458. (Pole - Nikolai Olshevsky), see also Notes department. rus. and glory arch. II, 528 and Kapterev Patriarch Nikon as a church reformer and his opponents. (Orthodox Review 1887, I, especially pp. 145–164). Materials for history schism M. 1879, V, pp. 279, 288. In 1677 in Siberia, the son of an interpreter Nikita Elizariev said that in Tobolsk there are not churches, but churches, but priests are dogs (Vorobiev About the Moscow Cathedral of 1681–82, St. Petersburg. 1885, p. 48, Soloviev, Kh. 287). Right Review 1887, I, 163–164 and many more. etc. See Russian Historical Library, vol. V. There are also quite a few Belarusian words in Iversk publications. Paul of Aleppo Travels I, 392. Sumtsov, Lazar Baranovich. Kharkov, 1885, pp. 44–46, Kapterev (Right Review 1887, I, p. 164). Back in 1652, the archdeacon of the Kiev-Brotherly Monastery, Mikhailo, and spevak Fyodor Ternopolsky and his comrades, a total of 11 people, were summoned: Rtishchev fussed about their sending and settled them in the St. Andrew's Monastery. Rus. history Library vol. V, St. Petersburg. 1878, p. 481. Lileev, Description. hands Chernig. semin. (Memory of Dr. Pismen. 1880, I, p. 235). Orthodox Interview. 1872, II, 485–486. And the South Russians remembered the good that Nikon did to them. We know how carefully the South Russians behaved (Makariy, XII, 359–364) during the trial of Nikon (Epiphanius Slavinetsky, Ignatius Ievlevich, Lazar Baranovich). Bryukhovetsky (April 26, 1668) in his appeal to the Don Cossacks said: “it’s a rotten thing... that the supreme shepherd of their holy father, the patriarch... was overthrown... that he taught them goodness “so that they would not join the Latin heresy, which does much harm to holy Orthodoxy. Nowadays, not only did they not join in, but they themselves accepted the Latin heresy, when they served as priests in churches, and Moscow itself began to write not in Russian, but in Latin letters.” (Acts of Southern and Western Russia VII, p. 61 No. 28). After the deposition of Nikon, the Belarusian Feofan came to him for conferences. Captured as a spy, he asked F. Rtishchev, clerk Almaz Ivanov and Pan Erinovich, teacher of the bishop's children (?) to intercede for himself (Makariy, XII, 466). The name of Patriarch Nikon was inscribed already in 1681 in the memorial of the Lviv brotherhood (Petrushevich. Consolidated Chronicle, p. 201). Belokurov, Materials, p. 79. Titov. Chronicle of Dvinsk. M. 1889, p. 41. Belokurov. Materials, 162. See Monuments of Russian antiquity in the western provinces of the empire, where the ancient outlines of temples and their modern superstructure are given. Stasov, Orthodox Churches in the West. Russia in the 16th century (Collection of the Archaeological Institute III, 54–64). Sultanov. Samples of ancient Russian architecture in miniature images. St. Petersburg 1881, pp. 22 and 32. Collection of materials for history. topography of Kyiv. K. 1874, p. 86. Collection of materials, p. 122. Maksimovich Works II, 216. Rushchinsky. Religious life of Russians, pp. 82, 113, 136. Sumtsov, Lazar Baranovich, pp. 168–170. Arch. Nicholas, Description of the Minsk Diocese, pp. 46, 64. In Russia, these images are either stone, like St. Leonty in Rostov, or later wooden, like Nikola Mozhaisky in the bell tower of Ivan the Great, Gorokhovets, etc. and always less than human height. Hierodeacon Leonty in 1608, denouncing the Uniates, said: the heresy is still in robes according to the custom of the Jesuits, according to the will of the Jesuits, to wear them, having put the cap back and put it away according to the hair (in Italian) and so allow them to walk - Acts Yu. and Z. R. II, 283. And later Paul also speaks about the Orthodox Aleppo: they wear plush-edged hoods with wide edges: when you open them, they look like the hoods of the Jesuits and Capuchins, but more attractive. Probably about the same thing (about Latin necklaces) in 1691, Patr. Dosifei also spoke. Jerusalem (see above p. 42). cfr. Wieliczka II, 197. Acts of South and West Russia XII, 407. Levitsky. Basics internal features building the west. rus. churches of the 16th and 17th centuries. (Kievsk. Starina 1884, VIII, 640). See the scientific works of Zhitetsky, Naumenka, Potebnya, Brickner next to the fantastic works of the Poles or Mr. Abel, associate professor at Oxford University. Ave. Metlinsky back-proved the predominance of Little Russian influence in Polish (Biogr. Dictionary of Prof. Kiev Univ., p. 418). See Maksimovich III, 662–706 about the Kyiv Polish editions, and Golubeva Bibl. notes on some early printed Church Slavonic books of K. 1876 pp. 15, 69, 71 and 73 (a rare panegyric to Queen Agathia in Polish and Slavic language to Tsar Feodor). Tales of the book Kurbsky. St. Petersburg 1868, p. 222. Acts Zap. Russia IV, 210. Let us remember the Polish Patericon of Kossov, Teraturgim of Kalnofoi, etc. Even the life of such fighters for Orthodoxy as Afanasy Filippovich is written in Polish verse (Lit. Eparch. Ved. 1864, p. 24). Archive of Southwestern Russia. T. I, part 7. Kyiv. 1887, pp. 28 and 29. Gorsky. Description hands syn. bib. II, 3, pp. 705 and 729. “Kiss Bessius,” which teaches you to pronounce from the pulpit, says Meletius Smotrytsky in Exetesis (1629) addressing the Orthodox preacher: I know well that without him your wheels would creak... One to the pulpit with Ossorius, another with Fabricius, the third with Skarga (Sumtsov Ioannikiy Galatovsky, K. 1885, p. 21). Rushchinsky. 42–44. Maksimovich. Op. II, 666–723. See eg. letters of Lazar Baranovich, 81, 218. It is also interesting to compare Polish works like: Maniecki. Wschòd słońca sprawiedliwości bez zachodu w zodyaku herbownego Nałęczà JWJX. Franciszka Kraszkowskiego, nominata sufragana archidyakona y oficyała gnieznieńskiego upatrzony, kazaniem na solennéy wotywie powitany. Kalisz. 1718. or Ludi, gloriae immortali dicati ac sub faustissima nuptiarum hilaria perillustribus neospousis Joanni Casimiro Wołłowicz, capitaneo feidanensi, nec non Catharinae Rosae Naruszewicownae, procancellaridi M. D. L., in spectaculum dati ab alma academia et universitate vilnensi S. I. Vilnae. 1680. or Augusta principum regum sannguinis majestas et amor connubialis ad thronum Gratiae, invictissimi Joannis III, Poloniarum regis, sacro tori faedere conciliata, inter nuptialem pompam illustriss, domino Joanni Wielopolski, procancellario regni, et celsiss. dominae Mariannae marchionissae D'Arquian, reginalis majestatis sorori, adplausum exhibita a perillustri et nobili juventute collegii leopoliensi Soc. Jesu. 1678. or Nieszporkowitz, Analecta mensae reginalis, s. historia imaginis divae virginis claromontanae Mariae. Częstochowiae. 1680. with Little Russian school dialogues like Mercurius dialogue 1693 (director of the biblical book P. P. Vyazemsky Q No. 86), works like Irrigated Fleece, Swan with a Feather, Spiritual Dinner, etc. Arch. Nikolai. Description Minsk diocese, pp. 308–315. Acts zap. Ross. IV, p. 44. On this day, special pies were baked. Manual for Rural Shepherds 1860, No. 12, pp. 185–303 et seq. – wonderful, unfortunately, little-known articles by Mr. E. Kryzhanovsky, Damage to church rituals and religious customs in the southern Russian metropolis. Golubev. Peter (Tomb), I, K. 1883, p. 371. Cf. Sakovich's perspective. Kryzhanovsky, pp. 299, 297, 303. Chistovich: East. Zap. Rus. Church II, 353, with reference to Poln. collection resolution Holy Synod V, No. 1944. Evgeny. Description Kiev-sof. sob., p. 35. Sumtsov. Lazar Baranovich, p. 67. Stradomsky, Lazar Baranovich (J. M. N. P. 1852, No. 17, pr. 55). These testimonies were collected for a well-known purpose. Jesuit Gagarin in the book “Curious Evidence of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary” (see below). It is very likely that this opinion arose in rebuff to the Protestants who did not venerate the Mother of God at all, see, for example, the legend of the Mirozh Icon of the Mother of God in Pskov, where the idea of ​​​​the wickedness of the Germans who do not venerate St. Virgos. In Galatovsky’s book “The Souls of Dead People,” 1687, in the division of hell into Gehenna and exile, one can hear a hint of Roman purgatory (Sumtsov, John Galatovsky, p. 82). See also the catechism of Lawrence Zizanius (Right. Sobesed. 1855, III, 129–130). The Jesuits were expelled from Moscow in 1689. Rumyantseva, Collection. State Gram. and Treaties IV, 617. Professor M. O. Kozlovich informed me that in the Jesuit correspondence he was preparing for publication during this time there are indications of the Jesuits’ special attention to this issue, as to the issue of the primacy of Greek or Latin education in general.