History of the Russian Church (Periods I-V)

From the beginning of Christianity in Russia to the Mongol invasion (988–1237) Introduction to the history of the Russian Church §1. The concept of the History of the Church and the Russian Church The history of the Christian Church depicts the events and changes that took place in the Christian Church, with their beginnings and consequences, starting with its origins. The Church of Christ, in its essence, as a divine institution, does not belong to the realm of changeable objects - it is unchangeable, irresistible by time, like the eternal God, its Founder, like the Holy Spirit, its invisible Ruler. But the earthly Church is a society of people sanctified by grace, who only gradually understand the truth of Christian Revelation through faith, and gradually assimilate into their hearts the holiness of Christ through practical exercise; truth and holiness - belonging to the one true Church - in the minds of people becomes clearer and firmer only through exploits. In one and the same earthly Church there are those who have highly succeeded in the life of grace, and those who are just beginning, there are those who are sound in spirit and those who are overcome by serious mental illnesses. Human passions did not appear in the same form according to circumstances, yielding to one another visible primacy in the spirit of the times, using now one or another measure to retain power over people. Human passions in connection with the circumstances of the time make it so that the Church, founded by Christ, appears in different positions over time, now fighting, now calming down, taking now one or another measure for its integrity. Thus, the Church of Christ moves together with people into the realm of history. Thus, there is history for the Church of Christ. The history of the Russian Church is a private history. History of the Church of Christ in the Russian country, among the Russian people; it is a true depiction of the changes that took place in the Russian Church from its very beginning until recent times. §2. Image of events There was a time when the events of the Church were described year by year. This is how the Russian Chronicles were written, which included civil events along with church events. Then they recorded the events of the Church according to the degrees, or generations of Sovereigns, again connecting the ecclesiastical with the civil, despite the differences between both. These are the Russian Degree Books. They wrote the History of the Russian Church in such a way that they arranged events according to the times of the reign of the Metropolitans of Russia. These three presentations have one thing in common: the whole event, its beginning with causes, continuation and consequences, was fragmented into parts, and the main subject - the Church - was omitted from sight. The investigation of the event took place 30 years after the event, and it was written down three and four pages later, without thinking about its relation to the event; they collected many cases, but which were not connected by an internal connection and many of which had little or no meaning for the Church itself. A whole series of small events were exhibited, but which related to individuals and objects, and important events were omitted. Thus, it turned out that the History of the Church did not offer a complete and accurate picture of the internal and external life of the Church itself. If anyone wanted to acquire this last knowledge for himself - a complete knowledge of the History of the Church, or any aspect of it, he would have to work a lot himself to put together a picture from sketched passages, to find meaning in unrelated events, to separate the necessary from the unnecessary. That is why today chroniclers are no longer called historians in the strict sense. In order for the History of the Russian Church, like every History, to be worthy of its name: 1) it is necessary that, when depicting the temporary situations of its subject, it should have in mind more than one aspect of it, for example. or success and constraint of faith, or the epoch of the Church, and all its essential aspects. Otherwise, the historical image of an object will not be an image of the whole object, but only one side of it. Thus, the History of the Russian Church should show: a) under what favorable or constraining circumstances did Christianity spread or was constrained in Russia? b) What was the position of the teaching of the Church? Otherwise, what was the spiritual education of the Church members? And how did they internalize the positive truths of Christianity when faced with different circumstances? c) What was the form of the Church’s Divine services? d) How did the hierarchical government of the Church operate? Finally, e) how was the kingdom of Christ expressed in the lives of the members of the Church? 2) . The history of the Russian Church, as a science, must be an organic whole, must have the unity of the subject, the connection of the parts and their correct arrangement. Therefore, it is necessary that a) events with their consequences, evil with the medicine used against it, everything that had any connection with each other, be depicted in a continuous series. This does not mean that we must completely lose sight of the modernity of events; on the contrary, since modernity adds clarity to historical subjects, it, as a connection of its kind, should be taken into account. b) It is necessary that events be found and shown in a series of centuries that determined this or that position of the Church for a whole series of decades, events that, by their influence on a series of nearby events, forming a particular whole from these events, delimit the entire organic whole - the entire historical life of the Russian Church - into its natural parts. In other words, there must be periods in the History of the Church. History is not a fictional image; it is an image of the past. Therefore, its information must be taken from historical sources. Sources of information about the events of the Russian Church can be: 1) news from private individuals; 2) historical and state acts. I. News from private individuals can be either A) domestic, or B) foreign. A. Among domestic news, the first thing that usually attracts attention is a) chronicles. Many of them have been preserved for our time. They embrace the time from the 9th to the half of the 17th century. Since the 12th century, almost each of them speaks primarily about the events of the region where it was written, so they rightly call one of them Kyiv, another Volyn, another Suzdal 1, or Novgorod 2, Pskov 3, Moscow 4, etc. Although they all talk about more than just church events, and most of the cases recorded by them relate to private subjects - the construction of churches, monasteries, dedication Hierarchs: nevertheless remain a fairly abundant source for Church History. b) Since the 16th century in Russia they began to replace the Chronicles with detailed notes about private incidents; but the hitherto known notes, with the exception of Avraamy Palitsyn on the siege of the Lavra, Medvedev’s notes on the Streltsy riot and several others, describe almost only civil affairs 5 . For Church History, ancient short notes on manuscripts and afterwords to early printed books are more useful 6 c) Lives of Saints and Prelates, especially those that remain in manuscripts 7 ; d) the writings of the ancient teachers of the Russian Church 8 in many ways complement the stories of the Chronicles, especially regarding the teaching of the Church, life and, in part, worship and government. B. You can find little news about the Russian Church from foreign writers, and especially true ones. If we exclude the news of the Byzantines and some Western chronicles about the first times of Christianity in Russia 9 and then several notes by Dlugosz, Kromer and others about the south-west of Russia 10: then there will be almost nothing left that a historian of the Russian Church could find useful for himself from foreigners. Travelers who visited Russia since the 16th century often spoke in their notes about the Russian Church, but for the most part either errors of a cursory acquaintance with an inaccessible subject, or slander of fanaticism, which Protestants were distinguished no less than papists. There are few exceptions: these include the notes of Herberstern and Fabre 11 . II. An abundant source of information about the Russian Church is the public acts of Russia. These are the messages of the Metropolitans of Russia and the acts of the Russian Councils. Of the first, some have survived even from the 12th century. Among the charters of the Russian Princes, a significant number of charters are known with orders on church affairs, mainly with orders on the lands of monasteries and churches 12. However, for a historian of the Russian Church it is not enough that he becomes familiar with all the sources of Russian antiquity. a) A choice must be made between sources - it is necessary to distinguish reliable from unreliable, modern from later; one must be able to distinguish in them reviews of some kind of human weakness from reviews of prudence, disagreement in them to agree, unsaid and unclear things to be completed and explained according to considerations. The work is tedious, but necessary, otherwise History would not be a collection of information about the unprecedented; a work that should have been completed before the composition of History, but for the History of the Russian Church it was only given a beginning 13 . b) In order not to confuse in the sources events that are completely different in time and place, although similar in content, or not to divide the same event into two, and in order to understand the relationship of the area to the event, it is necessary to stock up on information on the Chronology and ancient Geography of Russia 14. c) since the events of the Russian Church were often and closely connected with the civil events of Russia, so that often, without knowing the latter, it is difficult to understand the former: knowledge of the History of the Russian Empire is also a necessary aid for the historian of the Russian Church. d) The historian of the Church must primarily be faithful to the truth, and for this he must be a sincere Christian. When reviewing sources, he must look at their information not according to the spirit of his time, but as required by the circumstances of that time, as required by the truth of History and the Gospel. The truth is only in Christ. Without Christian piety, a Church historian is a foreigner in the Church of Christ: he will not understand much in the events of the Church, he will spoil much by misinterpretation, or will completely ignore it. Christian piety is as condescending to others as it is fair. No matter how unpleasant the affairs of human weakness are, it does not remain silent about them and does not decorate them in spite of the truth, although it does not allow itself harsh reviews in spite of love, whether these affairs concern famous individuals or entire societies. In this regard, the Russian History of M. Plato can serve as a model for the historian of the Russian Church. §4. Division of the History of the Russian Church In the series of events that took place in the Russian Church, the most important events that had an impact on the position of the Church were, after the origin of the Church: the invasion of the Mongols, the division of one Metropolis into two, the Patriarchate and the Synod. These events form the periods of the existence of the Russian Church. Thus, the History of the Russian Church can be divided into the following periods: 1. The first period is from the beginning of Christianity in Russia to the Mongol invasion, or until 1237. 2. The second period is the time of the enslavement of Russia by the Mongols before the division of the Metropolis, or 1238 - 1409. 3. The third period - the divided Metropolis before the Patriarchate, 1410 - 1587. 4. The fourth period is the period of the Patriarchate, 1588 - 1719. 5. Fifth – the period of Synodal governance; we will end it with the death of Imp. Alexandra, 1826 Spread of Christianity §1. The beginning of Christianity in Russia in the south. A) to Oskold and Dir The spiritual revival of a people, like one person, does not occur in the same way: in some early, in others late, in one quickly, in another slowly and in parts. The wise and good will of God comes here in line with the will of man, but including in orders about one person and people orders about many. “The Russian country,” says St. Nestor, “was in idolatry (when the Greeks and Romans already believed in Christ). She had not heard a word from anyone about our Lord Jesus Christ; The Apostles did not go to them (to the Russians); no one has preached the word of God to them.” This is what Nestor writes in the lives of Princes Boris and Gleb. 15 In another essay, which was written later, he conveys news that came to him, probably from Korsun, about the visit of Ap. Andrei of the Kyiv Mountains, but conveys this news as a private opinion. 16 Moreover, in this work he does not say that under the Apostles the seed of the word of God bore fruit on the soil of Kievan Rus. Only in the first quarter of the fourth century did private Russian conversions to Christianity begin in southern Russia, and then only private ones - individuals, and not entire tribes. “The Russians accepted the Christian faith already in the 4th century, under Constantine the Great,” says the Arab writer 17. This is not entirely unfair. Bl. Jerome wrote: “The Huns study the Psalter; cold Scythia is warmed by the fire of true faith; the army of red-haired and blond Getae or Dacians carries marching churches with them everywhere” 18. The cold Scythia of Jerome cannot be separated from Russia by its very name, since little Scythia, which lay beyond the Danube, could not be called cold; the rapprochement of cold Scythia with the Getae and Huns also shows that Jerome meant that Scythia, which extended on the left bank of the Danube to the Karkinitsky Bay and the Don, where, according to the testimony of the ancients, from the 1st century to Rurik the Slavs lived under different names 19 . Nestor says: “The Dulebs lived along the Bug, the Uglichs and Tivertsy sat along the Dniester and extended to the Danube; there were many of them; sat along the Dniester all the way to the sea; The Greeks called it “great Scythia” 20. The Getae, or Goths, who lived together with the Slavs in present-day Bessarabia and further to the west, under Constantine V., formed the Gothic diocese 21. Under Valens, St. the faith experienced severe persecution here from the pagan Afaparik and the Arian Friedigern 22 . St. tried more than anyone else to spread the faith in Scythia and Gothia. Chrysostom Bl. Theodoret wrote about him: “And you have another affinity with the Apostles: you were the first to erect altars among the Scythians Amaxobs (nomadic), and the one who did not dismount from his horse learned to kneel and began to throw himself to the ground; untouched by the tears of captives, he learned to mourn his sins.” In another place he writes that St. Chrysostom, having heard that the Scythians, who lived (in the direction from Constantinople) beyond the Danube, (ταρα τ. Ιετρον), thirsted for salvation, sent Shepherds and teachers to them 23. He sent missionaries to Gothia and dedicated Bishop Unilu 24. Chrysostom himself said with delight: “The Scythians, Thracians and Sarmatians glorify Christ” 25. But the Huns, Avars, and Bulgarians devastated, one after another, great Scythia, and Christianity, already weak among the Scythians, died out. Only in Tauro-Scythia, later called Gotthia, and today's Crimea, did a bishop remain 26. The miracles of God's Providence awakened Scythian from his sleep, but not as much as Providence wanted 27. Thus, according to the monuments of History, Christians until the 9th century were guests in southern Russia: several individuals, several families appeared in it with Christianity in their souls, but were then reaped by war or persecution of paganism, leaving no movement in the general mass of the people 28 . § 2. B) Under Oskold and Dir According to the undoubted voice of History, Kievan Rus listened to the gospel preaching under the Kyiv princes Oskold and Dir. Bl. Patriarch Photius, who cared so much about the better fate of the Slavs, was an instrument of the initial enlightenment of the Kievan Russes. Oskold and Dir with a pagan squad on 200 armed ships entered the Bosporus, devastated the shores and islands of the Propontis, then approached Constantinople and made the capital of the empire tremble. The pious Patriarch turned to God with prayers; All-night singing was performed in the Blachernae Church; Tsar Michael himself, absent-minded in happiness, prayed with the people; Blessed Photius carried the robe of the Mother of God out of the church with songs, immersed it in the waves of the bay, and the storm-boiled sea broke the Russian ships. Oskold and Dir, overwhelmed with fear, believed in the Lord punishing them 29. “The Russians,” His Serene Highness Photius wrote then, “transferred wicked pagan superstition to the pure and unblemished Christian faith, and having accepted the bishop and teacher, they behave like obedient children and friends and go on to say that they accepted the bishop and Christian rites” 30. Emperor Constantine describes what was happening in Kyiv itself: “When the bishop arrived in the capital of the Russov, the sovereign of the Russov assembled a council (veche). There were a lot of people here; the sovereign himself presided over the boyars and elders, who, due to their long-standing habit of paganism, were more committed to paganism than others. They began to talk about their faith and the Christian faith, and having invited the archpastor, they asked: what does he want to teach them? The bishop opened the Gospel and began to tell them about the Savior and His miracles, and spoke about various miracles performed by God in the Old Testament. The Russians, listening to the preacher, said: if we don’t see something similar to what happened to the three youths in the cave, we don’t want to believe. The servant of God did not waver; he boldly answered them: we are insignificant before God, but tell me, what do you want? They asked that the book of the Gospel be thrown into the fire, and promised to turn to the Christian God if it remained unharmed. Then the bishop cried: Lord! glorify Your name before this people, and put the book into the fire. Some time passed; the fire destroyed the material, but the Gospel remained intact; Even the ribbons with which it was tied have been preserved. Seeing this, the rude people, amazed by the miracle, began to be baptized” 31. This was in 867 32. Under Oskold and Dir, Christianity succeeded in Russia at least so much that Massudi, almost a contemporary, but a resident of the East, wrote: “of the Sklabs (Slavs) some are Christians, others are pagans,” and then said: “of all the Sklab kings, the strongest is Dir” 33. §3. B) Under Oleg, Igor and Olga Although the unfortunate death of Oskold and Dir, killed by the pagan Oleg in 882, could not but weaken the success of Christianity in Kyiv, 34 Oleg, however, and not intentionally, introduced the Russians to the evangelical faith. When in 911 his ambassadors were in Constantinople to conclude peace, by order of the emperor they were shown: “the passion of the Lord, the crown and nails and the scarlet mantle and the relics of the saints, and taught them the Greek faith, showing the true faith in it... Those sent by Oleg, returning to Oleg, conveyed all the speeches to their own” 35. Under Oleg, the Greeks established a special diocese in Russia, the 60th among those subordinate to the Patriarch of Constantinople 36 . The faith of Christ had more freedom and peace in Russia under Igor. The Arabs in 922 knew that the Russians were turning to the Christian faith 37 . When the ambassadors of the Tara emir presented themselves (946) to the Emperors: many baptized Russians stood in the palace with swords and banners 38 . In 946, the Russians, in an agreement with the Greeks, said: “If anyone from the Russian country decided to violate this love: then those who received baptism will receive execution from God Almighty... and those who are not baptized will have no help from God and from Perun” (Article 1). “If the escaped slave is not found, then the Russians swear by Christians according to their faith, non-Christians by their law” (Article 3.). In confirmation of the agreement, we Russians, those of us who were baptized, will swear (in Kyiv) in the cathedral church of St. Elijah to the Church and the honorable cross presented" 39 . Thus, among the Russians there were already Christians in such numbers that it was necessary to talk about them in the agreement, and they confirmed the agreement with an oath before St. cross. Moreover, there was already a cathedral church in Kyiv, which may indicate the existence of other churches 40. The agreement between the Russians and the Greeks was concluded as a result of the Russians’ campaign in Greece. In all likelihood, the miracle that happened over the Rosses at the tomb of St. George of Amastris, described in the life of this Saint. “The barbarians came to the church of the Saint; They thought that there were treasures here and began to dig them up. But those who dug up lost their arms and legs; bound by invisible bonds, they remained motionless. Their prince, seeing this miracle, came into awe and horror and asked one prisoner what this meant? Hearing that this was accomplished by the power of the Christian God, and that by his power, after the all-night singing, health was restored to the stricken, “the Prince made peace with the Christians.” This miracle, of course, did not remain without consequences in Russia; at least there is no doubt that those who experienced the wrath and mercy of God at the tomb of St. George turned to the Christian God 41. The light of the Gospel shone even brighter in Russia under V.K. Olga, after the death of Igor. Gifted with a bright, insightful mind, Olga saw the immaculate life of Christians and understood that paganism did not raise such people. Conversations with Christian teachers (we see one of them with her on her way to Constantinople) revealed to her the heavenly purity and height of the teachings of Christ. And her heart was captivated by the truth of the Gospel. Out of respect for the capital of Christianity, and also in order to become more accurately acquainted with Christianity, she herself went to Constantinople with a large retinue. Here the Patriarch was her mentor and himself baptized her; and Emperor Constantine was the receiver from the font 42. The Patriarch blessed the blessed Olga with a cross, which she brought to Kyiv 43, and predicted glory for her in posterity. Olga presented it to the Patriarch as a sign of love for St. faith, a golden dish with the image of the Savior on a precious stone 44. This happened in 957 45. S V. At the same time, the princess had relatives and relatives in the Christian capital, among others, one nephew, up to 10 noble wives, 18 honorable servants, up to 20 boyars and several officials 46. It is not at all likely that none of them followed the example of V. Princess in Constantinople itself; rather, it can be assumed that not many did not follow, unless they were already baptized. According to another monument, it is known that subsequently (971) Svyatoslav killed his brother (cousin) Gleb for his adherence to Christianity. In Kyiv, the example of the wise mother of the people, in all likelihood, also did not remain without effect, especially since she herself tried to arouse in others love for St. faith. At length, and with maternal tenderness, she urged her son Svyatoslav to accept that faith, the dignity of which her soul vividly felt. The proud warrior valued only military glory. “He,” says Nestor, “did not forbid those who wanted to be baptized, but in the circle of those like himself he laughed at such people, remaining among those for whom the faith of Christ seems foolishness.” At least others did not remain so deaf to the voice of love and heavenly truth. Nestor, in his very review of Svyatoslav, makes it clear that there were those at that time who expressed a desire to be baptized. Some even of the soldiers sincerely fell in love with the Christian faith: a faithful witness to this is the martyrdom of the Varangian and his son under the pagan Vladimir. The power book says: “Many, marveling at her (Olga’s) verbs, having never heard them before, kindly accepted the word of God from her lips - and were baptized.” It is also known that the Pope, 15 years after Olga’s baptism in 972, already considered southern Russia a refuge of the Orthodox faith. Olga, according to the correct expression of the chronicler, was for our country “the morning star, preceding the sun, the dawn of the morning, foreshadowing the light of day; she shone like the full moon in the night, she shone among the infidels like a pearl” 47 . This sun, to which Olga foreshadowed, was V.K. Vladimir. § 4. The spread of Christianity under Vladimir, and A) Conversion of V. Prince and boyars What Constantine V. was for the Roman Empire, the Lord pleased Vladimir, the grandson of the blessed Olga, to be for Russia. It was not long before the Faith of Christ won the heart of her grandson Holguin. Christianity, after the death of Olga (969), under the warlike Svyatoslav and during the bloody civil strife of Svyatoslav’s children, of course, did not spread in Russia, unless it was reduced: however, Christians remained in Kyiv. In the first years of his reign, Vladimir was not only busy with bloody wars, but lived like the most unclean pagan. The terrible fratricide, victories bought with the blood of strangers and their own, coarse voluptuousness could not help but burden the conscience of even a pagan. Vladimir thought to ease his soul by erecting new idols on the banks of the Dnieper and Volkhov, decorating them with silver and gold, slaying fat sacrifices in front of them; Moreover, he even shed the blood of two Christians on the altar of idols. But all this, as he felt, did not bring peace to the soul - the soul was looking for light and peace. And memory also spoke about the great Olga, about her God, about the God of Greek Christians. Vladimir felt anxiety, movements and doubts in his soul. At the court of the Prince, famous for his victories, there could not be a shortage of people who were willing to offer peace of mind to the Prince. Bulgarian Muslims praised their faith, and the description of Mohammed’s paradise pleased the voluptuous Prince: but circumcision seemed to him a hateful rite, and the prohibition of drinking wine was incompatible with the customs of Rus'. The Pope's zealous servants spoke of the greatness of the invisible God and the insignificance of idols. The Glorious Prince, knowing the Pope’s policy, answered: “Our fathers did not accept faith from the Pope.” After listening to the Kazar Jews, he asked: “Where is your fatherland?” “- In Jerusalem; but God in anger scattered us across foreign lands,” said the Jews. “And you, punished by God, dare to wish that others should lose their fatherland?” - answered the smart Prince. Finally, the philosopher, a Greek monk, was heard. He, having shown the injustice of other faiths, presented the contents of the Bible, the history of Orthodoxy, and in conclusion showed a picture of God's Last Judgment with the fate of the righteous and sinners. “Good is at this right hand, and woe to the sinners,” said the Prince with a deep sigh. “Be baptized, and you will be in heaven with the first,” said the humble monk 48 . The last preacher struck Vladimir. Having released him with rich gifts, V. Prince in 987 gathered a council of boyars, since he realized that the change of religion by the Prince, in any case, should entail changes in his entire state. Vladimir announced to the boyars the proposals of ambassador-preachers. “Everyone praises his faith,” the boyars said, “you have a lot of smart people, let’s go test whose faith is better.” Vladimir sent ten kind and intelligent men. They were with the Bulgarians, in German land, and finally arrived in Greece. Emperors Vasily and Constantine, having learned the reason for their arrival, announced the Patriarchy, and the Patriarchus performed a solemn service in the presence of the ambassadors. The splendor of the St. Sophia Church, the presence of all the clergy, the harmonious, majestic singing and the simplicity of the entire service delighted the ambassadors. Convinced of the dignity, of the superiority of the Greek faith, they returned to their fatherland already Christians in soul, and not approving other confessions before the Prince, they said about the Greek: “In the Greek church we did not know whether we stood on earth or in heaven: truly God is there with men. And just as every person, having tasted the sweet, does not want the bitter, so we, having learned the faith of the Greeks, no longer want to serve our gods.” The boyars and elders told Vladimir that if the Greek faith had not been the best, Grandma Vel would not have accepted it. Prince Olga, the wisest of people. - “So we are baptized: but where?” Vladimir said. The warlike Prince, who had just decided to accept the new faith, could not yet rise so high in his soul as to renounce everything earthly: humbly asking for instruction in the new faith from the Greeks seemed to him indecent for a Prince and people famous for his victories; on the other hand, the Byzantine Court of that time, unfortunately, was magnificent disproportionately to its weakness and the weakness of the people; it despised the barbarians when they came to it without weapons, although it trembled at them when he saw their sword; even bl. Olga experienced this herself 49 . Vladimir, a year after the council, decided to conquer faith with weapons. He went to war in Taurida and besieged the Greek Kherson (two versts from present-day Sevastopol). Tormented by thirst, the residents surrendered. In order to more subdue the Greeks, the conqueror demanded the hand of the princess from Byzantium, threatening to take the capital in case of refusal 50 . Emperors Vasily and Constantine answered: let him accept the faith, and the princess’s hand will be given to him. “I have long experienced and loved the Greek law,” said Vladimir. And yet Vladimir, in fact, was not so much ready for a great change as it seemed to him; He also needed a special testing visit from God: before Anna arrived in Kherson with the clergy and sacred things, something similar to what Saul, the persecutor of Christ, experienced on himself happened to the pagan prince - he was struck by a serious eye disease, completely blind. The arriving princess suggested that he should not delay baptism as a means to health 51 . He agreed. When the Bishop of Korsun laid his hand on Prince Vladimir emerging from the font, in baptism Vasily received his sight both mentally and physically, and exclaimed in delight: “Now I have seen the true God.” Some of Vladimir’s squad, amazed by the miraculous event, were baptized at the same time, following the Prince. Vladimir returned to Kiev new 52. § 5. B) Baptism of the people in Kyiv, in places close to it and distant from it Vladimir was not looking for a better faith for himself alone; he sought her as a ruler of the people, for his people. Having learned from experience the superiority of the Christian faith, he became even more confirmed in his intention to introduce Christianity among his subjects. His first task upon returning to Kyiv was the baptism of his 12 sons: this was the work of his father, the Prince. Following this, he began a) to destroy the idols. Some were burned, others were hacked to pieces; Vladimir ordered Perun, the main god, to be tied to a horse’s tail, dragged from the mountain and thrown into the Dnieper; the superstitious people shed tears out of regret for their antiquity, followed for a long time after the sailing fool, who was pushed away from the shore by the soldiers; but out of his kindness he did not dare to grumble. b) Meanwhile, Vladimir ordered an announcement in the city that the next day all residents, regardless of age and condition, would gather on the banks of the Dnieper to receive baptism, under fear of the Prince’s disfavor for disobedience. The people of Kiev had long known the Greek faith, they knew about the meetings and determination of the Prince regarding this faith. “If the new faith were not better, the Prince and the boyars would not have accepted it,” the people reasoned, and they hastened to fulfill the will of the respected Prince. Immense crowds of people, old men and young men, mothers with infants, appeared on the banks of the Dnieper. Vladimir also appeared with a council of priests; people entered the Dnieper, some up to their necks, others up to their chests, adults holding babies in their hands. Priests from the shore read prayers. Vladimir, overwhelmed with delight, prayed to the Lord and entrusted himself and the people to Him. “On that day,” the chronicler rightly says, “earth and heaven rejoiced” 53 . St. Vladimir did not limit St. affairs in Kyiv. M. Hilarion says that he wanted to impart to all his subjects a better faith, and then adds: the cross sanctified the cities 54. The chronicler writes: “And they began to set up churches and priests throughout the city, and bring people to baptism throughout the city and village.” Neither M. Hilarion nor Nestor determines, however, in which cities, in which areas, Equal-to-the-Apostles Vladimir planted the faith. Based on the course of events and the geographical position of the cities, we can see that the words of the saints should first of all be attributed to the cities and places surrounding Kyiv. These were Pereyaslavl, Chernigov, Belgorod, Vladimir Volynsky. This is also what some chronicles show 55. The testimony of the monk Adelmar, contemporary to Vladimir, is very important in this regard. He says that soon after the conversion of the Slavic Russians to the Christian faith, a Greek bishop came to the interior of Russia, converted and taught Greek customs 56 . The later chronicle extends the activities of Vladimirov’s clergy to remote Russian cities. She says that Vladimir, sending his sons to the fiefs, sent priests with them and ordered his sons so that each in his own area would take care of the construction of Christian churches and the enlightenment of the pagans by faith 57. The very events of subsequent times justify this news. But they also show that the will of the Equal to the Apostles could not be carried out with equal success everywhere. It is undoubtedly known that Novgorod, so distant from Kyiv, adopted Christianity under St. Vladimir. Four years after Vladimirov's baptism, Joachim, one of the Korsun priests, was bishop there. “And Bishop Joachim came, and destroyed the treasury, and flogged Perun, and commanded him to drag him to Volkhov, and tied snakes (with ropes) to drag him along the feces, hitting him with a rod, and brought him to Volkhov. And the commandment (bishop) cannot be adopted by anyone anywhere. And Pidblyannik (a resident of the town of Pidbla) went to the river early, and Perun swam to the shore, and I pushed him away with a pole. You, speaking, Perunishche, drank and yaked to your fill, and now swim away” 58. However, in Novgorod, not only not without sorrow, as in Kyiv, but also not without resistance, they parted with the old. It is not without reason that the people say: “Cross the Lord with the sword, and Dobrynya with fire.” This indicates that the Novgorodians, as in other cases, refused to obey the will of V. Prince about baptism, and they had to be pacified as troublemakers. Joachim's chronicle directly says that the Novgorodians openly rebelled against the preachers of the faith, burned Dobrynya's house, killed his wife, and that to pacify the rebellion it was necessary to use the sword. According to her news, the Novgorodians were baptized to pacify the rebellion, but others, under various pretexts, tried to evade baptism. According to Nikon's chronicle and the dignified book, many were baptized in the Novgorod region, and churches were erected in towns and villages 59. § 6. The spread of Christianity in the 11th and 12th centuries Nestor speaks about the time of Yaroslav V.: “the Christian faith began to be fruitful and expand” 60. This meant that under Yaroslav the pure, holy faith began to penetrate deeper into the hearts of recent pagans, and its area expanded further across vast Russia. But the human heart does not soon part with its habits and passions. Feats, sometimes even bloody, were needed in order for complete victory to remain with the faith of the saint, and especially where little else had been worked for the saint. faith. By the end of the 11th century there were 7 bishops in the south of Russia (in Kyiv, Chernigov, Belgorod, Yuryev, Turov, Pereyaslavl, Vladimir of Volyn, and Tmutorokan), and four in the north-west (in Turov, Polotsk, Novgorod, Rostov). This position of the dioceses itself shows where by the end of the 11th century. Christianity had achieved a lot, and there was still a lot to fight against paganism. In the south of Russia there were already Christian churches in the villages 61. But the east of Russia was still little familiar with Christianity, and the northeastern forests and swamps were still dedicated to paganism. In remote places, paganism still lived among the Russians at the beginning of the 12th century. The zeal of sincere zealots of the faith persecuted with denunciations the remaining disposition towards paganism 62 . All the more humble monks took upon themselves the feat of illuminating with the light of the truth the crude superstitions of wild places, although History has not preserved much for us about their labors. In Rostov, Christianity grew only if it was watered with the blood of its sincere preacher. Theodore and Hilarion, the first Bishops of Rostov, were forced to flee Rostov from the rage of the pagans, and the first had some success only near Suzdal 63. St. Leonty, one of the disciples of St. Anthony of Kiev-Pechersk, arrived in Rostov, and also found strong resistance among the inveterate pagans. They drove him out of the city, and he needed to arm himself with apostolic patience for faith. Remaining outside the city, he first attracted children to him with affection and began to teach them. The old pagans again became agitated and surrounded Leontius, breathing with rage, but this time the meek word of faith was so successful that many were baptized. However, even after that, the pagans more than once armed themselves against the saint, and finally killed him. The Rostov Chronicle speaks about the fruits of the exploits of St. Leonty: “Holy Leonty enlightened the city of Rostov with baptism” 64. St. Simon, saying that many from the Pechersk Monastery ascended to the episcopal cathedra, writes: “The first Rostov martyr Leonty, God glorified him with incorruptibility, and behold, he was the first throne, but his unfaithfulness, tormenting him a lot, killed him; and behold, the third citizen of heaven was born in the Russian world with one of Varyag (killed at Vladimir), having been married by Christ” 65. The martyrdom of St. Leonty and at the same time the planting of Christianity in Rostov followed approx. 1070 g 66. Leontius's successor, St. Isaiah still had to work hard to spread Christianity in the Rostov region. And this Pechersk ascetic traveled to different places preaching about Christ. The fruit of his labors was the conversion of many idolaters. His feat ended in 1089 67. The Rostov preacher of the faith, St. Avramiy, is also known. His life says that with him at the Chudsky end of Rostov stood the idol of Veles and that Avramy crushed the idol with a cane given in a vision by John the Theologian. It is difficult to determine the time when this was, but the rank of archimandrite with which Abramius was invested, and the prince of Vladimir of Suzdal, with whom he had intercourse, show that this was not before Vladimir Monomakh (1113–1125), and traces. under Monomakh, they still stood so firmly for Veles that the miraculous help of the Apostle John was needed to crush him. Ave. Nestor, having described the pagan customs of the ancient Russian Slavs, adds: “the same is what the Vyatichi are doing now,” that is, at the end of the 11th and beginning of the 12th century. Kursk was a Christian city even in its youth, Ave. Theodosius 69. But the Vyatichi settlements close to Kursk - Mtsensk, Bryansk, Kozelsk - remained pagan until Kuksha Ave. came to the Vyatichi. Animated St. Zealous for the faith, he and his disciple left the quiet Pechersk monastery to preach the truth of Heaven to the rude pagans. The sermon was accompanied by miracles, and miracles confirmed faith in the hearts of the simple. Most of them were baptized, but those stubborn in superstition tortured St. preacher “Everyone will know,” wrote Simon about St. Kuksha, “how the demons drove away and baptized Vyatichi, brought down the rain and dried up the lake, and performed many miracles, and through many torments he was beheaded with his disciple Nikon.” Since Simon, first a Pechersk monk, and from 1215 bishop, speaks of Kuksha as someone who lived not so close that there was no need to point out the voice of others, and not so far away that there was no living memory of him, and since the Vyatichi at the end of the 11th century were still pagans, the conversion of the Vyatichi to faith took place, in all likelihood, in the first third of the 12th century 70. Christianity did not soon win in Murom. St. Gleb, having not been the Prince of Murom for long, did not see this victory. After his death, the wealthy residents of the Murom region were left without close princely supervision, and being in the neighborhood of the Muslim Bulgarians, and at times under their authority, they stubbornly adhered to paganism, and partly, as likely, to Mohammedanism. “And in this city, as I told us, there are living filthy people, many and various languages,” says the biographer of the blessed Konstantin Svyatoslavich. This Prince, following the same news, having asked for the Murom region as his inheritance, decided to cleanse it of errors. He sent his son Mikhail to Murom to convince the people to the holy faith and civil obedience. But Mikhail was killed. Constantine took Murom with an armed hand, and for a long time tried with love and persuasion to persuade the people to Christianity; there was no success. The friends of antiquity formed a conspiracy and vowed to kill or drive out the Prince. Constantine, having learned about this, went out to the conspirators with an icon of the Mother of God, and they became timid, changed their thoughts, and themselves asked for baptism. The delighted Prince glorified God, and the people were baptized on the river. Okay. In 1092 we see from the chronicles the Murom Spassky Monastery. In all likelihood, the feat of blessings also dated back to this time. Constantine, especially since from the same time a number of individual Murom princes and branches of the Chernigov 71 began. In 1147, the Kiev ascetic, St. Gerasim, left the Kyiv Glushevsky monastery to settle in the then most remote country on the river. Vologda. He chose a place for himself “in the great forest, near the trading town of Vologda,” not without difficulty founded a monastery and a church in the name of the Holy Trinity, and for 30 years he preached the name of Christ for the wild country 72 . § 7. Obstacle to the spread of Christianity - the Magi; relations of foreign peoples of Russia to Christianity The people, and out of one habit of antiquity, whatever it may be, not without sorrow, and sometimes not without persistence, accept new thoughts, new beliefs; and paganism has always and everywhere flattered the passions of sensuality. The same thing happened in Russia. Habit and sensual passions interfered with the success of St. faith. Especially the Magi, friends of ignorance and passions, were evil, internal enemies of heavenly truth in Russia. They wanted to be a support for the falling paganism that fed their passions, and they presented themselves as messengers of their gods, as people endowed with extraordinary power and knowledge. In place of pure Christian concepts, they sowed old errors with which everyone was familiar. According to the chronicles, for the first time in 1024 they incited the people in Suzdal against women on the occasion of a famine. During the secondary reign of Izyaslav, with the same hatred against women, they marched from Rostov to White Lake, accompanied by a gang of 300 people, ordering the killing of women. Boyar Yan forced the Belozersk people to catch them and bring them to him. The Magi revealed their beliefs to Jan about man and God. “God,” they said, “after washing himself, wiped himself with a rag and threw it to the ground; This was followed by a dispute between Satan and God about the creation of man; the devil created him, and God put his Soul into him; our gods reveal secrets to us,” etc. With the same mistrust, the Magi appeared in other places in two ways, and superstitions were maintained among the people for a long time through their efforts, sometimes obvious, sometimes hidden. Finally, their power over the people was weakened by the exploits of the shepherds of the Church: in 1223, four wise men appeared openly in Novgorod, but the people themselves seized and burned them, whereas in previous times the same Novgorodians defended similar people with an armed hand 73 . Strong obstacles to the success of the faith in Russia were provided by the enemies of its civil status, foreign peoples. But faith triumphed over them too. In the Southeast, the Polovtsian hordes, in the half of the 11th century, occupied the space from the Dnieper to the Don, and then to the Volga. They devastated the southern settlements of the Russians, took them captive and tortured Christians, not just because of savagery. In 1091–1104 they devastated the cities surrounding Kyiv, brutally tormented Christians and took many of them into grave captivity. And in 1095 they attacked Kyiv at night, broke into the Pechersky Monastery and its church, cursed at St. icons, burned utensils, spewed blasphemies against Christianity: where is their God? Let him help them! The monks were killed, others were taken captive 74. Ave. Evstratiy with 30 monks was sold to the Korsun Jew. He, forcing him to renounce, starved Eustratius’s comrades to death, crucified Eustratius himself on the cross on Easter, abused him and his faith, and finally pierced him with a spear. According to the martyr’s prediction, the Jews then drank the cup of God’s wrath, and some turned to Christ. At the same time, Ave. Nikon with many other captives was left with the Polovtsians themselves. They were brutally tortured. The monk calmly endured hunger, thirst, and severe beatings, and spoke freely about the power of faith and that he would soon be delivered by this faith. The Polovtsian, so that the prisoner would not escape, cut his veins. But as Nikon said, this is what happened. The Polovtsian met Nikon already in the Pechersk monastery. Struck by his miraculous salvation, he no longer returned to his family, and was baptized together with his wife and children 75 . Christian patience, firm faith in the midst of suffering, the miraculous victory won over the Polovtsians in 1111, when the Polovtsians themselves saw and recognized heavenly help for Christians, produced effects on the Polovtsians that were beneficial for the faith, and some of them accepted Christianity. Thus, among the Polovtsian ambassadors who came to Kyiv in 1147, we see Vasily the Polovtsian. The Polovtsian princesses, marrying Russian princes, adopted Christianity, and with their connections weakened the dislike of the wild Polovtsians towards St. faith 76. The Bulgarians, neighbors of the Russians in the east, both because they consisted of a mixture of Chud and the Slavs, and because of their inclination to trade, did not often violate the peace with the Russians. Prince Andrei Bogolyubsky, throughout his life, often succeeded in the fact that, according to his conviction, the Bulgarians were baptized, not only captives, but also those who freely visited his Bogolyubovo or Vladimir. He also baptized many pagans, most likely Cheremis and Mordovians, who were under the rule of the Bulgarians, and baptized Jews, residents of every trading place, etc. and Bolgar, a famous city, now known only from its ruins 77 . But the Islam of the Bulgarians did not allow them to calmly look at the successes of the cross of Christ, and shed the blood of Christ’s faithful confessors 78 . St. Abraham, himself a Bulgarian and a rich merchant, died as a victim of their hatred of Christ. Arriving in the city of Bolgars, he was captured solely for his faith in Christ. For many days they forced him, either by caresses or by torture, to renounce the Crucified One; he remained adamant and (1229) was deprived of his head. The Russians, the chronicle says, laid his body in the coffin where all Christians lie. Whether these dead were Christians from Bulgarians or Russians, the chronicle did not say. She only noticed that the Lord avenged the blood of his martyr: first half of the city burned down, then the other caught fire two or three times a day. A lot of goods were burned, and not much survived the destructive fire. Frightened by this disaster, the Bulgarians next year (1230) asked for peace from the Prince of Suzdal, while they waged war with the Russians for six years. Relics of St. The martyr was honorably transported to Vladimir 79. In the northeast, Chud, Votyaki, and Cheremis did not always give peace to Christianity. In 1174, several hundred Novgorodians decided to settle in the Vyatka region. They began the work with piety: for several days they fasted, prayed, and called upon St. for help. Princes Boris and Gleb, and on the day of their memory they received what they wanted, they took the town of Bolvanovsk fortified on the mountain, which was probably called so after the idol-dummy. At the same time, another part of the same immigrants built the city of Khlynov with the Church of the Mother of God. The natives entrusted power over their republic to the clergy, and Christianity little by little began to spread among the rude inhabitants of that country 80 . In the north a) Zavolotskaya Chud and Ugra (Ostyaks) from Bela Lake to the river. The Pechoras were ardently devoted to their Yomal. But in the 12th century. Novgorod settlers already had monasteries on the banks of the Dvina, which did not remain without an effect on the savages 81. b) To the Karelian land (part of present-day Finland) Novgorod. Prince Yaroslav in 1227 sent a mission of priests. The Karelians have long been subject to Novgorod, and their very acquaintance with the Russians was favored by St. faith. Therefore, the priests baptized almost all Karelians without any measures of violence 82. In western Russia, Lithuania and Latvians were tributaries of the Polotsk princes, and the Chud tribes were dependent on Novgorod. But Russia paid them dearly for their taxes. On each occasion, one or the other of them, and sometimes uniting with each other, invaded Russian settlements, robbed, burned and killed Christians. However, Christianity was victorious, and the Russian Princes did not use violent measures over these tribes in favor of the faith, as the disinterested vassals of the Pope did. Yaroslav I founded Yuriev-Dorpat with the Church of the Great Martyr between Chud. George, and the church remained a school of faith. Pskov priests traveled to Estami and their neighboring northern Latvians to preach the faith. By the end of the pre-Mongol period, the Greek, pure, faith had made quite some progress in those places. In the half of the 12th century. on the banks of the Dvina, two specific principalities of Polotsk were formed, with Christian churches; and Christianity did not remain without confessors between Lithuania, and even more so between Latvians 83 . § 8. Reasons for the peaceful and rapid spread of Christianity in Russia Despite the obstacles that there were for the pure, holy faith of Christ in Russia, Christianity was not established anywhere as peacefully and quickly as it was established in Russia. How much blood was shed before Christianity was introduced in Prussia, Sweden, and America! How much struggle and suffering the confessors of the name of Christ endured between the Greeks and Romans! In Russia it is completely different. The peaceful and rapid spread of Christianity in Russia was facilitated by: a) The spirit of the Russian people, always meek and then not spoiled by paganism. “It’s good,” the people of Kiev reasoned, “that the Prince and the boyars elected.” And out of obedience to the respected Prince they accepted baptism. This meekness, of course, would not have existed among the people, nor would there have been a willingness to calmly accept the new faith, if the morals of the Russian people were spoiled by paganism, as they were spoiled by paganism in the Greeks and Romans; There are still many good qualities left in the Russian people, properties of pure human nature. b) On the other hand, Russia has been preparing for Christianity for a whole century. This, no doubt, meant a lot for Vladimir's time. c) However, the Western Slavs lived for centuries in the neighborhood of Western Christians, while the Eastern Slavs were surrounded on three sides by paganism. Despite the fact that the Russian and Western Slavs are one and the same people, with the same character of meekness and peacefulness, between the Western Slavs the Latin missionaries died from the rage of the embittered people, and the Slavs swam in their own blood, but remained with their gods. This means that the meek spirit of the people was not enough; it was not enough that since the time of Askold Christianity had been in Kyiv. What else was needed for Christianity to be accepted the way it was accepted by the Russian people? It is necessary to preach it as it was preached by the Apostles, as it was preached by the Eastern Church. Two differences distinguished the Greek missionaries from the Latin ones. The latter preached the faith with a sword in one hand and a Latin Bible in the other; and neither one nor the other was in the East. In Russia, the evangelical preaching also did not gird the preachers with a sword, did not shed blood, did not light fires. The Greek preacher came to Vladimir not with an army, but with a picture of God's Last Judgment. He dealt only with the soul; his power lay only in the power of the word of God. He introduced conscience to its rights over passions and delusions. He did not demand earthly benefits, his preaching did not burden anyone with new earthly power beyond the one legal. One of the western 11th century. wrote: “The Baltic Slavic tribes, without a doubt, would have long ago been converted to the Christian faith, if the selfishness of the Saxons had not prevented this, whose soul feels more eager for tithes than for the conversion of pagans. They first outraged the newly converted Christians in Slavonia with greed, then, having conquered them, drove them to rebellion with cruelty, and now, seeking only money, they do not care about the salvation of those who would even want to believe 84. In the East, the Bible was translated for the Syrians into Syriac, for the Copts into Coptic, for the Persians into Persian, etc. “Syrians, Egyptians, Indians, Persians, Ethiopians, countless other peoples,” said St. Chrysostom, - studied, with all their rudeness, the dogmas of the Apostle, translating them into their own language" 85. With the Bible in the language of the enlightened people, the preacher, even if he himself did not know this language, found acceptance among the people, offering instead of his sermon the preaching of God, instead of him the Bible speaks to the soul of the pagan, and speaks better than any preacher. This is how it was in Russia! A translation of St. was already ready for her. Books are the work of St. Cyril and Methodius. That’s why it was easy for the preachers, and it was easy for the people. § 9. Schools in Kyiv and Novgorod The Christian faith is light and loves light. It does not constrain, but develops our soul’s desire for truth. She was like this everywhere, and she appeared like this in Russia too. V. Vladimir, after the baptism of the people took place in Kyiv, “ordered to gather the children of famous people and teach them.” Paganism taught us to love darkness, and Vladimir’s good deed seemed like a misfortune. Famous wives, from whom they unwittingly took children into science, mourned the children as if they were dead: “they had not yet established themselves in faith,” says the clever chronicler. Despite the fact that under Yaroslav in 1025 a school was opened in Novgorod. “And Yaroslav (Yaroslav) gathered 300 children from the elders and elders, and led them to teach books 86. And by now his (Bishop Joachim) disciple Ephraim, like us,” adds one of the students of the Novgorod school 87. The purpose of these schools was not only to prepare worthy servants of the faith, but to more and more root and spread Christian thoughts and feelings among the people, to destroy superstition and ignorance. This is shown by the very persons who are appointed to teach in the schools, as well as by the chronicles 88. It is more than likely that similar schools were established in other cities, especially where there were bishoprics. In Kursk before 1032 there were teachers from whom young Theodosius studied along with other children 89. “Yaroslav,” writes Nestor, “ordered the priests to teach people, since they were entrusted with this by God.” The bishops reminded the priests of this commission from God 90 . “I beg you,” said Saint Cyril of Turov, “diligently read the Holy Books, so that, having been satiated with Divine words, you will acquire zeal for unspeakable blessings” 91. Among the princes who, with all the warmth of love, tried to establish and maintain schools, are the Smolensk Prince Rostislav († 1180), the Galician Prince. Yaroslav, nicknamed Witty for his great mind, and the Prince of Rostov. Constantine († 1218) 92 . § 10. Relations with Greece; collection of books and translations Collections of books and translations of monuments of Eastern Orthodoxy, as well as lively relations with Greece, also served as means for spreading Christian enlightenment in Russia. Russia's relations with Greece in its first period introduced it to Greece to such an extent that even the common people somewhat understood the Greek language. Eg. on solemn occasions he spoke the prayer Kyrie eleison 93 in Greek; The Kyiv cathedral church was called catholics 94. The Russian clergy, under the supervision of Metropolitan Greek, received a firm attitude of thought towards Orthodoxy and accurate information about the destinies of the Church. “Yaroslav,” writes St. Nestor, “was very fond of books, he diligently read both day and night, gathered many scribes, and ordered them to be translated from Greek into Slavic; - this is how many books were written, with which faithful people were enlightened, and enjoyed the divine teaching. His father Vladimir plowed and softened the earth, enlightening it with holy baptism, and he sowed the hearts of believers with bookish words... Loving books, having copied many of them, he placed them in Hagia Sophia” 95. Yaroslav’s son, Svyatoslav, was distinguished by the same love for enlightenment, filling his cages with books 96 . We see similar things in many other princes 97. We do not say that the shepherds of the Church zealously tried to collect scientific treasures for the people, 98 it is also well known that pious monks included among their pious deeds the copying of generally useful books. Nestor’s story about St. Nikon, Theodosius and Hilarion, the student of Theodosius, is wonderful. “Many times,” he says, “it happened that when he led. Nikon sat and made books (binding), blessed (Theodosius) sat near him and spun the threads needed for this work; such is his simplicity and humility... Hilarion was very skillful in writing books; Every day and night he wrote books in the cell of our blessed father Theodosius, while this one sang the psalter with his lips, and spun waves with his hands, or did something else” 99. From the monuments of pious zeal for enlightenment that have come down to us, we see that its primary object was the dissemination of information about the subjects of Christian teaching, about those subjects that have a direct, necessary relation to the eternal salvation of the soul. Thus, they zealously tried to copy and translate the writings of the Church Fathers and the lives of famous Saints 100. But at the same time, some of the books of the same antiquity contain purely scientific subjects, subjects of Rhetoric, Philosophy, General History. Thus, the Izbornik, written for V.K. Svyatoslav, contains, in addition to theological and philosophical subjects, the rules of Rhetoric written by George Herobosk 101. The princes and shepherds of the Church spared no expense and labor to acquire from Bulgaria books left by the immortal educators of the Slavs and their worthy disciples. But then they did not think that replacing one word in translation with another, clearer one, Bulgarian Russian, means sin. “Svyatoslav, the sovereign ruler,” says Svyatoslav’s clerk, “having a strong desire to discover the hidden meaning in the depths of these difficult books, commanded my foolishness to make changes in speeches, while maintaining the same meaning.” § 11. Translation of the Bible and its interpretation The subject of special attention of the new Christians, without a doubt, was the word of God. The preface to the printed Ostroh Bible says that the publishers have in their hands the Bible translated under Vladimir V. 102. The latter was said only due to insufficient knowledge of the matter, as happened then and in other cases. If the Bible had been translated under Vladimir, then Rev. Nestor, as someone close to the time of Vladimir, could have known about this, and as a capable connoisseur of great deeds, he would not have kept silent about the great deed. On the contrary, he says: “by this the first books were laid down in the Morava, which was called the Slavic letter, and there is a letter in Rus',” and thus makes it clear that in Rus' they used the same translation that was made by the immortal enlighteners of the Slavs, Cyril and Methodius 103. And the ancient copies of the Holy Scriptures do not represent a new translation of the Bible from the time of Vladimir 104. Speaking about the Bible from the time of Vladimir, as the same one that was translated by St. Cyril and Methodius, we can only notice that a) St. Methodius, after he and St. were translated. Kirill selected readings from the N. and V. Testament for worship, translated all the canonical books of V. and N. Testament, but did not translate the apocryphal books 105; b) the same books were copied in the Russian Church in its first period, as the ancient lists of Biblical books 106 and the writings of Russian Teachers of that time undoubtedly assure us of. However, after the benefits. Vladimir and before the Mongolian period, pious, enlightened men were engaged in correcting the translation of canonical books. And not only did they compare the Slavic lists with each other in order to correct the mistakes of the scribes, but they checked the previous translation against the original text. This last point is fully confirmed by a comparison of the Slavic lists with the Greek text. The phenomenon was very important for the attention of subsequent centuries, when they began to think that with a change in the letter, faith and salvation disappear 108. For the Novgorod Prince, bl. Vladimir Yaroslavich, in 1030 prophetic books with interpretations were written. Interpretations belong to various Fathers and teachers of the Greek Church. Several copies from the manuscript written for this grandson of Equal-to-the-Apostles Vladimir 109 have survived for us: a precious monument of the fact that deep Antiquity tried to test the Scriptures. And this is not the only monument. The Psalter with the interpretation of Athanasius, the Psalter with the interpretation of Theodoret - were the subject of careful study 110. § 12. Teachers of the Russian Church Both prudence and the spirit of Christian humility demanded that the teachers of the Russian Church be guided by the experience of the great Fathers - Gregory, Vasily, John. And they strictly fulfilled this requirement. But just as the teachers of the Church must perform reasonable service to the Lord, and not service by memory alone, so the person they form, changing under the influence of circumstances, requires the application of the teachings of the Gospel to his various situations. For one reason or another, it was not enough for the teachers of the Russian Church to offer to the children of the Russian Church only what was said to the children of Greece under other circumstances, under other needs of the time. But in order for Russia to form its own Teachers, methods of education were required, and there were few of them in Russia, ruined by the civil strife of the princes. Living examples of spiritual education could also mean a lot in the education of Russian Teachers. But in Greece, where it was natural to turn our attention then, there were not many examples of education at that time. There were preachers in it, but very few, and there were few of them. There were historians, but with a dry list of years and unimportant matters. There were biographers, but with pompous verbosity and without power in their thoughts. There were no interpreters of Scripture, and there were no strict dogmatists, with the exception of polemicists with the West. Such were the times! Following the mentors, in Russia they chose the same subjects for mental study that were chosen by those. So in the Russian Church during the first three centuries there were teachers and preachers, there were chroniclers, there were biographers. But thanks be to the grace of Christ! What external aids could not give to the Russian Teachers, they were given by gifts, then by living Russian piety, then by the grace of God, which Russian piety called upon itself. The number of Russian Teachers of the first period of the Russian Church turns out to be significant even from the monuments now known. We leave the instructions of St. Theodosius 111, Novgorod Bishop Luke 112, Met. Nikifor, Russian in spirit, although not by origin 113 and some others 114. Ave. Nestor - a historian, Kirill of Turovsky - a preacher, Simon - an edifying storyteller, M. Hilarion - a teacher of faith, rightfully attract special attention. Ave. Nestor the Chronicler was not a Greek by birth, because he allowed himself to say: “the essence is that the Greeks are flattering to this day” 115, but, without a doubt, he is a Kievite. He entered the Pechersk Monastery 17 years before the death of St. Theodosius (1703) 116, and was tonsured by Stefan, and was recognized by him as worthy of the rank of deacon 117. His quick attainment and ordination to the rank of deacon shows that Nestor, even before entering the Monastery, was quite successful in spiritual enlightenment 118. He owed his education mainly to reading books, which he continued, according to the commandment of Theodosius, in the Monastery. A monument to his success in spiritual perfection is the fact that he participated in the prayers that healed the ascetic Nikita from demonic seduction 119, and in 1091 he was the first to reveal the relics of St. Theodosius. His death followed, most likely, in 1111. The Russian Vremennik, in which St. Nestor wanted to describe the times of the Russians from 832 to 1113 120, but managed to bring it to 1110, is a wonderful monument to Nestorov’s piety, his rare mind, his high experience, and his extraordinary talents. Ave. Nestor, referring to the Greek chronicles and domestic legends, with all the caution and skill, speaks briefly about ancient times, and at length about those close to him. Strict attention to historical reality is visible in the Vremennik on every page. If the accuracy of a distant event is not protected by correct evidence, he protects his narration about it with the remark: resha. Nestor's narrative, for all the dryness of the chronicle, breathes the life of Christian feeling. He is a reverent contemplator of the invisible rule of God's providence; he moves from legend to reflection and often repeats the instructions of the word of God. His character traits are visible either from descriptions of him, or even more vividly from the conversations of the characters. These features of Nestor the chronicler elevate Nestor all the more because some of them are not at all in modern chronographs and chronicles, others are overshadowed by bad qualities. Before the Vremennik, Ave. Nestor wrote about the martyrdom of Princes Boris and Gleb, among other things, in order to provide reading for the benefit of the obedience of the younger to the elders. The first part of this narrative, after a lengthy introduction, talks about the life and martyrdom of the Princes, about the transfer of the relics of K. Gleba to Vyshgorod in 1019, the second about miracles and the transfer of relics to the church built by Yaroslav and restored by Izyaslav 121. “After I wrote about the life and murder and miracles of Boris and Gleb, I forced myself to turn to another story - I am a sinful Nestor.” This is what the humble Nestor says and describes in detail the life of St. Theodosius. This description is so lively and fascinating, so clear and distinct, the characters are depicted so sharply and correctly that it can rightly be called an exemplary biography. 122 § 13. St. Cyril of Turov Saint Cyril Bishop of Turov, son of wealthy parents 123. Having rejected a rich inheritance, he accepted monasticism at the Turov Monastery and then enclosed himself in a pillar, following the example of the great stylites Simeon. The holiness of his life attracted general attention to him during the election of a new bishop: the prince and citizens begged him to accept the priesthood. In the rank of bishop, Kirill did not abandon his deeds of piety and added to this zeal for the salvation of others. He offered teachings to his flock, and these teachings glorified him so much that V. Prince Andrei Bogolyubsky wanted to read them. Loving most of all a prayerful conversation with God, he left approx. 1182 department, but without ceasing to love the brethren, he wrote instructions for Vasily, the rector of Pechersk, who was suddenly elected from the white priests and his brethren. The ascetic saint died not before 1183 124. According to the ancient RKP. It is known from the life of the Saint that he wrote Words on the Lord's feasts 125. Up to 11 Feast Words of St. are still known today. Kirill 126. These words rightly left behind Cyril the name of the Russian Chrysostom, but from the 12th century. They breathe the ornate spirit of Chrysostom and, more importantly, the spirit of Chrysostom, his love for the word of God and the salvation of others. St. Cyril in his Words also explains the Gospel narratives, presenting their spirit in pictures of pure imagination and deep feeling. His love for the word of God is expressed especially in the beautiful word for 5 weeks. on Easter: “Tell me, brothers, if someone closed his eyes at sunrise, not wanting to see this light, and said: darkness is better for me than light: would anyone really regret him, and would not rather hate and reject him?... The word of God is called holy in Scripture... I will ask again, and you answer me... if he distributed to you every day gold and silver, honey and beer: would you not yourself come and precede each other without being called? But now I am distributing to you the words of God, better than gold and expensive stones, sweeter than honey and honeycomb, and you will be deprived of them without coming to church. I do not take these words out of my heart: neither a good deed nor a useful word will be born in a sinful soul; we offer a story borrowing from the Holy Gospel" 127. Holy words Cyril according to the manuscripts are placed between the Words designated for pronunciation in the church, and were actually pronounced in the church after Cyril. But did the Saint himself preach his words in church, or were they offered to him in writing in the form of private instructions? This question is important in many ways. Words of St. Cyril leaves no room for doubt that St. Kirill preached them publicly in church. In the word for Easter he said: “And now, as in Galilee, we have gathered in the holy church,” etc. 128 In others, then complaining about those who do not listen to teachings, he asks those who came to the church to exhort those who did not come 129, then he imagines himself talking in a circle of brethren 130 and says: “I hoped, my friends and brethren, to gather you to church every week” 131. So St. Kirill was, in the proper sense, a church preacher. The now well-known Parable of Wisdom and the Word of Ordeal, of course, refer to the “helpful words” known to the ancient narrator. But these are no longer Words spoken in the church, from which these “words” differ greatly. In these two instructions of St. Kirill talks with one brother. The same number should include “the story of the Beloriztsy man”, written for Abbot Vasily, and an explanation of the rank of the Chernoriztsy with excellent thoughts about monastic life. Finally, besides the prayers of St. Cyril 132, the ancient narrator knew the Great Canon of his Lord. This penitential canon 133, known even now from manuscripts, is fully worthy of the name of the great, not because of its vastness, which is insignificant, but because of the abundance and depth of feelings. This is a sincere bitter cry of the soul about sins before the Lord. The ancient narrator noted that “the people of Russia are singing it to this day.” One must wish that the same could be said above about this canon, which is far better than many Greek canons. § 15. St. Simon Bishop of Vladimir Simon is the first Bishop of Suzdal and Vladimir. He spent his young years in the Pechersk Monastery, where he took monastic vows. Then he was Archimandrite of the Vladimir Nativity. Monastery. And when V. Prince George 2nd wished to have a special bishop in his capital, Vladimir on Klyazma, which until that time depended on the Bishop of Rostov, Simon was elected Bishop of Suzdal and Vladimir 134. Not captivated by either the celebrity of the rank, or the respect shown to him by everyone who knew him, even then, as he had spiritual consolations in Vladimir, 135 only by reverence for the title of God and the love of the pious Prince for him, he was kept away from the Pechersk Monastery, to which his soul aspired. “And I, Bishop Simon, a great sinner,” he wrote, “I grieve and grieve and cry and wish for death in that place, just to be laid in that blessed dust, and even if it is a small one, I will receive consolation and freedom from my many sins for the sake of Holy prayers” 136. In 1226 he was buried in the Vladimir Cathedral 137, but after his wish was fulfilled: his relics were transferred to the Kyiv caves. In the chronicles of St. Simon is called teaching and merciful, 138 and from his writings he is known as a pious and skillful writer of life. The Greek Church is decorated with a host of St. ascetics, and their lives, their sayings, were described with reverent zeal, as an example and excitement to the zealots of their lives. And the Russian Church, especially the Abode of the great ascetics Anthony and Theodosius, had already flourished before the time of Simon with many followers of the way of the cross of Christ. The situation of Simonov's friend, Polycarp, who was carried away by the spirit of impatience and curiosity, presented the case for the bl. Simon to depict for Polycarp the features of the ascetics who worked in the very Monastery from which Polycarp wanted to escape. In a series of stories about examples of holiness, he presented him with several monks who destroyed their souls with passions. He also showed what miracles marked the construction of the famous Pechersk Church. At the beginning of everything, in a special message, having depicted the state of his soul to Polycarp, he then concluded each private narrative with the convictions that the narrative presented to reflection. This message with the narratives attached to it was a favorite reading not only in the Pechersk Monastery, but throughout Russia, as the lists show. Like Nesterovo’s story about Feodosia Ave., the work of Bl. Simon became part of the Patericon of Pechersk. Unfortunately, later they decided to correct Simon’s excellent work. Henceforth, three types of the Patericon of Pechersk were compiled, and in each they shortened Simon’s writings, then rearranged his articles, then added their own. In general, they wanted to bring the narrative of Simon and his friend Polycarp closer to the composition of the Greek Patericon. This was before the 16th century 139. Moreover, the scribes themselves spoiled the erased 140. Simon's work was even more changed when they decided to publish the Patericon; this was in 1661 141 § 16. Orthodox teaching; bliss M. Hilarion The Russian Church, as the daughter of the Greek Church, accepted Christian teaching in the very form in which the Eastern Orthodox Church contained it, in the form in which the great P. Photius portrayed it to the West, who was a model of the best way of thinking for all Slavs. 142 After centuries of disputes that cost the lives and blood of thousands, the teaching of the word of God in the 10th century. received a certain form in the general concept of the members of the Church, and the Russian Church was left to enjoy the fruits of the bloody labors of Orthodoxy. We see this clarified concept of revealed truth, this penetration of sanctifying truth in the writings of the Russian teacher of faith, Blessed. Metropolitan Hilarion: mainly in his Confession of Faith. Before the title of Shepherd of all Russia, Hilarion was a priest of the village of Berestov, where the palace of V. Prince was located and where, following the example of his father, Yaroslav loved to live, enriching the apostolic church and its clergy with the gifts of his piety. Even then Hilarion was known as “a good man, a bookish man, and a faster.” Not content with performing the difficult priestly service, he performed special feats. From Berestov he walked to the secluded Dnieper hill, then covered with forest. Having dug a small, two-foot cave in the mountain, he retreated into it from the noise of everyday life: here he solitude sang the Hours and secretly prayed to God. Such exploits endeared him to the pious Prince and elevated him in general opinion. In 1051, elected and ordained Metropolitan, he did not abandon his strict life, and after his death (§ 1067) he was considered among the Russian holy men. 143 Works of Hilarion: A Word on Law and Grace, Praise to Kagan Vladimir. Confession of faith and moral instruction. In the doctrine of the law of grace, directed against the Jews, 144 firstly, the mutual relationship of Law and Grace is explained by the typical story of Hagar and Sarah, then the universal significance of Christianity and the local significance of the Mosaic Law are shown. This sets out the main idea of ​​Christianity - the union of the Divinities with humanity in Jesus Christ. Praise to Vladimir is an animated depiction of the merits and properties of Equal to the Apostles. Here you can see how vividly the soul of the Russian Teacher feels the dignity of the Christian faith, which Vladimir introduced into Russia in place of paganism. The depiction of why Vladimir chose the Greek faith is also valuable. In the Confession of Faith, Hilarion sets out his understanding of the dogmas of faith. More extensively than others, he depicts the dogmas about the Holy Trinity and the incarnation of the Son of God, in short - the future judgment and resurrection, his obedience to the seven Councils, the veneration of the Mother of God, icons, holy relics and the Church. “I believe,” says Hilarion, in one God, glorified in the Trinity, the unbegotten, beginningless, infinite Father; A begotten Son, but also beginningless and infinite; The Holy Spirit, emanating from the Father and appearing in the Son, but also co-originating and equal to the Father and the Son... I believe and confess that the Son, by the good will of the Father, by the will of the Holy Spirit, descended to earth for the salvation of the human race, but did not leave heaven and the Father... suffered for me in the flesh, like a man, but in Divinity remained impassive, like God. The Immortal One died in order to revive me who had died... I call the holy and glorious Virgin Mary the Mother of God, I honor Her and worship Her with faith. On Her holy icon I see the Lord as Her baby and rejoice. I see Him crucified and rejoice... Also, looking at His saints, I glorify Him who saved them.” Etc. “So I believe and am not ashamed,” Hilarion concludes, “I confess before the nations and am ready to lay down my soul for my confession.” This confession says that Hilarion’s faith was not a matter of one thought, but a matter of his whole soul, his whole life; it also shows that bl. Hilarion understood faith clearly, precisely and excellently. 145 § 17. Eternity to Orthodoxy; Bogomils By the grace of God, the Russian Church for its first two centuries observed Orthodox teaching faithfully, calmly, without shock from the plans of criminal curiosity. This, of course, was not a consequence of the small development of enlightenment; the ignorance of famous people of the 17th century did not prevent these people from rebelling with bitterness against the Church. On the contrary, this peace shows that Christian doctrine has been accepted and observed with deep reverent faith. In the depths of Russia, from the time of Vladimir until the invasion of the Mongols, only two persons appeared with hostility against church teaching. Under 1004, the chronicle noted that the heretic Adrian the monk and eunuch appeared in Kyiv, that he blasphemed the Church and its statutes, bishops, presbyters and monks. But M. Leontius (Leo) excommunicated Adrian from the Church, imprisoned him, and the guilty one repented. In 1123, the Nikon Chronicle reported that the heretic Dmitry appeared and M. Nikita ordered him to be kept in custody in his city of Sinelets (Sinets on the Sula River). The chronicle says nothing about Demetrius' heresy itself, but calls him an evil heretic. Taking into account the connection of the Bulgarian Church with the Russian, the warnings against the Bogomilov found in Russian manuscripts, the strong spread of their heresy from the 10th century. in Bulgaria, Greece and throughout the West, finally, the similarity of Adrian’s teachings with the teachings of the Bogomilovs, we cannot but recognize as the most probable that Adrian and Dmitry were listeners of the Bogomilovs. 146 § 18. The relationship of Orthodoxy to the Pope and the Pope to Orthodoxy The Russian Church, in its early times, as well as its subsequent ones, was distinguished by its tolerance towards people of other faiths. The Russian princes tolerated Jews in their domains. 147 Even more so did the Latin Christians suffer. Whether the latter were Russian subjects 148 or foreign merchants, they had their own churches near Kyiv and in Kyiv, 149 in Novgorod and Ladoga. 150 The Second Metropolitan of Russia, Leo, has already denounced the Romans. But his reproofs are gentle. He does not use a single harsh expression or reproachful comment, but through calm reflection he brings the Romans into the consciousness of the injustice of their tyranny. He talks at length about unleavened bread, then shows the impropriety of Saturday fasting and the celebration of the full liturgy in full force. Fasting, the wifelessness of priests, the use of strangulation for food, and finally the unjust teaching about the procession of the Holy Spirit and from the Son. 151 The lesson of humble tolerance was given for the Russian Church by Providence itself and at the most important time, at a time when the hottest displeasure broke out between the West and the East. In 1053 Humbert, the daring, hot-tempered ambassador of the Pope, because the Patriach did not allow the Latins to conduct an unleavened service in Constantinople, placed on the altar of the St. Sophia Church excommunication of Patriarch Michael Cerullarius and Leo Archbishop of Bulgaria. Michael, also not entirely moderate, hastened to translate the letter into Greek and published it along with an anathema against his uncalled judges. The letter also went to Kyiv, to the concern of the Russian Church. Imperial Constantine Monomakh, partly and in his own way, was not pleased with the actions of the Patriarch. Under the guise of distrust of the translation, he “demanded from the Russian city an exact list of excommunication.” In accordance with this, the Shepherds of the Russian Church warned their flock against the self-will of the West, but did not harbor in them enmity towards the West: they cultivated only meek love. M. John (1080–1098), not allowing divine services to be performed together with those serving on unleavened bread, wrote: “but eating with them in times of need for the love of Christ is not forbidden. If anyone wants to avoid something under the guise of purity or weakness, let him avoid it. Just beware that temptation does not arise from this, and great enmity and resentment are not born; To avoid greater evil (such as temptation and enmity), it is necessary to choose the lesser.” An excellent, apostolic rule! The same spirit of apostolic meekness, and even in a greater light, was expressed in the letter to the Pope by Mt. John the 2nd. “I don’t know,” he wrote, “how temptations and stumblings against God occurred. ways and why they are not corrected? I cannot quite marvel at what evil spirit, such an evil and hateful enemy of truth and opponent of unanimity, alienates your brotherly love from the entire Christian flock, suggesting that we are not Christians. But at first we always considered you Christians by God’s grace, although you do not retain the Christian faith in all its purity and differ from us in many ways.” 152 The consequence of such relations between Orthodoxy and other faiths was that Roman Christians, without any compulsion, recognized the action of the Spirit of God in the Russian Church and joined Orthodoxy. So the Varangian prince Shimon with 3000 of his squad, with priests and his family, leaving “Latin buest” (stupidity), joined the Russian Church, “for the sake of miracles that happened from Anthony and Theodosius.” 153 This is not how the Pope wanted to act on the Russian Church. From the beginning of the 9th century, the Pope began to openly consider himself the head of the entire Church. From that time on, the wrath of God apparently aggravated Rome. From time on he led. Photius, people began to sit on the Roman pulpit for whom it is difficult to give a real name. The darkness of ignorance, superstitions and absurd rituals began to thicken more and more over the unfortunate West. 154 But people are not admonished by the wrath of God. Crowds of missionaries under different names sought to conquer the north and everything to the Pope. The Lord alone saved the Russian Church and Fatherland from the Western flood. Even during the reign of the faithful Olga, the German Emperor made attempts to draw Russia into the circle of papal power. After a useless attempt to convert the pagan Vladimir to Latinism, the Pope's missionaries tried to act on the Christian Vladimir. At that very time they managed to lead the Roman service in Bohemia in place of the Greek, with the help of the weapons of Boleslav the Polish. He invested Boleslav with power (which he himself did not have) over all the Slavs, including Russia. 155 Boleslav, having married his daughter to Svyatopolk, Vladimir's son, sent the Kolbarg biskun Reinberg to Kyiv; and the Pope, for his part, sent an ambassador to Vladimir. 156 The German began by restoring Svyatopolk against Vladimir and finally persuaded him to embrace Latinism. Vladimir put Reinberg in prison, where he died. Svyatopolk and his wife were also imprisoned, and although at the insistence of Boleslav Vladimir freed him from prison, he left him without any possession. The bloody deeds of Reinberg's pet are well known. Boleslav came with a new biskun to burn Kyiv. The death of Svyatopolk the Accursed put an end to Boleslav's plans for Kyiv. 157 Vladimir's grandson V.K. Izyaslav-Dimitri in 1073 was expelled from Kyiv for the second time by his brother Svyatoslav. He turned to the Polish King for help, but he robbed him and sent him away. Imperial Heinrich attempted to help Izyaslav, but could not. Izyaslav, in the hope of the Pope's spiritual power over the West, sent his son to Pope Gregory VII. He complained both about Boleslav and about his misfortunes in Russia. “The King of Kings,” as Hilderbrandt called himself, demanded from Boleslav in 1075 that he “return everything taken” from Izyaslav. And he wrote to Izyaslav about his son: “In accordance with his answers and desires, we entrusted him with the management of the Russian State. In order for many other things that are not in the letter to be reliably established in your hearts, we are sending these ambassadors to you, one of whom is known to you and a faithful friend; they will explain to you in words what is and what is not in the letter.” What is it that is not in the Pope's letter? What is it that he considers necessary to establish in Izyaslav’s heart? Are thoughts about the duty of a Christian prince, or about the duty of every Christian? True, there is not a word about this in the message of the Shepherd of Rome. But they don’t send ambassadors for this, and Gilderand was not busy with that all his life. However, his written and verbal instructions remained without consequences. In 1077, Izyaslav received the throne, but not from the Pope - his brother died. And then there was no need for the Pope. 158 There were also assassination attempts under Monomakh. In the half of the 12th century. one Polish abbot was sent to Russia precisely in order to “win nations alien to Christ.” And under M. John 4 (1164–1166) there were ambassadors of the Pope in Kyiv. But the Metropolitan responded with a message to the Pope about the reasons for the division of the Churches. All worries were useless. The metropolitans, coming from Greece to Russia, protected Russia from Rome, because they knew the Pope briefly. By the end of this period, the Galician region alone experienced what it meant to be dependent on Roman power. At the end of the 12th century. it was in the hands of the Hungarians, and the Hungarians allowed themselves to do all the insults to Orthodoxy. The courageous and intelligent Prince Roman freed her from foreign power. P. Inocent 4, knowing Roman, decided to take advantage of Roman’s pride. In 1207, in a letter to all archbishops and bishops of Russia, Innocent invited everyone to unite with Rome. They could not hide that Russia had not thought of knowing the Pope until then; he wrote: “The Greek Empire and the Church submitted to the apostolic seat: is it not reckless if the part does not agree with the whole?” And the Pope's legate assured Roman that the Pope, with the sword of St. Petra will conquer the nations for the Prince and make him King. “Is this the kind of sword the Pope has? - Roman answered, pointing to his. While my sword is with me, he will give me lands; I have no need for anything else." But soon Roman died. His young sons were not yet able to firmly hold on to the legacy of their glorious father. For 10 years the region was troubled by unrest, then it fell to the Hungarian prince Koloman, and the Roman clergy did not lower its measures. Koloman was crowned a Latin archbishop, an Orthodox bishop and priests were married, churches began to be turned into churches, and the people were forced to embrace Latinism. Mstislav the Brave expelled the Hungarians and Latins from Galich. Thus ended the Pope’s efforts to subjugate the Russians. 159 § 19. The need for worship, and Greek worship in Russia Our ancestors felt and cherished the truth that for the Christian soul it is not enough to know the faith, but one must pray, one must serve God, that knowledge without deeds is dreaminess, often disastrous, and internal worship cannot but be expressed in the external at the same time as it itself has a need for it. Hence, the delight with which St. Hilarion speaks about the blessings is understandable. To Vladimir: “Rise from your grave, honorable head! Look at the holy city, shining with icons of saints, fragrant with incense, resounding with holy praises and divine hymns.” Russia, having accepted the faith from Greece, also accepted external worship from Greece. Divine service of the Greek Church during St. Vladimir retained so much simplicity and grandeur that his rituals were a transparent curtain through which the spirit of Christian worship shone: this was experienced by Vladimir’s ambassadors. 160 The Orthodox Church is the house of God of grace and the school of faith. Imbued with this thought about the church, blessed Vladimir, following the baptism of the people, began to erect churches of the new faith. At the site of the baptism of the people, a church was built in the name of St. Peter, a strong preacher of the faith. On the site of the overthrown Perun, a church was erected in the name of the Great Basil - the Angel of Vladimirov and the general prayer book before God. On the site of the painful death of the first two Russian martyrs, with special love, the church of the Mother of God - Mother of the Savior of the world, called Tithes, was built and enriched. In Vasilivo, the Prince’s favorite countryside place, a church to the Savior was erected. 161 His son Yaroslav, continuing the work of his equal-to-the-apostles father, generously squandered his treasury for the glory of the name of God. The chronicle noted on its pages the deeds of his piety: a) the Sophia Church for the glory of the hypostatic Wisdom of God, 162 photograph from Tsaregrad Sofisk. in a smaller size, but decorated with a generous hand, “gold, silver, precious stones, expensive vessels, and mosaics, so that this church deserved the surprise of the surrounding peoples”; it was a monument to both faith and gratitude for the victory won over the Pechenegs, the fierce enemies of the then Russia; b) the Church of the Annunciation over the Golden Gates of Kyiv, built with the thought, “may the joy of that city always be through the prayers of the Most Pure Mother of God and St. Archangel Gabriel" c) "And you set up other churches by city and by place, and you set up priests." 163 The princes, boyars, and shepherds of the Church were inspired by the same zeal for the glory of the name of God, erected churches one after another, and lavishly decorated them. The cathedral church of Vladimir by Andrei Bogolyubsky was decorated with amazing generosity: 5 domes were gilded, three church doors were decorated with gold, silver chandeliers were gilded, the vestments on the icons were forged from gold and sprinkled with pearls, three vestibules for storing Gifts were made of pure gold and with expensive stones, priestly vestments were embroidered in gold. 164 In 1124 in Kyiv, in Podol alone, 600 churches burned down. 165 In other cities, the number of churches appears to be more limited according to the chronicles, but nevertheless very significant. 166 In Russia, zeal for churches was also aroused by the example of the East, where they also diligently increased the number of churches. 167 And if there bl. Theophylact complained that many, leaving previously erected churches without attention, rushed to erect new ones in front of each other - out of sheer vanity 168, then this was not the situation in Russia. We are not talking about the time when faith was just being introduced in Russia: then the need for Christian churches was just as obvious as the ardent zeal for faith was natural. Russia imitated the Greek zeal for churches, because they said, “the churches there are full of people, in the villages and cities of the faithful everyone is devoted to prayer, everyone is coming to God.” 169 We must not forget that if, with the then low development of the power of thoughts, some dreamer Bogomil had managed to extinguish the sacred zeal for churches in the hearts of Russians, then the people would have been left without thoughts of faith, without Christian piety, for they would have been left without the most convenient school for faith and piety. That is why pious Shepherds, pious princes, and everyone who had the means of piety, exhausted their wealth both to build churches and to increase the sacred splendor in them. Their piety wanted everything sacred to be worthy of its name and purpose, and it considered its wealth to be the property of God. Pure zeal for the church of God was rewarded from above with special gifts in the person of St. Erasmus of Perechersky and Simon Varyag. In terms of internal and external arrangement, churches in Russia were Byzantine: cathedral with galleries (chambers) on the sides and on the western side, in two or one tiers. 170 Depending on what idea of ​​faith art and means allowed to express, they were built with 3 and 5, with 13 and 15 chapters (tops), and sometimes with one dome. To build the best stone churches, they did not consider it a sin to call on foreign artists, even German ones. On the contrary they said: “God bring masters from the smart lands.” From experience we saw that works of art are not the same as thoughts of faith - the churches of Russian artists soon fell. 171 The shrines of churches included the Cross and the Gospel, icons and relics of saints. The Cross and the Gospel were usually placed on the throne and were the subject of the deepest reverence, so much doubt had to be resolved about when and to whom to venerate them. 172 Monuments testify that at that time the four-pointed and six-pointed and osmic-pointed cross were equally revered, and nothing says that they even preferred the latter over the former, and there is no reason for that to be the case when they actually honored the cross of Christ. 173 From the very first times of Christianity, the thrones of the churches of Christianity were based on the relics of saints (Rev. 6:9). Due to the lack of St. It was considered sufficient for the remains to be content with small particles, and putting them into antimensions, to consecrate a new church with the suffering part. With this biblical meaning, St. relics, it is natural to have reverence for them and zeal to see them, whenever possible, in churches. The miracles that emanated from the remains of the blessed ones were obvious. Thus St. Vladimir, at the same time as he carried the news of the new faith to his subjects, brought with him from Korsun icons and relics of St. Clement Ep. Roman, and his disciple Thebes, and later placed them in the Church of the Tithes. 174 Constantinople, then the repository of relics, then, at the zealous pleas of Russian piety, delivered the remains of saints. Thus the relics of St. Vmch. Barbarians, a precious gift for the Russian Church. 175 Zeal for St. icons, which animated everyone, from the Bishop and the Prince to the common people, were awarded special gifts of God's grace - the manifestation of miracles from some saints. icons Among the latter, the following are especially famous: a) The Pechersk image of the Mother of God, in 1083, as a result of a vision, brought from Greece to Kyiv, and has since become famous for many miracles. 176 b) The image of the Mother of God, according to legend, written by the Evangelist Luke, brought from Constantinople to Vyshgorod, and from there in 1154 by Prince Andrew to Vladimir, and in 1164 glorified by the victory over the Bulgarians. 177 c) Novgorod Icon of the Sign of the Mother of God. In 1170, the Suzdal army, led by 72 princes, having inhumanly devastated the Novgorod region for 300 versts, proudly approached Novgorod. Novgorod's courage could not resist such a numerous enemy. Saint John of Novgorod turned with fiery prayers to God and the Mother of God. The siege had already lasted for four days when a heavenly voice announced to John: “Go and take the icon of the Mother of God in the church on Ilinnaya Street, and you will see salvation.” On the morning of St. the shepherd and all the clergy took the icon to the outer fortifications of the city. The people prayed with screams and tears. The besiegers extended their military courage to the point of insolence against the shrine, rained arrows on those praying and “shot the Suzdal icon of the Mother of God.” The besieged were encouraged, and fear fell on the besiegers. The people of Suzdal suffered a terrible defeat: so many of them were taken prisoner that they willingly took two nagats, i.e., a penny of silver, for the ransom of a Suzdal citizen. 178 Reverent zeal for St. icons 179 were awarded with special gifts of grace: so Rev. Alypiy, the reverent Pechersk icon painter, is himself known for his gift of miracles. 180 § 22. Liturgical books and singing Even if the historical monuments did not say so, it is in itself likely that when Christianity was introduced into Russia, they used those liturgical books that were translated into the Slavic language of St. Cyril and Methodius. – Bulgaria, which lovingly accepted the works of the Slavic enlighteners, passed them on to the Russian Church. 181 Napponian biographies of Slavic teachers 182, the news of Exarch John, 183 Nestor 184 and Western narrators 185 show that Cyril and Methodius translated for worship the Readings from the Gospel and the Apostle, the Psalter, the Book of Hours, the Book of Hours, the Liturgy, the Rites of the Sacraments, the Octoechos, and the great services holidays. 186 This is all that could be used for worship from Bulgaria in Russia and before Vladimir; especially with St. Vladimir. In Russia itself, Greek services began to be translated under Yaroslav V. Rev. Nestor says directly that Yaroslav forced him to translate “many books, return them to study,” and he also notes: “And Yaroslav loved the church statutes.” The last words, in connection with the first, leave no doubt that liturgical books were translated then. It was then that they began to translate the services to selected saints, written by Rev. Theophan of Nicaea 857 and Joseph the Songsinger 887 are the most prolific writers of the canons. The Triodion of Theodore and Joseph the Studites, without a doubt, was not left without translation when the venerable one was introduced. Theodosius 1070. Studite Charter. The difference between the Studio Charter and others, by the way, is that they are supposed to sing the canons of the Studio fathers 187. The following liturgical books of the Russian Church of the 11th and 12th centuries have reached us: the Gospel, the Stichirarion, 188 two Service Books. 189 Octoechos with songs of Joseph and Theophanes, Imp. Leo and Constantine, Festive Menaion. 190 According to the chronicles and other monuments, the use of the above-mentioned books of the Greek Church is also visible, with the inclusion of the Breviary, but the use of the Monthly Mena is not visible from anything. 191 At the end of the 11th century. The Russian singer, a contemporary of the trans., was also famous. Nestor, Gregory the creator of the canons. He probably wrote the service of Rev. Theodosius, when his relics were discovered in 1090, also Martyr. Boris and Gleb and the Great Martyr. George. Hilarion wrote “prayers for the Prince and for all Orthodoxy.” This was on the occasion of the consecration of the St. George Church. 192 Prayers and songs of St. Kirill Turovsky are already known. Before Yaroslav, our arbiters of church singing were from the Bulgarian Slavs 193. And in 1053, “three Greek singers with their own notes arrived in Russia, and from then a fair amount of osmoglasia began in the Russian land” - singing in the 8 voices of the Octoechos, especially the three-part sweet voice - singing with the addition of upper and lower tones, or in three voices, which is so disliked by the imaginary Old Believers, and the most degenerate singing - melodies composed by courtiers and patriarchal domestics - regents - singing to the glory of God about His Most Pure Mother and all the Saints. 194 § 23. Performing the Sacraments. A). Baptism The questions that have come down to us from Hieromonk Kirik with the answers of Nifont and other Russian Shepherds relate mostly to the service. They show both the state of the Greek modern rules of the Church and what has been done in the Russian Church, especially in relation to the rite of the Sacrament. From them, as well as from other ancient monuments, we can see how, when the Greek was combined with the life of a new people with a special character and with special circumstances of life, new questions were born, and then several new advice and new decrees followed. What is essential in the Sacraments could not be changed, just as the will of God is unchangeable. But another thing is the rituals surrounding the performance of the mysterious. The divine service of Orthodoxy accompanies the earthly pilgrim from the cradle to the grave: this has always been an attribute of Orthodox worship. Let's start with the birth of the spiritual - with Baptism. Mr. John, to the question: is it possible to baptize a newborn child if it is so sick that it cannot suckle from its mother? He answered: “For a healthy person, the Fathers commanded to wait three or more years. But for sudden cases of death, we find the period shorter; if it really hurts, even if it lasts for 8 days, baptize; We even command, if the total is less, so that one does not die unbaptized; baptize such babies, no matter what day and hour the danger of death is present.” 195 The general rule of the ancient Church was not to deprive infants of Baptism. The general rule was that sick children, like any sick person, should be baptized at the first danger of death. The latter is because Baptism is the door to the heavenly kingdom and with the deprivation of Baptism one does not enter this door. That is why it was accepted in the Russian Church that “if a child dies unbaptized, due to the negligence of the parents or the priest, then it will be charged to the guilty as murder, and a 3-year fast will be prescribed; if this happens against the will, there is no penance. 196 M. John rightly pointed to the Fathers regarding the baptism of infants in the third year, their age. St. Gregory of Nazianzus wrote in his Homily on Baptism: “What shall we say about infants who do not understand what grace is, but what punishment is? Should we baptize them too? Absolutely, if there is danger. Regarding the others, I give advice to wait three years, or a little more or less so that they can hear and repeat the necessary words of the Sacrament, and if not completely, at least understand it figuratively.” 197 Here, at the basis of the period of Baptism, the need for the baptized is accepted - to understand the Sacrament performed on them, and most of all the vows of Baptism. The theologian does not prescribe rules, but only gives advice. Mt. John says: “the Holy Fathers commanded” - this is not entirely accurate. The theologian expressed himself moderately. He understood whether it was more convenient for a baptized or an unbaptized child to study the faith, just as he knew that instead of children, recipients make vows in order to explain both the need and the content of their spiritual children, and the will to fulfill or not fulfill the vow, in any case, remains with everyone. In accordance with this advice, St. Euthoimius was baptized at the age of three. since Christian Baptism replaced circumcision, which was performed on all the children of Israel on the 8th day, and which also happened on the 8th day on our Savior himself, then on this basis some appointed the day of Baptism as the eighth day of the baby. African Council of the 3rd century. did not recognize this basis as immutable and believed that Baptism could be performed on the second and third days. 198 M. John also had this in mind when he applied what was said about children in general to sick children. It was customary for many to baptize children on the 40th day after birth. 199 The reason for this was the time of uncleanness of the mother feeding the baby. This custom was observed in Greece in the 11th century, 200, and it was also observed in the ancient Russian Church. Nestor writes about St. Theodosius that the parents “like a child who spent 40 days, sanctified him through Baptism.” 201 Greberstein even wrote at one time that in Muscovy, for no particular reason, for example. illnesses, infants are not baptized before 40 days. When it was allowed to shorten the period of Baptism for sick children, there was bewilderment, which was also suggested to M. John: “if there is no special nurse, and the mother remains unclean for forty days, then so that the child does not die without food, does he need to suckle the mother?” The Metropolitan answered: “Without a doubt, it is better to save life than to kill a child by abstinence.” 202 Nestor writes that Theodosius’ parents “on the 8th day after birth they brought it to the priest, as is the custom of peasants, and they would name their child.” This is how it is still in the Church Trebnik. From the chronicles we see that our Princes, in addition to the Christian name, also retained the popular name, and the latter was even more famous than the former. 203 Similar things happened in the first times of Christianity: those who were baptized retained, in addition to their Christian name, a pagan name. 204 But from the 4th century the Fathers began to prohibit the latter, especially because Greek names were often the names of idols. 205 Russian names were not like that: they spoke only about the properties of the face, and therefore they wore them without fear. However, by the end of the first period, only Christian names are often found. Regarding those of age who are being baptized, the rule of the Novgorod Church was: “catechetical prayers for a Bulgarian, Polovtsian, Chukhonets begin 40 days before Baptism, when they should leave the church as catechumens, for a Slav 8 days in advance, for an infant the catechumenate is combined with Baptism. 206 In the early times of the Russian Church, we no longer see that the time of Baptism of the aged was limited to the time of Easter, Pentecost and the Baptism of the Lord, as was observed in the 4th Christian century. The apostles baptized everyone whenever baptism happened: this was the case in the 11th century. and in Greece. 207 The continuation of the catechumen state was not limited by the ancient rules, it was different in different places and was reduced or increased, depending on the state of the catechumen. 208 The Council of Laodicea ruled right. 45, so that he who approaches Baptism should prepare himself by fasting throughout Lent. But from examples of the same 4th century we see that sometimes the announcement was limited to seven days. 209 Accordingly, for the Chukhonets, Polovtsians, Bulgarians, people who are rude and completely unfamiliar with Christianity, the Novgorod Church continued the announcements for up to 40 days. And for the Slav, who in the 12th century. I already had many cases of seeing Christianity; 8 days was enough. All this applied to adults, but not to children. Nifont added regarding the latter that “it would be better to leave them for a few days between the catechumens.” This is understandable only when considering the age at which children were baptized. From the rites of Baptism itself, according to the instructions of St. Nifont in his answers to Kirik, one can see: a) four prayers of announcement, probably the same as are now known, but which were then repeated up to 10 times. b) denial from Satan, performed with hands raised to heaven. The last action was combined with the following thought: “there is no evil of yours, nothing is hidden from me, I do not hold it anywhere and do not hide it.” And Niphon said that by doing this they drove away an invisible enemy. c) The water of Baptism was crossed three times with the sign of the cross. d) Baptism was performed by immersing the baptized person in water three times. 210 § 24. B). About Confirmation Confirmation, according to the rule of the deepest Christian antiquity, directly followed Baptism. Its execution, according to the instructions of Saint Niphon of Novgorod, is presented in the following form: “godparents” and a crown, and so anoint with the holy myrrh, and give him a candle” 211. Or as it is described in the history of the Baptism of the Muromites 212, “I smeared them with chrism; and put scarlet crowns on her, and bound them on her heads; they wear a cross and white robes and caps and boots, and give a burning light to everyone.” When compared with the monuments of the ancient Eastern Church, it turns out that these actions were also performed in the primitive Christian Church, with the exception of what does not relate to the Sacrament. A) It is undoubtedly known that the newly baptized put on new white clothes, which served as a sign of their new pure life. 213 B) St. speaks about a crown of flowers. Chrysostom to those preparing for Baptism: “those initiated into the Divine Sacrament know the power of this honor, but you too will soon know; then remember my word when a crown brighter than the rays of the sun lies on your head.” 214 Q) We are not talking about Confirmation, the visible side of the mysterious strengthening in a new life. Let us only note the words of the Russian rules: “anoint the forehead and nostrils, and ears, and one right hand with myrrh.” 215 The last thing - anointing one hand with the right is not visible in Eastern customs. d) Finally, the general custom was that the newly baptized held lighted candles, which, as the Theologian says, represent the light with which you will go out to meet the Bridegroom. 216 According to the ancient rule of the Eastern Church, after Baptism and Confirmation, the newly baptized were present at the divine service for eight days, and, observing fasting, received communion every day. The same was required by the rules of the ancient Russian Church and, as can be seen from various perplexities proposed by Kirik, it was carried out with precision. Until eight days, the newly baptized was considered unresolved, but on the eighth day it was permitted with prayer and washing the face with a sponge. It is more than likely that the expression of the ancient rules: permit, meant not only the removal of the white robe in which the newly baptized was clothed, but also the removal of the bandages under which the anointed parts of the body were located. 217 Niphon said: “If they say (to the priest): give permission quickly so that the sick child does not die; then let him say: is it really bad to stand like this before God, bearing the intact seal of Christ? I would be glad if I had a chance to do this.” 218 This Sacrament was also performed over the Latins when they joined Orthodoxy; but they did not repeat Baptism over them. The order of their joining is clearly depicted by Niphon. 219 In the same way, those who had the misfortune of being captured by enemies and wavering in their confession of faith were returned to Orthodoxy. 220 There are enough comments about the Eucharist in our rules. We are not talking about comments regarding the persons preparing the prosphora. 221 Kirik asked Niphon: should he serve at one prosphora? Nifont answered: “If it is far away in the village, and there is nowhere to get another prosphora, he is worthy to serve; if there is a trade nearby where you can buy, then it’s not worthy.” 222 The answer is judicious and very remarkable. He shows that the Shepherd of Novgorod correctly understood the essence of the Sacrament, i.e. that in fact, for the Eucharist one bread is necessary: ​​one bread, one body we are, for we partake of one bread, says the Apostle (1 Cor. 10:17). Giving instructions about the funeral liturgy, the same saint says: “always serve the funeral liturgy in three prosphoras, one great, separate the lamb from it - here the dead are not remembered; and those two for repose.” 223 Here too, the necessary, most important prosphora seems to be one - the great one. Regarding other prosphoras that existed, we note that in the ancient Service Books there is no account of prosphoras at all, and there is no definite provision about their number. Eg. according to the service book of the Anthony Monastery of the 12th century, the count of prosphoras is not indicated; after the description of the action over the main prosphora, the following are shown: a) prayer: “may the Lord accept the sacrifice in honor of the Saint”; b) prayer: “may he receive health and salvation”; c) prayer: “may the Lord remember the souls of the departed,” and nothing more. 224 We see the same thing in the above rules of Niphon: if need did not pose any obstacles, then they served in more than one. But on how many exactly, there was no rule about that, and due to a lack they served on only one. The Service Book is now known, where the rite of Proskomedia is limited only to the preparation of the lamb. 225 It is known that in the first times of Christianity, each of those receiving communion brought his own offering, and so on. There could not have been a determination of the number of prosphora at that time. Nifont considered it proper that for a custom funeral liturgy two funeral prosphoras should be brought, i.e., one for the commemoration of the deceased for whom the service itself is being performed, the other for the commemoration of others. M. Clement made a remark against those who brought prosphora to the funeral service along with the koliv and said that this does not happen in Constantinople, where the funeral prosphora is brought to the altar. 226 All this only shows that at that time they still remembered the ancient custom of the Church to bring what was theirs to the altar for themselves and their own. It is known that in the 11th and 12th centuries. in the East itself, not as in ancient times, they did not often approach the Lord’s Table, and most of them were out of coldness towards piety, and some were out of a feeling of unworthiness. And in the Russian Church they decided to be content with some antidoron instead of communion. 227 Nevertheless, just like the multitude of Kirik’s questions about the Holy Mystery, some clear words of the ancients show that at that time in the Russian Church reverent laity often received communion. Therefore, M. John gave a strict rule not to consider anyone a Christian who did not receive communion once a year. 228 Especially the time of Easter was the usual time of communion. 229 On its first day (“great day”) all the elders and children received communion. Regarding the latter, Niphon, resolving several confusions, by the way says that since they cannot always and not all wait for the general liturgy, then leave gifts from the Liturgy of V. Saturday, and thus give them communion on Easter day after Matins. 230 Quite a few questions were asked regarding who should not be allowed into the Holy Mysteries. A clever answer was given to a simple-minded question: is it necessary for someone who has pus coming out of their mouth to receive communion? “Velmi is worthy,” answered Nifont, “for it is not the stench that excommunicates the holy things that comes from the lips of others, but the stench of sin.” 231 Regarding the presbyter preparing to serve, Kirik among other things 232 asked: is it permissible to serve after dinner without sleeping the night, but spending it in singing or reading? The bishop answered: “What is better - to sleep or to pray to God?” 233 Kirik’s question is remarkable because in the East in ancient times, presbyters prepared for service with all-night singing, reading and prayers. 234 From the answers of the Russian Shepherds Nifont, Sava and John, we see that at that time the liturgies of Chrysostom and V. Basil, and the rite of the Presanctified Liturgy, were known, but the rite of preparing the lamb for this last liturgy, and for the sick, 235 the rite of communion for the dangerously ill, 236 required some certainty. “If someone comes to me for repentance,” asked Kirik, “then is it not possible for me, Vladyka, to send him to someone else?” “It’s a sin not to accept,” answered the Shepherd. “But I’m ignorant and senseless,” says Kirik. The shepherd answered: “He wants to reveal everything to you, loving you, but he will not go to anyone else, or he will not confess everything, being ashamed. In this case, let you be a holy man, begin to work miracles and raise the dead, but if you don’t accept, you will go to torment; if you accept, but do not manage, then so too, but he is without sin.” 237 The latter is hardly fair: one must repent and do works of repentance not for the sake of a famous person. After strong requests from the humble Kirik, the Shepherd allowed him to be sent to another, but “with love, if only he is skilled; since repentance is a matter of will.” Saint John believed: “If anyone wants to go from one spiritual father to another, then tell him: ask him for leave. If you don’t want to anger that father and decide to receive him secretly, then say: take his prayer and give the gift as before, but keep the correction with me secretly and listen to me; but know that if you are the same to another as to him, then there is no benefit for you.” 238 Regarding penitents, the rules of the Russian Shepherds are distinguished by prudent leniency. If a person repents and has many sins, what should he do? – asked Kirik. Saint John “did not order at that time to impose penance, but to assign something small until he learned; then add it little by little, but don’t make it too aggravating.” 239 Another unknown archpastor of ours wrote: “Listen to the beloved and honest priest: for I have heard many sinners, for the friends of the priest do not accept the kingdom of God for a sinful man. About the same thing will be closed. Not only this, but also the judgment of evil will be revealed. For the Lord Himself said: I did not come to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. To those who have accepted the repentance of any person, hereby give a commandment: to those who are weak and reasonable, and to those who fear God, give a great commandment; If you have endured goodness, you will receive greater salvation. And give a small commandment to those who have committed many sins, choosing to be ignorant, so that they will not perish in despair.” 240 Kirik asked: should spouses help each other in carrying out penance? Nifont answered: “He is worthy of the velma by will,” voluntarily: “just as spouses help each other, take their brother.” 241 In the hands of Kirik there was a book where it was said that 10 liturgies, ordered in the form of penance, relieve the sins of four months, 20 cover 8 months, and 30 cover a whole year. This is something similar to Latin indulgences. The article is still known today, almost the work of the Uniate Greek: “the commandment and statutes of St. Father 318 in Nicaea, where Selivester was the pope,” where the same easy method of salvation is proposed. Niphon said indignantly to Kirik: “What is this? If so: then a rich man would sin without hindrance, and would only pay for his service, and would not limit himself in anything. No, that won't do." 242 Niphon also limited the relaxation of those who had just during Vel. By fasting they were kept from serious sin, a relaxation based on the rule of John the Faster. 243 Christianity, a pure, heavenly faith, having entered Russian society, found strong unrest in the family life of the Russian people, destructive unrest, and for civil life it was necessary to fight a lot against paganism. It was a wonderful custom of Russian Christianity at that time to receive Holy Communion to those getting married. Niphon said that it is necessary to honor the life-giving Mystery even when one of them is under penance. 244 Holy in itself, this rule was saving then in the sense that it taught the rude people the sanctity of marriage. The common people did not consider it an obligation to ask for the blessing of the Church to marry; they thought that this blessing was an advantage of princes and boyars. 245 Such freedom was actually the fruit of wild pagan rudeness, which left the marriage union to unconditional arbitrariness, as St. Nestor. 246 Among the Serbs, even during the time of the first Serbian archbishop St. Savva, the common people took wives without blessing in the church, and just like in Russia, they considered weddings to be a distinction of people of the upper class. 247 Christianity could not tolerate such customs. “To people who are simple in name and by common opinion,” says the Metropolitan, “we give admonition and say: only the ignorant in the law allow such copulation for the simple and ignorant; - without the Church of God, without a blessing, they celebrate a wedding, calling it a secret understanding; penance be imposed on those who take wives in this way, like fornicators.” In another rule, clearly establishing such a custom of the common people in connection with paganism, the Shepherd commands to use every effort to enlighten ignorance, instruct, exhort, and strike with the fear of excommunication from the Church. 248 The pagan life of the Russians allowed polygamy. The Yaroslavl statute on church courts imposed a penalty on a husband keeping two wives; and he ordered his second wife to be taken to the church house so that her relatives would pay a ransom for her. Metropolitan John wrote about the shameless: “this is contrary to faith and Greek faithful life,” and ordered that the disobedient should not be considered Christians. 249 Niphon also spoke against the same thing. 250 The same pagan life granted the right to change wives according to the will of passions, but Christianity does not act in concert with passions. Yaroslav imposed a civil penalty on the husband in addition to the monetary fine, and if the couple mutually agreed to divorce, he imposed only a monetary penalty. The latter was an indulgence in ingrained custom, unless it applied to cases of legal divorce. M. John found it possible to act closer to the spirit of Christianity: he excommunicated the guilty from communion of the Holy Mysteries and ordered admonishments to be made to the common people who were little familiar with the spirit of Christianity. 251 But the same Metropolitan, in the event that someone left his wife for reasons of piety, allowed such a person to be honored with the rank of priesthood, and the wife to enter into a new marriage: this was only in the spirit of the then Greek piety. 252 Metropolitan John, with his rules, also pointed out the limits that nature sets for marriages in degrees of kinship, repeating thoughts justified in the Greek Church. 253 However, the Princes did not always follow these rules, as well as the prohibition of the same Metropolitan to marry non-believers. 254 A priest was subjected to defrocking when, knowing or not knowing, he consecrated a tripartite with the Sacrament. Condescension to weakness allowed only the reading of prayer. 255 § 28. Blessing of Anointing and Burial of the Dead Niphon gave rules on how to pray over the sick. From his words it is clear that the current rite of the Blessing of Anointing was the rite of that time, but some parts of it were missing then. It is known that the canon of the Blessing of Anointing is the composition of the blessed one. Arseny Bishop of Corfu of the 10th century, placed in the current Rite with changes against the original, and then he was not at all visible among the Slavs. China. 256 Nestor writes that Rev. Theodosius, when they brought the sick to him, with a prayer for help for them, sent them to St. Damian, a presbyter and faster, with this command to “make a prayer to the sick; and abiye made a prayer and anointed the oil, and healed the priest.” There is no doubt that St. Damian used the mysterious Blessing of Anointing to heal the sick. Niphon, it seems, allowed the prayer of Anointing to be read: “Holy Father, Physician of Souls,” etc., in the absence of the sick person, in the cell, which would not be in accordance with the pure understanding of the mystery. 257 And prudently and with benefit for everyone, Niphon advised human fussiness not to rush into burying the deceased. He forbade burying the deceased after sunset and even when the sun was inclined to the west, and said: “for this is the last thing the sun sees until the future resurrection.” 258 At the earnest request of Simon, who joined Orthodoxy from Latin, St. Theodosius wrote the following calming prayer for him: “In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Remember me, O Lord, when you come into your kingdom, and give it to anyone according to his deeds; then, O Lord, grant Thy servant Simon and George at the right hand of Thee in Thy glory and to hear Thy good voice: come the blessings of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you.” Simon, passing on this prayer to the dead, adds: “That is why it was established that such a writing should be given to the dead, for before this no one had done this in Rus'. 259 We can believe that before this incident there was no custom to give this or a similar prayer. But the prayer of permission is also known among the Greeks, but not with the same content. 260 Nifont did not order the graves to be torn up when they buried one with an icon: “there is a Christian.” On the same basis, to the question, is it necessary to perform a funeral service and remember a baby? answered: “Even if he died at the same hour as he was baptized, perform the funeral service. We do not share sins over the dead, as over the saints: for every Christian must have something holy, and God judges everyone.” 261 The forty-day commemoration “in the shrine” (as the cemetery church was called) 262 was recognized as an irrevocable duty. Recognizing the importance of this commemoration, some ordered to commemorate themselves alive. Niphon, forbidding this, said: “it is better to entrust a friend to do this after death; and if one accepts the magpie, then it must be declared that such a one must certainly abstain from sins: “a dead man shall not sin.” 263 Nifont said that burying the poor at one’s own expense is something good for the soul. 264 According to the chronicles, we see poor women in Novgorod and other cities. 265 § 29. Sign of the cross Judging by the deep reverence that the ancient Christians of the Russian Church had for the power of the cross of Christ (§ 20), there is no doubt that they often protected themselves with the sign of the cross. 266 But how were they fenced? Only a few icons and relics remain for us as monuments of the sign of the cross used in the ancient Russian Church. On the mosaic icons of the St. Sophia Yaroslav Church, Saints Gregory and others are depicted teaching blessings - a blessing that is close to the so-called now-named blessing. 267 The frescoes recently discovered under four layers of paint in the same church represent the saints in the same form: the saint’s thumb is inclined to the fourth: the little finger is raised, not bent, and the index finger is slightly inclined towards the middle. On the ancient chalice, the Savior and John Chrysostom give a blessing in the same form, and the Forerunner of the worshiper has his first three fingers bowed to one another. 268 Among the relics of ancient Russian saints, the most remarkable in this case are the relics of St. Spyridon, who labored in the 12th century. The first three fingers of his right hand are folded together, the last two are bent to the palm. The hand is folded so tightly that if anyone wanted to give a different position to its fingers, he would probably break them rather than fulfill what he wanted. And next. The monk remains in the position of prayer in which the moments of death found him and therefore remains a preacher-accuser for the spoken Old Believer, and whenever it is not in vain. 269 The Spirit of God's grace, living and acting in the Church of Christ, deigns, at His discretion, to reveal His special glory in certain persons and at certain times. The young Russian Church, attentive to the wills of the Holy Spirit, sanctified the glory of His ways, shown in former times, and accepted the festivities of the Greek Orthodox Church in its then form 270. She accepted with love and for spiritual joy for the modern Slavic Church, what are the days of St. Cyril and Methodius - Slavic enlighteners 271, St. Vyacheslav of the Czech Republic as his woman Lyudmila 272, Protection of the Mother of God, seen by the Bulgarian Slav St. Andrey 273. Due to the same attention to the works of the Spirit of grace, the Russian Church established festivities in honor of the benefits shown to itself, and celebrated them locally for some saints until the full revelation of their glory. a) The most joyful holiday for the Russian Church was the celebration of the glory of St. passion-bearers, Princes Boris and Gleb. Their glory and power in heaven constituted a guarantee for her integrity in the future, a joyful thought about the recently past. The miracles that took place at the grave of the Passionate people testified to their holiness. In 1020, Metropolitan John I and the clergy removed their relics from the grave, opened them and found them incorrupt, while St. The body of Prince Gleb remained in the forest for about 4 years, where his killers abandoned him, under the influence of air changes. The coffins were placed in the chapel. New miracles followed, and on the advice of the same Metropolitan V.K. Yaroslav erected a wooden church in Vyshgorod in the name of St. passion-bearers. The church was consecrated on July 24 - the day of the murder of St. Boris and his relics were placed in triumph in this church. It is established to celebrate this day every year, “as it is now being done,” adds St. Nestor. This time the celebration lasted eight days. Yaroslav treated the rich and the poor princely 274. In 1072, a new church was built in Vyshgord, and a new celebration took place. In 2 days May Council of bishops, princes, monks, “in them was our venerable father Theodosius Hegumen of the Pecher monastery. shining like the sun,” were witnesses to the glory of St. princes. The relics were transferred to the new church by three princes. M. George opened the crayfish, and the incense spread in the air. George, hitherto distrustful of the glory of the Russian princes, fell before the tombs of the martyrs, prayed for forgiveness of his sin, kissed the hand of St. Boris, blessed V.K. Vsevolod and others with it. K. Svyatoslav received healing from a long-standing illness. 275 The holy passion-bearers did not cease to pour out blessings on their suffering fatherland, and once again (in 1115) all of Russia gathered to celebrate the transfer of their relics to the new state church, erected by the piety of Monomakh. This time the celebration was as magnificent as it had never happened before. 276 b) In 1089, the Pechora Church, famous for its signs, founded in 1073 by the Monk Theodosius 277, was consecrated by M. John 2 and the Council of Bishops. And in 1091, the reverent zeal of St. Nestor discovered the incorruption of the relics of Theodosius himself, and they were transferred by the Council of Bishops to the Pechersk Church. The wise M. Nicephorus in 1108 conciliarly inscribed the name of St. Theodosius among the saints of the entire Russian Church 278 . c) After the completion and consecration of the St. Sophia Church (in 1037), V.K. Yaroslav decided to build a monastery church in honor of his Angel the Great Martyr. George. The construction of the church was unsuccessful. There were few workers because they were afraid of losing payment for work for the Prince. The Good Prince “commanded that the kunas be taken to the Komari (under the arches) of the golden gates. And he announced it to the people at the market, and let everyone take a nogat (12 1/2 kon. sir.) for the day.” Many workers showed up, and the church was finished. Metropolitan Hilarion consecrated it on the 16th day of November, and established that the 20th day of November should be the annual feast of St. George. According to the Chronicles, we see that even after that churches and monasteries were dedicated to the name of the Victorious, seeking his help in the days of battle 279. d) Ok. 1092 M. Ephraim ordered to celebrate on the 9th day of May the transfer of the relics to. the wonderworker Nicholas from Myra in Lycia in Bar, the Apulian city. This is due to the miracles of the saint on water and land, in public and family life, which our ancestors also saw, dedicating as many churches to the name of this saint as to any other saint 280. e) There is no doubt that in the 11th century the memory of Equal-to-the-Apostles Prince Vladimir and his faithful mother Olga was already honored, although it is unknown by whom and when exactly it was established to celebrate their memory 281. In the 12th century, fewer new festivals were introduced for the entire Church than in the 11th century. a) In 1160, when, by the will of K. Andrei Bogolyubsky, they dug ditches for a new church in Rostov, the incorruptible relics of the Rostov saints Leonty and Isaiah were discovered. It was then established to celebrate their memory 282. b) In 1164, the victory of the same pious Prince Andrew over the Mohammedan Bulgarians glorified the power of the cross of Christ, and at the same time in Greece Imp. Mapuil defeated the Mohammedan Arabs. Therefore, in both Greece and Russia it was confirmed to celebrate the Cross of Christ on the 1st day of August 283, while even according to the Monthly Word of the Ostromir Gospel (1070), July 31 was supposed to be “worship of the Honest Tree.” 2. The memory of some other Russian saints of God was honored locally, awaiting the special will of God to glorify them throughout the Church. This is how they honored St. Anthony and some other Pechersk ascetics 284 Book. Igor and Novgorod Shepherd Nikita 285. § 31. Disputes about fasting on Wednesday and Friday About half of the 12th century. Disputes opened in the Russian Church about fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays, or about how to spend these days if they happen to be holidays. In 1157, the Rostovites kicked out the pious Bishop Nestor because he did not allow them to eat meat on Wednesday and Friday and on the Lord's holidays, excluding the days of Easter and Pentecost, the days of the Nativity of Christ and Epiphany. Some Theodore, deprived of his place, nephew of the Greek Manuel, Bishop of Smolensk, increased his dislike for the thoughts of Nestor in Rostov. He taught something completely different, i.e. that Wednesday and Friday fasting can be allowed not only for all the Lord's holidays, but even for the memory of a famous saint. In 1161, the new Mt. Theodore acquitted Nestor, and yet Nestor was forced to go to P. Luke Chrysovergus. The Patriarch condemned the thoughts and actions of the unauthorized Theodore and acquitted Nestor. Meanwhile, Leon, Bishop of Rostov from 1158, extended his severity to the point that he condemned the thoughts of not only Theodore, but also Nestor, and demanded that fasting on Wednesday and Friday not be allowed for any holidays. A heated argument began. Condemned at the local Council and expelled for resistance, Leon went to seek trial in Greece. Having found the Emperor in Bulgaria, he persistently and boldly argued with the Bulgarian Bishop Adrian, but was condemned 286. In 1168, the dispute opened in southern Russia. In Kyiv, Polycarp, the pious Abbot of Pechersk, was subjected to trial and condemnation for the fact that in his Monastery he did not forbid allowing the fasting of Wednesday and Friday not only on the Lord's holidays and Pentecost, but also on the celebration of deliberate Shrines. Polycarp's opinion was approved in the south by some bishops and the prince of Chernigov, but not the Metropolitan, and not the Chernigov bishop Greek, who remained with the opinion of Nestor. Polycarp protected himself with the Studite charter. Although even after the Council, which condemned Polycarp to imprisonment, many remained with Polycarp’s opinion, the dispute was never resumed. It is not difficult to see what gave rise to such disagreements in the Russian Church. Our Chronicles themselves mention that Polycarp pointed in his favor to the studio charter; and this makes it clear that others had in mind a different charter, or other decrees. In fact, Wednesday and Friday in ancient times were days of fasting or half-fasting. And in ancient times, restrictions were made on this fast for a few great holidays. But over time, holidays multiplied in the Church. At the same time, according to the concept of the holiday, restrictions on fasting Wednesday and Friday were added. Thus, the statutes of Jerusalem, Studite, and the Holy Mountain in the 11th century. found themselves disagreeing with the customs adopted in one place or another after the 8th century. From here, just like from Russia, doubts arose about the same post in Greece. Only here they appeared first, in the 11th century, and by the end of that century they gave way to new decisions about fasting. Considering the well-known Greek customs of piety, we see that Leon had in mind the most ancient rule about fasting, but his excessive severity neglected even the ancient rule about Pentecost. Theodore and Polycarp wanted to follow the studite rule of the 10th century, Nestor and the Metropolitan wanted to obey the rules adopted in Greece in the 11th century, and their desire finally remained the rule of the Church. Here are examples of how not every thought of antiquity can earn the approval of the entire Church, and its stubborn defense can turn into harm to the soul! Let us note the difference in thoughts about this matter in Greece and Russia: a) in Greece only doubts arose about the fast of Wednesday and Friday, and they hastened to resolve the doubts by recalling the Patriarch, without starting heated disputes from it. In Russia, on the contrary, there was a heated debate about the difference between days; b) in Greece nothing similar was seen to raise the question of days in connection with faith. In Russia they said: the Leontief heresy is gone, and, of course, they said it as an insult to the pure Christian meaning 287 . § 32. Metropolis of all Russia In order for the mystical body of Christ to grow freely and not be stopped in its growth by the obstacles of the flesh and self-will, the Church needs rulers. The Russian Church, meek as the spirit of the Gospel, accepted the structure of government from the Greek Orthodox Church, in the person of the Metropolitan of All Russia. Although Nestor, in his Chronicle, mentions the Metropolitan for the first time only in the narrative about the time of Yaroslav V. and specifically, about Met. Theopempt (1038–1049), but this does not mean at all that Theopempt was the first Metropolitan of Kyiv. a) Nestor himself, without speaking anywhere about the opening of the Kyiv metropolis, in the Life of the Good. Princes Boris and Gleb speaks of M. John, who discovered the relics of these Princes in 1020. b) The predecessor of M. John 1 Leontius is equally undoubtedly known from his own writing. c) Dietmar, a contemporary of Vladimir and Yaroslav, speaks of the Archbishop of Kiev in 1017. d) According to the diplomatic papers of our fatherland, it is known that the first Mt was received from Constantinople by Equal-to-the-Apostles Vladimir. So the news from Nikon is quite certain. Years, Step. Book and other monuments 288 that the first Mt was St. Michael. Since 1035, when Yaroslav established a metropolitan house with accessories at the St. Sophia Cathedral, the Metropolitan lived in Kyiv. But before that, and sometimes after, he lived in Pereyaslavl Russian (Kiev) 289. “And I, a sinner, received the grace of the Most Holy Spirit from the Most Reverend Patriarch of the Ecumenical and from the Holy Council, and came to Saint Sophia in the Metropolis of All Rus' in Kyiv and to all Christians who are found throughout the Russian land as a shepherd and teacher... Do you not know that all the Russian lands are rulers under my power and in my will? And I place them by the grace of the Most Holy Spirit.” This is what Saint Alexy Metropolitan wrote in his time to the rebellious 290. And the very first Metropolitan of Kyiv says the same thing, as history shows. For all of Russia, the Council of Constantinople appointed one Metropolitan - the Metropolitan of Kiev. This happened at the very beginning under Equal-to-the-Apostles Vladimir 291. The whole of Russia was accepted by the Council of Constantinople as one region, the Metropolitan of Kiev was the first Bishop. 33. The attitude of the Metropolitan to the Bishops and Princes of Russia The spirit of love that united the Bishops under the authority of the Metropolitan was reflected in all the relationships of the Metropolitan. a) In accordance with the spirit of the original Christian Church 292, the Metropolitan of Kiev, as the primate Bishop, was the Shepherd of the Russian Shepherds. He accepted complaints against them, judged their actions, justified or accused them, 293 appointed new bishops, as required by the rules of the first Ecumenical Church. Cathedral (5 and 6). But in important cases, he did not decide anything on his own, did not introduce anything new without the Council of Bishops. “Even (if) the Bishops do not listen to their metropolitan, they are called upon by him to create a Council. Posvariti (scold) them with fatherly punishment,” wrote M. John. The departments of the three Bishops (Yuryevsky, Pereslavl, Belogorodsky), obviously, were placed so close to Kyiv for this purpose, so that in cases of need, at least some of the advisor-bishops could come to the Metropolitan every time. The Metropolitan, for his part, did not change the orders of the Bishops, without communicating with the diocesan bishop. He supervised the purity of faith and piety throughout the Russian Church. Every bishop saw in him a ready adviser for doubtful cases, an assistant in difficult circumstances. And the Metropolitan mutually expected assistance from their love, especially prayer. “And pray for me, honorable teachers and rulers of the Russian land,” said Hilarion. b) in relation to V. Prince and appanage princes, the Metropolitan was a teacher of faith and piety. And in this only rank he spoke the word of salvation to the Prince, spoke with humility and evangelical love, as a messenger of heavenly love 294. He did not intervene in civil matters on his own, did not pretend to be a judge of the Princes, as was the case in the West. The Princes themselves, during mutual disputes, surrendered themselves to the reasoning of the Metropolitan, listened to him, like the children of a father 295. All this was a matter of piety for the Metropolitan and the Princes, and a high matter worthy of the gratitude of posterity. In disastrous times of civil strife, the Metropolitans were the guardians of the Russian land. Meek as Angels, they, with the love of the Gospel, tried to stop the bloody strife of the princes, went themselves or sent Bishops to places of discord, pacified the wild passions of people with their word of the Gospel. So M. Nicholas persuaded Monomakh to make peace with Svyatopolk, and through the Metropolitan, Vyacheslav made peace with Vsevolod. When Yuri Dolgoruky wanted to hand over his cousin to Yaroslav Galichsky, the Metropolitan said to Yuri: “It’s a sin for you to kiss the cross, to keep him in such need, and you still want to hand him over for murder.” And Yuri obeyed. “Prince! “We have been placed by God in the Russian land to keep you from bloodshed,” Metropolitan K. Rurik said and showed him a way to prevent a war with V.K. Vsevolod 296. In important cases, metropolitans gave advice for the benefit of the State, for example. Vladimir I, about stopping the robberies, but did not cancel a single civil resolution, did not introduce a single secular rule, as was the case in the West 297. V. The princes and peoples greeted the Metropolitan - Teacher and Father of Russia - with triumph and joy. Everyone considered it a blessing to receive the blessing of the High Hierarch. But as the Sovereign of the land and the Head of the people, V. Prince could refuse the metropolis to a person who turned out to be useless to the country 298 . 34. Attitude towards the Patriarch A) upon the election and consecration of a Metropolitan The attitude of the Metropolitan of All Russia to the Patriarch of Constantinople expressed not so much the subordination of the Metropolitan to the Patriarch as the union of the younger Church with the older. And the patriarch’s most significant influence on the state of the Russian Metropolis was expressed in the fact that he enjoyed the right to elect and appoint the Metropolitan of all Russia. At the beginning, when Russia’s conversion to faith had just taken place, the very state of affairs provided the Patriarch with the election and decree of the Metropolitan of Russia: the blessed Vladimir was aware and felt of this 299 . Under the wise Yaroslav, dissatisfaction with the political affairs of the Empire caused Kyiv to consider summoning the Metropolitan from a distant country. It was not difficult to see how difficult it was to expect a Metropolitan from across the sea, how difficult it was to have a Greek Metropolitan, and therefore to be forced to rely on an interpreter in Russian affairs. Added to this were the doubts raised by the Emperor about P. Michael Cerularius. And the Russian Hilarion 300 was elected and installed as Metropolitan of Russia in 1031. “Glory to God in everything,” this saint said then, standing for me above my strength. By the grace of the man-loving God, Presbyter Hilarion, by His will, was sacred by the pious Bishops and enthroned in the great and God-protected city of Kyiv, as if we would be a metropolitan, a shepherd and a teacher in it. In the summer of 6559 (1051), the ruler of the blessed Kagan Yaroslav, the son of Vladimir, was born. Amen". This is what the Metropolitan wrote at the conclusion of his Confession of Faith. 301 This decree of the Metropolitan was in accordance with the ancient rules of the Church and with the concept of the person of the Bishop. The first Bishop of a region could be elected and installed by the Bishops of their region 302. After Yaroslav, the feelings of living piety with which Vladimir was filled when he received the metropolitan elected by the Patriarch took power over the thought of the obstacles that Yaroslav saw. Respect for the capital of Orthodoxy, as Constantinople was then called, respect for its Patriarch as the guardian of Orthodoxy, the need for communication and love, forced us to accept it as a rule that the Patriarch himself elect and appoint the Metropolitan of Russia. Humble piety renounced the right to seek for itself the most ancient rule of electing and installing the first Bishop of a region by the Bishops of the same region, renounced the right, granted by the Council of Chalcedon, to elect a Metropolitan within the metropolis, and doomed itself to the labor of waiting for the High Hierarch of the Church from the bright distance. On the other hand, in this attitude of the Metropolitan, the Patriarch discovered the best means of preserving the purity of faith and piety in the newly planted Church, a valid means given the superiority in education that Greece then had over Russia, a necessary means given the fears that Rome’s lust for power inspired. So piety, piety and rule took upon themselves the work that the new Metropolitan after Yaroslav was received for Russia only from Constantinople! In 1145 Due to the burden of civil strife between the Princes, Mikhail withdrew from Russia. This arbitrary act could not please Russia, but they expected the return or death of Mikhail. Meanwhile, unrest occurred on the patriarchal throne, and Michael was forced to resign from the see in 1146. His successor Cosmas 2 openly showed love to the convicted Bogomil Nifont, and for this (February 28, 1147) he was overthrown from the throne. After that, the department remained unoccupied until December 1147, when Nikolai Muzal ascended to it. With such disturbances, V.K. Izyaslav decided to follow the example of Yaroslav. In 1147, he convened a Council of Bishops to elect and install the first bishop of Russia. Unfortunately, at that time there was neither unanimity nor order between the Princes: Yuri of Suzdal, more power-hungry than capable of governing Russia, waged a bloody war with Izyaslav for the Kiev throne. At the same time, there was the same enmity between the appanage princes. And in this state of affairs, it was too difficult to follow the same decision about the person of the Metropolitan that followed under the autocratic Yaroslav, and especially since the long-standing custom turned to the concept of people into law. Chernigov Bishop Onuphry suggested: “I learned that it is worthy for the Council of Bishops to install a Metropolitan.” Niphon, Bishop of Novgorod and Greek Manuil, Bishop of Smolensk, said that the Metropolitan is appointed by the Patriarch, that there is no rule for Bishops alone to appoint a Metropolitan, and they refused to serve with someone who, without receiving a blessing from the Patriarch, would ascend to the see of the Metropolitan. No one could say anything unfavorable about the person elected: he was too famous both for his strict life and for his education. This was Clement, a strict and enlightened ascetic. Onuphry proposed to replace the lack of patriarchal blessing with another blessing. “Here we have the head of St. Clement, but among the Greeks they put the hand of the Baptist John.” The strangeness is new. A mistake of misunderstanding led to another. They were mistaken in thinking that only the Patriarch can consecrate a Metropolitan, whereas the consecration of a Metropolitan, as well as the consecration of a Patriarch, in its mysterious essence, is the same as the consecration of a Bishop, and so on. must be accomplished by the laying on of episcopal hands (1 Tim. 4:14, 2 Tim. 1:6). Another thing is the attitude of the government, or the spirit of love connecting private Churches into the one Church of Christ. In the spirit of this love, the election and decree of the Russian Metropolitan had to be accomplished not without the advice of the Eastern Shepherds. Onuphry rightly said: “we are allowed to teach blessing.” But the head of St. Clementa did not indicate agreement with the Constantinople Church if it was interrupted. Despite Niphon's disagreement, Clement was appointed Metropolitan 303. Niphon was summoned in 1149 for his harsh comments about the new Metropolitan. to Kyiv, and remained in prison until Yuri took possession of Kiev. N. Nicholas sent a letter of approval to Nifont for his zeal for the patriarchal throne, but he did not send a new Metropolitan until strong voices in Russia wished for it. In 1154 Izyaslav “tsar and father of his subjects” died. In Constantinople, having long been confident in the thoughts of George, they were in a hurry to send the new metropolitan to Russia, but luck once again turned away from the power-hungry Yuri. The people of Kiev enthusiastically received Rostislav, Izyaslav's brother. At the end of 1155 Rostislav lost the throne and Clement was forced to flee. The good-natured Niphon hurried to meet Metropolitan Greek, but died in Kyiv. Yuri received Constantine with honor 304. The Greek Manuel and Cosmas the Polotsk Bishop expressed hatred towards Clement to such an extent that they persuaded Constantine to declare all those dedicated by Clement unconsecrated. But Constantine, not being the same as the steward Manuel, soon ordered priests and deacons to serve, whom Clement ordained 305. Nevertheless, Constantine's temporary agreement to Manuel's demands increased the confusion against Constantine. At the beginning of 1159, the sons of Izyaslav, by force of arms, granted Rostislav of Smolensk the throne of Kiev, but with the order that Clement would again rule the Church. Rostislav, an ally of the deceased Yuri, did not accept this condition. The disagreement continued. Northern Prince Andrei Bogolyubsky, taking advantage of this state of affairs, sent to ask the Patriarch for a special Metropolitan of the north of Russia. The Patriarch saw that the fulfillment of this request would strengthen the division of minds and could even produce a complete separation of north from south to the detriment of both. Therefore, without showing power, he asked the pious Prince to renounce his desire, and he agreed. Meanwhile, the southern princes ended their disputes by deciding that neither Clement nor Constantine should be Metropolitan, but that they should call a new Metropolitan from Greece. Blazh. Constantine soon died, in bitter repentance for what was the fault, albeit innocent, of the stubborn division of thoughts among the princes, clergy and people. The new M. Theodore, summoned by Rostislav, died less than three years later. Rostislav, giving justice to the merits of Clement, wanted to return the see to him and sent an ambassador to Greece for the consent of the Patriarch. But the ambassador met Metropolitan John on the road, already ready. Rostislav was indignant, but softened by the affections of the Emperor and Patriarch, he accepted John, so that in the future, without the consent of the V. Prince, the Metropolitan would not be sent to Russia from Greece 306. The election of the metropolitan remained in this relation to the patriarch until the Mongol invasion. § 35. B) The attitude of the consecrated Metropolitan to the Patriarch Although in this way the Patriarch retained the right to consecrate a Metropolitan of Russia, the Patriarch, having consecrated a worthy Metropolitan, left it to the Primate of the Russian Church to manage its affairs according to the instructions of the Spirit of the Comforter and the laws of the Orthodox Church. The Metropolitan honored the Patriarch as a spiritual father, but he himself was the father of his flock. This is how the events of the first period of the Russian Church show it. When her affairs could be decided according to certain rules of the Church, they were decided at the court of the Metropolitan and his Council. His court rulings were not sent for approval by the Patriarch. The Russian metropolitanate had the rights of a metropolitan exarchate, and its remoteness from Constantinople and the independent political existence of Russia forced it to provide the Metropolitan of Russia with even more than the exarchs of Greece enjoyed. Not only were he not subordinate to any of the three Metropolitan Exarchs of Greece, but the Patriarch sent him a letter with a lead seal, an honor that was awarded only to crowned persons and Patriarchs 307 . Due to the need for Christian communion and the spirit of meekness, which is necessary especially in the younger Church in relation to the older one, the Metropolitan of Russia was in constant communication with the Patriarch. When the circumstances of the Church made it difficult for the Metropolitan, and he was not able to calm the dissatisfied, as was the case in the case of fasting, the helpless Bishop and the unreassured questioner turned with their complaints to the Constantinople Patriarch. This is what Bishops Nestor and Lev did. It is clear in itself that if the Metropolitan himself were subject to any criticism, the trial over him belonged to the Patriarch and his Council. The Metropolitan, when circumstances permitted, himself attended the Council of Constantinople. So we see him between the members of the Council of Constantinople in 1067, 1099 and 1155 308. The chronicle noted about Met. George, that he was in Constantinople in 1073, and probably due to some doubts about the affairs of his Church. § 36. Bishop and the power of the Bishop Although St. Nestor does not say when and for whom episcopal chairs were appointed for the first time after the introduction of faith in Russia, he speaks of priests who, of course, did not appear of themselves in priestly vestments. He speaks about the time of Vladimir: “and the Bishops decided to Vladimir.” The latter is said about the time of Leontius, the second Metropolitan (992–1008). Metropolitan Hilarion said the same thing about the time of Vladimir even before Nestor: “You often,” he says to St. Vladimir, - gathering with our new fathers, Bishops, with great humility, I consulted with them on how to establish this (church) law among people who had recently come to know the Lord” 309. Let it be enough for the time of the first Saint of Kyiv to choose and install priests capable of teaching the faith through preaching and worship. But during the time of M. Leo, it was necessary to install Bishops both for the success of the faith and the protection of deanery, and for replenishing the temporarily depleted number of priests, especially in the remote borders of Russia. This definition of the time of the first bishops of Russia is also in accordance with the few indications of the Chronicles that have survived to our time. There is no doubt that in 992 Joachim 310 was the first bishop in Novgorod, and Theodore 311 in Rostov. The Nikon Chronicle and the Degree Chronicle refer to the same year 992 the appointment of episcopal sees in Chernigov, Belgorod and Vladimir Volshsky. And this cannot be ignored, because the Bishops of Novgorod and Rostov, distant from Kyiv, could not often gather in Kyiv for meetings, which, however, is what M. Hilarion says 312. In 1180, M. John was asked the question: is it permissible to increase the number of Bishops? And the Metropolitan replied that “opening new departments, especially where there is a large population and many cities, is a kind thing, but requires caution. However, when it pleases the first steward (V. Prince) and when the local residents wish it, the rules do not prohibit it” 313. The question and answer show that they felt the need to increase the number of dioceses, but Mt. John also saw obstacles. In Tmutorakan there was a cathedra known. 1068 314 But it was soon closed on the occasion of the destruction of Tmutorakani by the Polovtsians. In Pereyaslavl, Yuryev on the river. Rosi and Turov on the river. By chance, departments existed in 1072. 315 According to monuments of the early 12th century. 10 dioceses are known 316. And at the beginning of the 13th century. – 14 dioceses 317. The Russian hierarchs who were entrusted with dioceses were called Bishops. In Novgorod alone, and then only in 1165, St. John the Bishop was honored with the rank of Archbishop, with the same being granted to his successors. He was known for his strict, virtuous life, and Novgorod, due to its significance for all of Russia, had long had the right to wish distinction to its Shepherd. That is why M. John VI willingly agreed to the request of the Novgorodians to grant their Shepherd the title of Archbishop 318. The election of a Bishop in an appanage principality depended on the Prince, as the representative of the people's voice, and the Prince represented the chosen one to the Metropolitan. So, in 1183 M. Nikifor installed Bishop Nicholas in Rostov. But the Prince wrote: “Having not chosen this people of our land, give me Luke, humble in spirit and meek.” And the Metropolitan relented. On this occasion, the chronicler notes: “the news is worthy of jumping on the hierarchical rank for a bribe, but God will call him, the Prince will desire it and the people” 319. For Novgorod V. Book. Yaroslav himself elected Bishop Luke. But when popular rule here strengthened, then the Veche with the Prince, the abbots and the Sofia clergy elected the archpastor. Selection from floor The 12th century was decided by lot 320. It depended on the will of the Prince to remove the Bishop from control. But if this was done outside of the spiritual court, then the removal, in accordance with the general rules, was considered illegal. So, when Prince Nestor was expelled from Rostov, and Lev took his place, they said that Leo did not act rightly, having entered the department “I am still living as Nestor.” 321 The willful Novgorodians, during their unrest, themselves refused to govern their Shepherds and forced even their best Saints to create troubles and insults. In 1211 they imprisoned the Archbishop. Mitrophan and elected Anthony. In 1219, Anthony was expelled and Mitrofan was again accepted, but they changed their minds and sent both to trial before the Metropolitan, who, having confirmed Mitrofan in Novgorod, gave Anthony a see in Przemysl. In 1223, after the death of Mitrofan, Arseny was chosen as a husband, very good and fearing God. But two years later they accepted Anthony again, and after he retired to the Khutyn monastery, they accepted Arseny, in the same 1228, like the villains sneaking around the gate, almost killed him 322 . The power of the Bishop in his diocese, in accordance with the rules of the Eastern Church, was spiritual. He appointed altar servers, judged and punished them, depending on church rules. “In the area of ​​another Bishop,” wrote M. John, “it is not forbidden, it is permissible to perform services in the spirit of Christ’s love, ready to console others, with permission. But rights should not be insulted. Anyone who does something priestly outside his own area is not a church deed and accuses the one who would act so willfully, without modesty, without the consent of the local Bishop” 323. As heralds of Christian conscience and wisdom, Bishops were called to public conferences, and Princes did not decide on important undertakings without their blessing. 324 Bishops, like the Metropolitan, reconciled the Princes in their feuds 325. More than other Bishops, the Novgorod Shepherd 326 participated in the civil administration. By the pious will of the Princes, a) “all church people” were placed under the jurisdiction of the shepherds of the Church, including charitable institutions; b) all crimes of the laity against faith and church decorum, including blasphemy; c) all cases related to marriage and the rights of parents, including disputes about inheritance; finally, d) monitoring the accuracy of trade weights and measures. The existence of such rights of Russian spiritual power in pre-Mongol times, even if it were not undoubted according to the now known Charters of Vladimir 327 and Yaroslav 328, the authenticity of which is questioned, is justified by the experience of ancient Russian life 329, such as, for example, the charter of Smolensk Prince Rostislav and two of Novgorod. Book Vsevolod 330. Moreover, this order of affairs is partly consistent with the Greek Pomocanon, and even more so with the ardent zeal of our Princes for St. Church, with zeal, which was quite ready, in reverence for spiritual authority, to do much more for the Church than was required by the customs of the Greek Empire 331, although not without attention to Russian civil life 332. The instruments of the Bishop's power were district judges with the name of volostels, who considered spiritual matters according to the will of the Bishop. From time to time the Bishop himself surveyed his diocese 333. §37. Laws of church government It is also said about the time of the great Vladimir: “then he tore open the Greek Pomocanon.” And in itself it is clear that the Metropolitan of All Russia, coming from Constantinople, brought with him the rules of the Ecumenical Orthodox Church. In the 16th century We saw lists of rules of the “first guides” written under V.Kn. Yaroslav and with his son Izyaslav. What Zinovy, an intelligent student of Maximus the Greek, cites from these lists shows that in them the rules of the Council were complete, and not in an abbreviated form, as in the later lists 334. Among the known lists of conciliar rules, one with the collection of N. John Scholastic belongs, according to the translation, to the first times of the Bulgarian Church 335. Whether the conciliar rules were translated in Russia itself before the Monogol period is unknown. But the use of the rules of the Greek Church in court and in the life of the Russian Church is undoubtedly 336. In addition, the Russian Church had its own Councils. The currently known number of Councils that existed before the Tatar invasion does not even extend to 6. But, of course, there were more of them. Some of the Russian hierarchs, such as M. John II, Niphon Bishop of Novgorod, John Archbishop of Novgorod, gave their explanations to the doubts that they encountered in the application of Greek rules to the life of the Russian people, and these explanations, although not suddenly, came into church use 337. §38. The lower clergy and the general advantage of the clergy Under the Metropolitan of All Russia, especially under the Russian Bishops, there was not that many spiritual ranks that we see in the officials of the Church of Constantinople. In this regard, too, the Russian Church was adorned with simplicity and modesty. The number of members of the lower clergy was limited to one need. The monuments of ancient Russia show us in the parable of the white, secular clergy only the priest, deacon and sexton, under the Bishop - the subdeacon, very rarely - the archpriest, in the monastic clergy - hegumen, hieromonk, hierodeacon 338, and no more than three archimandrites throughout Russia, and then already by the end of the first period of the Russian Church 339. In 1228, I. Herman, on behalf of the Council, wrote to M. Cyril I: “It has reached the ears of our humility that some in the Russian country first buy people, then, having made them their slaves, give them away, leaving them captives, for teachers to teach sacred literacy and doctrine, and then bring them to the Bishops for ordination without first freeing them from the yoke of slavery. The bishop supplies them and the Lord receives gain through them. It is dishonorable to be a slave to one who through baptism grants adoption to God.” The Patriarch conjures the Metropolitan and Bishops to stop this disorder and convince the masters so that they do not humiliate the clergy as an insult to the faith 340. However, all clergy in Russia in general since the time of St. Vladimir have enjoyed advantages. These were: independence from the civil court, freedom from civil service and taxes. “Let them,” they said, “pray to God” 341. In the same spirit they tried to provide maintenance for the clergy. 1. The departments of the hierarchs were used by: a) tithes or immovable estates. Vladimir assigned tithes from his income to the Church of the Mother of God that he built 342. M. Kirill wrote that the Princes of Russia fulfilled Vladimir’s Charter on tithes, they even did more: “I also contributed to this... and the volosts gave profits with everyone.” 343. The inhabited estates of the Kyiv tithe church are known from the chronicle 344. The charters of Novgorod. Prince Svyatoslav and Smolensk Rostislav show that Vladimir’s will was applied to all bishops' departments, but with application to the resources of one or another region. Prince Svyatoslav, finding that collecting tithes from the products of the land was difficult for both the prince and the bishop, instead determined for the department of the Novgorod bishop a constant monetary salary equal to a tenth of the Prince's income 345. Other Princes replaced the same tithe partly with a monetary salary, and partly with land 346. It is said about the Vladimir Cathedral Church that the God-loving Prince Andrei endowed it with the best estates, bought peasants for it, and gave it a tax on the tenth auction and the prince’s herds. Obviously, Bogolyubsky did more than Vladimir, but made a retreat, replacing a tenth of the land tax with permanent inhabited estates 347. b) In favor of the Bishops, court fees were determined, as a fine from the guilty and rewards for the work of judges 348; c) It is also clear from the monuments that they also charged additional fees from newly appointed clergy and from churches 349; The Metropolitan and Bishops did not use this income for themselves alone. M. Kirill wrote that the property of the department goes to the maintenance of the clergy, the cathedral church and the house, to the maintenance of the poor, sick, wanderers, orphans and widows, to benefits for victims of fire, unfair trials, to the restoration of churches and monasteries. So the Bishop's house was a house of charity for all poverty 350. 2. According to Nestor’s Life of St. Theodosius, we see that estates were donated for the Pechersk Monastery during the life of St. Theodosius 351. The same was done for other Abodes 336. The monasteries, for their part, like the Bishops, donated part of the donations to the benefit of suffering people. Thus, St. Theodosius allocated a tenth of the income for the maintenance of the sick and poor, and in addition, every Saturday he sent a cart of bread to those imprisoned 352. 3. Parish churches were partially supported by donations from their builders and benefactors, as, for example, tithes were assigned for the Vyshgorod church 353. Yaroslav V., at the same time as he built churches in cities and villages, gave a lesson to the priests from his estate 354. The general source of maintenance for the clergy were voluntary donations from parishioners, as was the case from the first times of Christianity 355. In addition, priests were allowed to use income from the sale of incense and church wine to their benefit 356. §39. The Most Famous Metropolitan Pastors Among the Metropolitans of Kyiv of the first period of the Russian Church (numbering 21 without Joseph) the following are exalted by the merits of the Church: 1. St. Michael, the first saint and enlightener of the Russian land, imitator of the apostles in faith and piety. He died in 992 and was glorified by the Lord for his labors for the faith 357. 2. Blazh. Hilarion is the first Metropolitan of the Russians. We have already seen what a high place he occupies among Russian teachers (§16). During his reign, the glorious exploits of St. Leonty, and the high priest, of course, assisted him in disseminating St. faith. Nestor speaks of his time: “the centuries of Christian fruitfulness have begun.” The organization of church services dates back to his time. During his time, Russian spiritual enlightenment began to flourish. During his time, Russian piety was also instilled. Without a doubt, in all this, the works of the Metropolitan of All Russia meant a lot, and especially because Hilarion, Russian at heart and in everything else, knew well and vividly felt the needs of his flock, and knowing the needs, he also found means to satisfy them in a familiar country. Blazh. his death followed probably in 1067, and St. His relics rest in the Kyiv caves, where he spent several years in exploits 358. 3. John II, dedicated in 1080, earned the name of the good, both for his kindness of heart and for his useful orders. Nestor, admiring his high qualities, said: “There has never been anyone like him in Rus' and there never will be. There was a man well-versed in books, skilled in teaching, merciful to the poor and to widows, equally affectionate to rich and poor, humble and silent, possessing the gift of speech, and comforting the sad with holy conversations.” Everything that Nestor says about this shepherd makes us undoubtedly convinced that he owns an intelligent canonical work: “John Met. Russian, called the Prophet of Christ, who wrote the church rule from the Holy Books in brief to Yakov the Monk.” The same Nestor’s image of John also assures us that the title of Prophet of Christ, with which this saint was adorned, does not need to be taken in anything other than the ordinary meaning of the word. The perspicacious shepherd died in 1089 359 4. After John's successor, John III, who saddened the Russians, but was only there for one year, the Metropolitan was ruled by Blessed. Ephraim, favorite and treasurer of V. Prince. Izyaslav. He appeared from the princely palace into the cramped cave of St. Anthony “and begged the elder for the mercy of being his monk.” The elder, having instructed him in spiritual salvation, handed him over to Nikon in order to tonsure him. He tonsured him and put on monastic clothes, calling him Ephraim. V. Prince was dissatisfied. and the fact that his boyar’s young son had been tonsured before, and the tonsure of his favorite aroused strong anger in him. Ephraim a short time later went to Constantinople to study monastic life. This pious journey proved beneficial to more than one of his souls. Ephraim brought with him to Russia both knowledge of the rules of monastic life and church deanery, as well as sufficient knowledge of church architecture. Probably, even John II awarded him the title of Bishop of Pereyaslavl. M's poor health. John III, a eunuch who did not allow himself to do much business, and the personal high qualities of Ephraim, known in Constantinople, were sufficient to entrust the blessed. Ephraim management of the affairs of the metropolis. In 1090 he was already called Metropolitan, although he lived in his beloved Pereyaslavl. He decorated this city with several churches, strengthened it with a stone wall, which was so much needed for a city open to attack by the predatory Polovtsians. Nestor also says that he “started a stone bathhouse structure, which had not existed in Russia until then,” whether it was a baptismal (β x πτιςήρίον) or a bathhouse at the church is difficult to decide due to lack of information. It is only known that Blessed. Ephraim decorated not only Pereyaslavl with churches, but also distant Suzdal. According to Sten. Book Ephraim also opened hospitals in different places where the sick used them free of charge, and for his good deeds he received from Christ the gift of working miracles during life and after death. In 1096 he consecrated St. Nikita as Bishop of Novgorod and died in the same year 360. 5. M. Nicephorus I (1104 - 1120) left a memory of himself as an enlightened shepherd and very zealous for his duty. 361 6. The successors of M. Nikita (1122 - 1126) 362 Michael II (1131 - 1145) 363 , Clement (1147 - 1155), Constantine I (1156 - 1159), Theodore (1161 - 1163) and John IV (1164 - 1166) are remembered for sad events. 364 Increasing discord between the princes was the reason that after Constantine II (1167 - 1175), 365 the Metropolitan department remained idle for seven years. Nikephoros II (1182 – 1198) 366 and Matthew (1200 – 1221) 367 saw the same discord. But for no one was governing the Church as difficult as for the blessed one. M. Cyril I. He arrived in Kyiv on January 6, 1224, 368 and the next year the Russian princes suffered a severe defeat on the river. Kalke in the battle with the Tatars for the Polovtsians. Despite the fact that discord was the cause of this misfortune, the princes did not abandon their civil strife to the detriment of the fatherland. Blazh. Kirill was forced to travel from one region of Russia to another in order to extinguish the warring spirit of the princes. Unfortunately, the evil became so strong that it was not always possible to soften it. In Kirill they saw an enlightened Shepherd, a man of evangelical life, and, however, they did not always listen to him. In 1226 he had the consolation of reconciling V. Prince. George and Mikhail Pereyaslavsky with Kursky. 369 In 1228, “Blessed and Holy Metropolitan Cyril” went to reconcile the Volyn and Galich princes and could not reconcile. 370 In 1230, together with Bishop Porfiry of Chernigov and several abbots, he came to Vladimir to reconcile V. Prince. and his brother with the Prince of Chernigov, and barely, after much convincing, succeeded in the holy cause. Blessed Cyril died in 1233 371 §40. The transition from paganism to Christianity and hence the shortcomings in spiritual life The grace of the Holy Spirit acts together with man in the salvation of man. A person’s property: habits, weaknesses, inclinations, remain with a person until he, assisted by grace, weakens them in himself. But this is not achieved so quickly: this requires a struggle with oneself, a difficult and not immediate struggle. The Russian people, having turned to the faith of Christ, felt its superiority, but partly they did not fully and not everywhere know its superiority, and partly the long-standing habit of the customs of paganism, paganism, which always flattered human passions, held its will during the old life. In this way, various weaknesses were revealed in his life, which hindered his advancement in Christian life, and the pastors of the Church had to fight the rules of paganism that remained in the life of the people. Others recalled from time to time the riotous life of paganism under the former sacred wells, rivers, and swamps. There they made sacrifices, indulged in drunkenness, played and danced, abandoned their wives and took new ones. M. John wrote about such people: “You know that all such people are alien to the true faith; teach and guide them - not once, not twice, but continuously, until they learn and understand the truth, until they learn goodness; and those who do not repent, who do not abandon their malice, consider them alien to the Catholic Church, unworthy and not involved in our commandments.” 372 The same Metropolitan also found those who practiced sorcery and sorcery. He ordered not only to admonish them with words, but even considered it necessary to act against the ingrained habit of corporal punishment, just not to shed blood. 373 Trading in slaves during paganism was common in Rus': the profit justified it for the pagan. 374 The passion for greed prompted some to do the same in Christianity: they bought slaves, converted them to Christianity, and then sold them “to the filthy” - to pagans, Jews, and Mohammedans. When asked about such, M. John wrote: “Christians should not be sold to the Jews or heretics, otherwise they sin not only against the Christian ruler, but also against God. Think about the examples of Ananias and Sapphira and judge: they, having offered the price of their vow to God through the Supreme Apostle Peter, retained only a small part, and yet were condemned to death, as predators of the part promised to God. And the merchants, who marked the sign of God on the slaves they bought, sanctified them with prayer, having given the sign and prayer, as you wrote, then sell them to the filthy. This is no longer a secret sin, but an open one: what is set aside for God is stolen and what belongs to others is appropriated. It seems to us that they sin on a par with those who persecute our faith, convert us from faith to unbelief. It is necessary to distract them from this evil deed through admonition and instruction; if they do not listen, consider them equally with the pagans and tax collectors.” 375 When paganism remained in places and among the Russians and even more so among the Pechenegs and Polovtsians, it is not surprising that even in ignorance other Russian Christians shared the pagan meal. “For such people, only pray for desecration,” says the Metropolitan. 376 But the pagan passion for self-interest also involved the will of the Christian in communication with the pagans: “of their own free will they go to the filthy to buy money and eat filthy food.” “We classify them,” said the Metropolitan of Russia, “as predators, covetous people, untruthful people, bribe-takers, money-lovers. They are not subject to the rule (that is, there is no special rule for this), but are not exempt from condemnation. It is necessary to give them instruction, to teach them, to instill in them the word of the Gospel: “Oh woe to you, for my name will become known to you for the sake of blasphemy.” 377 § 41. Obstacles from the spirit of the times, ignorant and breathing war; martyrs: St. Boris and Gleb, Vsevolod – Gabriel Together with pagan habits, the spirit of the time, ignorant and breathing blood throughout Europe, and rather gloomy even among the Greeks, acted to the detriment of Christian life. The century changes a person, nevertheless Christians suffer from the passions of the century, and suffered in ancient Russia. The history of ancient Russia presents a sad picture of wild strife. The appanage princes fought with each other for plots, and at the first opportunity they rushed at the Grand Duke for his throne. Brother rebelled against brother, and it was not uncommon for children to take up arms against their father, and the father against their children. And it was like this not for years, but for two centuries. And this was not the case at times, and rarely did a year pass that the chronicle would not say about: there was a swift slaughter of evil, and sometimes a series of years was a series of devastation, murder, and robbery. The closer to the time of the Mongols, the more blood. When the number of Princes increased, from 1133 they fought for 50 years in a row, here and there, throughout Russia. Then there was no mercy for the sacred; churches and monasteries were plundered. The most terrible disaster happened when they took the city to the shield. 378 There is no doubt that if, amid the general robberies and murders, the Russian people did not become completely savage, then this was the work of Christianity, and this meant that Christianity was in their soul. The best fosterlings of Christ's love emerged from the struggle against the evil spirit of the times as lofty victors, martyrs. Such were the St. Boris and Gleb are the beautiful colors of the newly baptized Russian land. Because of their deep, tender love for the new, Holy Faith, they were the best of the sons of St. Vladimir. The new faith was reflected in their souls and lives, like a heavenly ray of light in streams of pure water. Svyatopolk was not like that. Paganism lived in his soul with a wild passion for power. Reinberg's instructions sanctified this passion. Christian love was unfamiliar to his heart. He was a Christian in name, fierce in deed. St. Vladimir already saw in Svyatopolk hatred for his brother Boris. Fearing that this hatred would not be the cause of some misfortune, Vladimir called the good Boris to him in Kyiv from Rostov. This did not soften, but irritated Svyatopolk. He saw that they wanted to give Boris, and not him, the rights of the Grand Duke. Soon a rumor spread about the Pechenegs' invasion of Russian settlements. Vladimir sent Boris against his enemies, and died in his absence. Having received the news of his father's death, Boris was invited by his squad to take his throne. He also had true hope in the people of Kiev, who knew his excellent qualities and his father’s intentions. Boris answered the squad: “I cannot raise my hand against my elder brother; My father died, but he will be my father instead.” Svyatopolk did not understand Boris, nor did he understand Gleb, whom Boris loved. He sent hired assassins to kill Boris. Informed of his brother's intentions, Boris prayed: Lord, do not put this sin on them and suffered as a martyr of meek love (July 24th 1015). The same fate soon followed for Gleb. Svyatopolk informed him that his father was sick and wanted to see him. Gleb, not suspecting his brother of anything, hurried to Kyiv. Near Smolensk, his brother Yaroslav informed him of the death of his father and brother. Gleb bitterly mourned especially the latter, but at the same time the murderers sent by Svyatopolk also appeared and stabbed the saint to death. Prince (September 5th 1015) 379 The painful death of V.K. Igor shows how the discord of the Princes had a disastrous effect on the people. Prince Izyaslav called the people of Kiev to war against the relatives of the overthrown V.K. Igor. It seemed little to the bloodthirsty that Igor was already a monk and a recluse. "The enemy of the Prince and the people, Igor, sits not in prison, but in the monastery of St. Theodore; we will kill him, and then we will go to punish the Chernigov princes." And thousands of voices repeated: “let’s kill Igor.” In vain did the Metropolitan try to stop the violent crowd, in vain did some of the leaders persuade him. The villains broke into the house, killed the prince, dragged him through the streets, and dragged him to the square of shame, a disgrace to his Christian name. In a similar way, the unbridled freedom of the Novgorodians subjected St. to suffering. Vsevolod-Gabriel. The worthy son of the great Mstislav (§ 43) did a lot of good for the Novgorodians. In 1123 he made a difficult winter campaign with them to Finland, and in 1130 and 1131 he went against the restless Estonians twice. God-fearing and truthful, he loved their happiness, sincerely pious, he protected their clergy from poverty. Despite the fact that, after the death of his father, Pereyaslavl was given to him by legal right by the Grand Duke, but then taken away by the power-hungry George of Suzdal, the Novgorodians sent away the good Prince. This time they soon came to their senses and returned him, but arbitrarily limited his control to Novgorod; the posadniks were made joint partners of the Prince. Vsevolod continued to work for them. In 1134 he defeated Chud, which rebelled against them. In 1136, a rebellion broke out and at the general council the Novgorodians condemned Vsevolod to exile because their pride failed to be increased by victories over the Suzdalians. They imprisoned him along with his wife, children and mother-in-law. St. The prince sat like a criminal for seven weeks under the guard of 30 soldiers. Then, holding his son hostage, the Novgorodians expelled him from Novgorod. V. Prince Yaropolk gave him Vyshgorod. At the same time, the Pskovites invited the good Prince to their place, but he, exhausted by labor and sorrow, died the following year, 1138. When the relics of St. Vsevolod, the Novgorodians wanted to take them to themselves. But this was not the will of the saint. Prince, they were given only a nail from his hand. 380 § 42. Simplicity of morals and pious customs With all the hostility of the spirit of the time, with all the influence of remaining paganism on morals, sincerity and simplicity were the adornment of the first Russian Christians. This simplicity also meant a lot in the sense that it did not allow time for evil, the spirit of hostility, to descend deeply into the hearts of many. That is why many people quickly forgot their grievances, sometimes bloody ones. On the other hand, since the spiritual education of the soul is not at all the same as the aesthetic education of taste, not the same as the education of the mind with knowledge, then the shortcomings in the education of taste and mind are not pointers to the lack of spiritual education of our ancestors. On the contrary, the heartfelt simplicity of our ancestors saved them from a crowd of little things that were brilliant in appearance and very harmful in their effect on the soul. She did not allow them to seek thousands of excuses for their sins, as happens when she is lacking. That is why chronicles and life speak so often about the simple-minded and, even more so, lofty repentance of the Princes. However, it would be unfair to say that everything that was done in simplicity, albeit pious, was good. The chronicle speaks of the time of Yaroslav the First and Metropolitan Theopemptus: “they dug up two Princes - Yaroslav and Oleg, the sons of Svyatoslav (brothers of St. Vladimir, who died in paganism), baptized their bones, and laid them in the church of the Holy Mother of God.” 381 It was a mistake. The words of the Apostle about baptizing the dead for the sake of (1 Cor. 15:29) in ancient times, the short-sightedness of some was taken as permission to baptize the dead, but it was endowed by the Council of Carthage (right 18). If we assume that some teachers who came from the East, as a consolation to Yaroslav, assured him that his uncles could be baptized not without benefit, even though they had died, then Yaroslav’s trust would be a simplicity unfamiliar with the spirit of faith. But the same example of simplicity, which was left without imitation, shows that later they believed the act of simplicity to be the exact teaching of the Word of God and this act of pious simplicity was left without imitation. 382 Folk pious customs serve as experiences of living piety, which embraced all conditions of society in the early times of the Russian Church. a) V. Prince Vladimir Monomakh, so famous for his victories and exploits for his homeland, wrote in his will to the Princes - his children: “Accept with love the blessing of the spiritual... Do not have pride in your mind or heart and think: we are perishable, now we are alive, and tomorrow we are in the grave... On the road on horseback, without having anything to do, instead of vain thoughts, read a prayer by heart or repeat it though a short, but best prayer: Lord, have mercy. Never fall asleep without bowing to the ground; and when you feel unwell, then bow down to the ground three times. Let the sun not find you on your bed. Go early to church to give God the morning praise, so did all the good people, when the sun shone, they praised the Lord with joy.” 383 If the Princes lived this way, obligated to care not only for themselves, but for thousands of subjects, then, without a doubt, this is how people of the lower classes lived, not so entertained by life. This is where that warm love came from, which built and decorated the churches of God with amazing generosity, despite the paucity of abundant means at that time. b) The battle with the enemies of Christ The princes and army began and ended no other way than with warm prayer to God; in general, when going to war, they prepared themselves with confession and Holy Communion. In 1103, entering into battle with hordes of Polovtsians, the Princes and warriors made a vow in prayers, some to commemorate the dead, others to distribute alms to the poor and monasteries. And the glorious victory ended with grateful praise to God. 384 In 1111, in a new war with the Polovtsians, “priests preceded the army and sang troparia and kontakia of the Honorable Cross and the canon of the Holy Mother of God.” Entering the very battle, the warriors “kissed each other, raised their eyes to heaven, and called on God Most High.” And again the Christian hope was glorified: “God the Most High looks upon the foreigners with anger, I fall before the Christians.” The captives themselves said to the Russians: “How can we fight with you? And others will lift you up in arms, bright and terrible, who will help you.” The Russians gave heartfelt praise to God. 385 Mstislav Izyaslavich in 1152, on his name day, gave freedom to all prisoners. 386 Saint John of Novgorod laid down the rule that if someone was under penance, but went to war, to resolve it and grant the Holy Mysteries. 387 And from the chronicles we see that Prince Andrei Bogolyubsky did not go to war with the Bulgarians before he prepared himself and the entire army with a life-giving secret. c) Christian love for the poor, including monks and church servants, was the dominant virtue of the first Russian Christians. The kind Russian heart, sanctified by the grace of Christianity, freely opened to compassion and shared what it could with the poor. The chronicles very often contain a comment about the Princes of that time: “mercy was greater than measure, yet he did not spare his property, distributing it to those who demanded it”; or: “Have love for everyone, and be diligent in giving alms... above all, loving and glorious alms.” 388 Especially before their death, the Princes considered it a rule to distribute their property to their servants, the poor, the sick, churches and monasteries. This is how the Chronicle says about Prince Yaroslav Osmomysl: “Before his death, being in a serious illness, he... gathered his husbands and the entire Galich land, convened all the cathedrals, monasteries, the poor, the healthy and the sick, and so spoke with tears: Fathers, brothers and children, I have sinned more than anyone else, fathers and brothers! Forgive and let me go!... And he ordered to distribute his property to the monasteries and the poor. three days all over Galich.” 389 d) Naturally, after the introduction of Christianity into Russia, everyone’s eyes turned to the East, from where the light of faith illuminated Russia. Hence the natural desire to travel to the East. The first pious traveler to Athos was St. Anthony. Ave. Varlaam ok. 1060 traveled to Jerusalem to worship its Holy Places; this was, as far as is known, the first Russian worshiper of the Holy Sepulcher, and upon his return from Palestine he traveled to Constantinople. 390 At the very end of the same century, Abbot Daniel said: “I placed a candela on the holy tomb and bowed to that honorable tomb and kissed with love and with tears the holy place where the most pure body of our Lord Jesus Christ lay.” There he prayed for his homeland, for its Princes, friends and acquaintances. There he found several other Russian admirers. In 1175, the famous traveler, abbess, princess of Polotsk, Venerable, visited the Holy Places. Euphrosyne. In the middle of the 12th century, there were so many people who wanted to go to the East that the shepherds of the Church had to stop others. Although we did not have what was at the same time in the West - crowds of idle people did not march with swords in their hands to defend the monuments of Eternal Love, but Abbot Daniel also noted: “many who went to the saints of those places and saw the city of Jerusalem and were lifted up in their minds, as if they had done something good, are destroying their reward.” Niphon, Bishop of Novgorod, did not allow everyone to go to the East, he said: “Some go so that they can eat and drink while wandering here and there; this should be prohibited.” And St. John, to Cyric’s question: what to do with those who have bound themselves with a vow to go to Jerusalem, answered: “Put it as penance, for these vows are destroying the earth.” 391 These prohibitions, as is obvious, do not humiliate, but elevate the dignity of travel, which the ancient Russian Church allowed. 392 § 43. Examples of piety: V. Princes - Vladimir Equal to the Apostles and Mstislav-Theodore, Novgorod - Vladimir and Mstislav, Vladimir - Andrey Piety among the people is supported by the example of the rulers of the people. A high example of Christian piety was set for Russia by the life of Vladimir, who baptized the Russian land. Vladimir, having adopted the name of a Christian, became a completely different person in his life; the life of a pagan and the life of a Christian in Vladimir differed in everything. A voluptuous pagan, Vladimir, became an example of a pure married life in Christianity; he let go of all his wives and concubines, and lived with Blagov alone. Anna. Cruel and vindictive, a bloodthirsty fratricide in paganism, in Christianity he was the most tender friend of the unfortunate. The entrance to him was forever open to the poor, and he distributed food and money to them with a generous hand. This is not enough, the sick, he said, are unable to reach my yard, and he ordered meat, fish, bread, kvass and honey to be delivered through the streets. The words of the Gospel: blessed are the merciful, penetrated into the very depths of his soul and were the law of his life. Before his baptism, Vladimir expanded his borders with fire and sword. Having become a Christian Prince, he took care to arrange the internal well-being of the people, erecting cities one after another, so necessary for the development of the internal life of the people and for protecting them from the attacks of predatory enemies. In order to protect his people against external enemies, Vladimir the Christian took up arms, but this was only out of necessity for the people. And at the same time, he began to distinguish more than ever with his love those who helped him organize and protect the well-being of the people. After the war with the Polovtsians in 996, he, having distributed rich alms to the poor, began to call the boyars and military commanders to him every week and treat them to the princely table. Vladimir died in bliss in 1015. The son of Monomakh, Mstislav-Theodore, was an example of Christian Princes, and is worthily called great. At the 19th year of his life, he, being the Prince of Novgorod, was already an example of Christian courage and generosity. Oleg Prince of Chernigov killed his brother and devastated Rostov and Suzdal. Mstislav (in 1095) sent to tell him: “I forget about the death of my brother, kings die in war; but be content with your inheritance (Murom).” Oleg was about to take Novgorod, and after the battle he barely escaped with his life in Murom. Mstislav again offered him peace, wanting only freedom for the captives. He even asked his father to forgive his enmity. Monomakh then wrote to Oleg: “the young man shamed his father with his generosity.” Oleg agreed to peace, but only to deceive generosity. When Mstislav disbanded his troops and calmly (in 1097) celebrated the day of the Angel of his Martyr in Suzdal. Theodora, the messengers informed him that Uncle Oleg was standing on the Klyazma with an army. Mstislav gathered his army in one day, his courage tilted victory to his side. Oleg fled, abandoning even Murom, and in despair did not know where to lay his head. Mstislav told him: "Svyatopolk (V. Prince) and Vladimir (father) will not deprive you of Russian land. I will be your intercessor, remain in your reign, just humble yourself." And the Christian Prince performed a brilliant feat of love. 393 Grateful for the mercies of God, Mstislav built a church in the name of the Mother of God on a settlement in Novgorod. 394 And for this church, at his expense, the Gospel of Mstislav, precious to us, was written, richly decorated by the pious Prince. 395 In 1113 he was healed of a serious illness with the help of the saint. Nicholas, and richly rebuilt the Nikolsky Monastery. 396 Following this, he victoriously subdued the Estonians more than once, and fortified Novgorod with a wall. 397 In 1126 Mstislav, mourning the death of his father, Monomakh, ascended the grand-ducal throne. For the first two years he had to mourn the misfortunes of Russia, which suffered from famine. The predatory Cumans devastated Russia with raids for a whole century. The Great Mstislav was granted by Providence to free Russia from them: in 1128, having gathered the appanage princes, Mstislav drove the predators out of Russia beyond the Volga. Caring for the happiness of all Russia, with all his generosity, V. Prince then punished the princes of Polotsk, who, contrary to their oath, refused to go against the Polovtsians and even dealt with them to the misfortune of Russia. He sent them out of Russia. 398 Having put in so much work in his young years for Russia, blessed. Mstislav was not V. Prince for long. In 1129 he began to build a church and monastery in the name of his Angel the Great Martyr. Theodora in Kyiv. In 1132 he went to war against rebellious Lithuania, and returning with rich booty, he died on April 15, at the age of 66. 399 The ancient prologue says about him: “I did not accept silver and gold in my hand, I did not love wealth, and on the day of my repose I saw my repose.” 400 Novgorod was glorified by its piety by its princes St. Vladimir, son of Yaroslav, and Mstislav Rostislavovich. The first is known for his brave deed against the Greeks and for the construction of the magnificent, for that time, St. Sophia Church, where his relics openly rest. He died in 1052. They did not know the last name other than the Brave. "Beautiful in soul and body," says the ancient chronicle, "Mstislav, the grandson of the great Mstislav, combined courage with love. He was especially attentive to the duty of mercy, supplied the monasteries, consoled the monks, received all the abbots, asking for their blessings, supplied parish churches and priests, gave worthy honor to the rank of hierarchs. In war he was strong and always eager to die for the Russian land, for Christians. When I saw the Christians captured as filthy, I said to my squad: brothers, don’t think about anything; if we die for Christians, we will be cleansed of our sins, and God will count our blood as the blood of martyrs, if God gave, glory to Him, we will not die now, but we will die.” This is how he inspired his squad... He did not collect gold and silver, but squandered it sometimes on his squad, sometimes for the salvation of his soul. There was no region in Russia where they did not want to obey him and where they did not cry for him. 401 He reigned in Novgorod for only a year, but in one year he defeated the rebellious Chud, which was plundering Pskov and the borders of Novgorod. Previously, in 1168, he took an active part in the war between the Southern Princes and the Polovtsians, which ended in a glorious victory. The most brilliant feat of his faith and courage refers to the case of 1173 against 50,000 Suzdal troops. He died June 14, 1180 402 Andrei Bogolyubsky, fighting in his youth under the banners of his father, was many times distinguished by feats of courage and strong Christian hope. His salvation from death in 1152 was especially miraculous. In a hot battle, his spear was crushed, his helmet flew off his head, his shield fell to the ground, but Andrei escaped, saving himself with hope. 403 Brave and pious, Andrei was burdened in his soul by his father’s inconsiderate lust for power, and in 1155 he secretly withdrew from the south to the land of Suzdal with the miraculous icon of the Mother of God. 404 In 1157, the Rostov and Suzdal residents recognized Andrei as their Grand Duke, since they had long respected him. Andrei sincerely wanted to work worthy of the Bogolyubovo soul: two magnificent churches - one in Bogolyubovo, the other in Vladimir, were monuments to his amazingly generous zeal for God. He also worked hard for Christian education. In 1164 (he won a brilliant victory over the Muslims of Bulgaria). Feeling how Russia was perishing from the fragmentation of power into destinies, he tried to introduce autocracy and made up for the mistakes of his weakness with deep humility before the Court of God, which punished passion. For his love for the Lord, the Lord honored him with a painful death: people, showered with his good deeds, killed him in Bogolyubovo (in 1174), his last words were: Lord! I commend my spirit into Your hands. 405 Both in Greece and in Russia, the best schools of piety were monasteries. They appeared in Russia after the faith was introduced in Russia. Rev. Anthony, the first Russian desert dweller known by name, was already visiting monasteries when he returned from Mount Athos. M. Hilarion says that after the baptism of the people, “monasteries were established on the mountains and monasteries appeared.” Theodosius, while still in Kursk, “heard about the monasteries” of Kyiv; “Then he came and went around the entire monastery in Kyiv” and this was much earlier than 1050. 406 The chronicler says that it was with the wisdom of Yaroslav that “the Monkmen began to multiply and monasteries began to exist.” It is known that Yaroslav himself built the monasteries of St. George and St. Irene in Kyiv. 407 The foundation of the Pechersk Monastery by St. Theodosius (an ancient church with a fence) took place in 1062. 408 Ave. Nestor, speaking about the establishment of the Dimitriev Monastery by V. Prince Izyaslav-Dimitri, says: “many monasteries were established by kings and boyars and from wealth, but they are not the essence of tatsi, the essence of the monasteries was established by tears, fasting, prayers, vigils. Anthony, for they neither gold nor silver, but acquired through tears." The monk does not want to deprive our Princes of honor, which, without a doubt, belongs to their zeal for God. He only shows on what the flourishing strength of the monasteries depends. From the Chronicles we see that especially from the half of the 12th century, they began to increase the number of monasteries in our country with great zeal. But the words of Nestor best explain the fate of our ancient Abodes. Of the many ancient monasteries, only the Pechersk Monastery, nurtured by the tears of Anthony and Theodosius, retains its former glory to this day. The Chernigov Mother of God Monastery on the Boldin Mountains, where St. Anthony labored for some time. 409 After that, after the storm of times, three monasteries remained in Novgorod: Anthony, Varlaam and Yuryev, and up to three monasteries in other places, while according to ancient monuments in Kyiv alone. you can see them until 17 and until 22 in Novgorod. 410 The first of the Princes who voluntarily dedicated themselves to monasticism was Prince Svyatoslav-Nicholas, who entered the Monastery in 1106, and he had to endure quite a lot of trouble from his brother-Princes for his determination, hitherto unprecedented. The princesses began to enter monasticism before the princes. 411 Towards the very end of the period, some princes and princesses dressed in monastic clothing before their death. 412 Monomakh wrote to his children: “It is not monasticism that will save you, but good deeds.” V. Prince Rostislav (1160 - 1168) said to St. Polycarp, Archimandrite of Pechersk: “Father, I would like to get rid of this vain, fleeting and rebellious life.” The monk answered: “God commanded you to be like this: to act righteously in this place, to judge the court in righteousness and to stand in the kiss of the cross.” 413 But they loved monastic life then sincerely and more deeply than later, for they wanted not to appear, but to be monks. It was carried out with such severity that we see only in the first times of monastic life in the East. We see wonderful ascetics in the Pechersk Monastery! And how many there are! 414 § 45. Three types of monasticism: St. Anthony the recluse and his followers Monastic life was not carried out in the same way in the ancient Russian Church, depending on why the test itself found more disposition and motivation. We see three types of monasticism among Russian monks in the first period of the Russian Church: life in seclusion, communal life and life on a pillar. The first was transferred from Athos and glorified by his example by St. Anthony; Others elected her after him. Anthony, in the world Antipas, was from Lyubech (in Little Russia). God put on his mind, says St. Nestor, the desire to wander, and while wandering he reached the Holy Mountain (Athos). Here he examined many wonderful monasteries, and, desiring to be clothed in black vestments, he begged the abbot of one of the monasteries to tonsure him. He placed a monastic image on him, named him Anthony, taught him the monastic rite and said: go to Rus', awaken the blessing of the Holy Mountain. There will be many monks from you. Having blessed him, he sent him away with the parting words: go in peace. Anthony came to Kyiv and pondered where to stay... And he came to the hill where Hilarion dug a cave, and fell in love with that place, and settled in it 415. Dry bread, and then every other day, was food, simple water, and then in moderation, was Anthony’s drink, prayer and work day and night were his occupation. Even under Yaroslav, he had already become known for his exploits, and people came to him for his blessing. After Nikon and Theodosius, Varlaam, the son of a boyar, and Ephraim, the treasurer of V. Prince Izyaslav, arrived to Anthony. But the tonsure of these two favorites of the Court aroused (in 1054) anger in V.K. Izyaslav, and Anthony, giving way to anger, prepared to leave the cave with his disciples. The prince changed his mind and begged Anthony not to leave Kyiv. Up to 15 brethren gathered with Anthony, and Nikon, who tonsured the monks, left soon after the trouble of tonsuring Varlaam and Ephraim. Anthony, “as if he were in the habit of living alone and not tolerating any rebellion and rumors,” shut himself up in a cave cell, making Varlaam abbot. And soon, in order to be even less in communication with anyone, he moved to another hill and, having dug a cave, shut himself up in it 416. Exhaustion of the body by fasting, purification of the spirit by prayer and contemplation of God, were glorified in Atonia with the gift of insight and miracles. The sick received healing by taking simple food from Anthony 417. In 1067, the Cumans invaded Russia. The princes - three brothers Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod - decided to fight the predators on Alta, and came to Atony for a blessing. But Anthony with tears predicted an unhappy battle for the Princes, and for the commander Shimon the circumstances that would follow long after the battle. Soon after (1068), Anthony's peaceful solitude was again outraged by an everyday storm: Izyaslav, expelled from Kyiv by Vseslav, returned to Kyiv and began to be angry with Anthony “for Vseslav,” thinking that Anthony favored Vseslav. Svyatoslav sent for Anthony at night and took him to Chernigov. A friend of solitude liked the Boldin Mountains here; he dug a cave in them and settled in it 418. How long Anthony lived in the Chernigov cave is unknown. From the words of Nestor, all that is known is that he died in a cave in Kyiv, and precisely in the one where he lived recently after moving away from the Pechersk brethren 419, and Simon says that St. Anthony died a year before Theodosius, who died in 1074, blessing and marking the place of the church of St. Mother of God 420. He led a solitary, reclusive life. Many followed Anthony with him and after him. Chronicles show such ascetics even in 1154 and in 1174-421. The famous ascetics of solitude Isaac, Nikita, Lawrence, John and Pimen, and the long-suffering John and Athanasius are known. The first two showed by their example how difficult the asceticism of solitude is, what extraordinary dangers await those who undertake this extraordinary feat, and how, however, the grace of God does not abandon, but strengthens human weakness 422 . “There was,” writes Polycarp, “in the days of St. Abbot Nikon, one brother named Nikita, who wished to be glorified by people. Having chosen a great work not for God’s sake, he asked the elder for permission to enter the seclusion. The abbot rebuked him and said: child! You are young, and therefore it is not good for you to sit idle. It is better for you to work among your brothers, and you will not lose your reward. You are a witness of our brother St. Isaac of Pechersk, how deceived he was, if not for the great grace of God that saved him - that Isaac, who even now works many miracles. Nikita answered: I will never be tempted by such things, but I ask the Lord God to give me the gifts of miracles. Nikon answered: your request is beyond your strength. Be careful, brother, lest you fall when you ascend. Our humility commands you to serve your brethren.” Nikita insisted on his own. And his secret pride attracted the father of pride to him. He who appeared in the form of an Angel gave him advice to give up prayer and study only books, but took upon himself to pray for him and prayed in his sight. Nikita became a Prophet and teacher, “He sent to tell Izyaslav: now Gleb Svyatoslavich has been killed in the veil, - send your son Svyatopolk to the throne of Novgorod as soon as possible. And as he said, so it was.” Gleb was definitely killed in 1078 423. They came to listen to Nikita with surprise. One strange thing was noticed in the new teacher: he knew the Old Testament, but did not want to hear about the New. The experienced elders understood Nikita's condition, and their love could not be indifferent to their brother's misfortune. “Reverend men: hegumen Nikon, John, who was hegumen after him, the faster Pimen, Matthew the seer, St. Isaac the liver-maker, Agapit the doctor, Gregory the wonderworker, Nicholas, who was after the Bishop of Tmutarakan, Nestor, who wrote the Chronicle, Gregory, the creator of the canons, Theoktist, who was after the Bishop of Chernigov, Onesiphorus the seer - all these God-bearing ones came to the seduced man and, having prayed, drove away the demon from him, and he no longer saw him. They took him out and asked about the old law, wanting to hear something from him. But he swore that he had never read books. And the one who previously knew the Old Testament books for a memory now did not know a word... The reverend fathers barely taught him to read and write. From that time on, he devoted himself to abstinence and a pure, humble and obedient life, so that he surpassed others in virtues. For his virtue, he was appointed Bishop of Novgorod and performed many miracles: through prayer he brought down rain and extinguished the fire. And now they honor with the saints the Venerable and Blessed Nikita” 424. From other monuments it is known that St. Nikita was installed as Bishop of Novgorod in 1096 and, famous for the miracles of love for his flock under the blessed. K. Mstislav, died in 1108 (January 30) 425. “After this, writes the same Polycarp, another of the brothers, a certain Lawrence, wanted to go into seclusion. The holy monks did not allow him to do this. Lawrence went to the abbot, St. Demetrius, to the Izyaslav monastery and shut himself up there. For the sake of his strong life, God gave him the grace of healing" 426. The exploits of St. John the Recluse are especially amazing. “Truly blessed is he who dedicated himself,” writes Polycarp, “to the will of God and kept His immaculate commandments, keeping body and soul without defilement of the flesh and soul: I am talking about St. John the Venerable, who shut himself up in a narrow place in a cave. For thirty years he remained in great abstinence, suppressing his body with strong fasting, wearing glands all over his body.” At the beginning, for three years in a row he spent two or three days without food, and sometimes a whole week. Heavy glands on the body increased the severity of hunger and thirst, but the carnal passion did not go out. He went to the cave of St. Anthony and stayed there day and night, praying at his tomb. The saint announced to him: “John, John! you need to shut yourself up here so that at least you can weaken the abuse through invisibility and silence. The Lord will help you with the prayers of the saints.” And John shut himself up in the narrowest and darkest cave. The abuse did not stop. 30 years were spent in this cave, and 30 years were a time of painful struggle. Not knowing what to do with himself, John decided on an even more difficult feat: he dug a hole, sat down on his chest and covered himself with earth. I spent the entire Lent in this situation. His legs were burning, his veins were writhing, the heat was consuming his insides. John rejoiced in spirit, not feeling the fire of sin. Only the terrible vision terrified him. “Oh my God! Who did you leave me with? Have mercy on me, for you are the only one who loves mankind,” the sufferer prayed. And when he finished the prayer, the light shone, and the terrible serpent, hitherto ready to devour him, disappeared. And he heard a voice: “Here is help for you, John. But take heed to yourself so that no worse thing happens to you. According to the strength of your patience, it was allowed to you, so that you will be burned like gold. The master assigns hard work to the strong and strong servants, and bad and easy work to the weak and weak.” St. John himself spoke about such exploits to one brother who was in great despondency 427 . § 46. Community life. Introduction of the Studio Charter The most common monastic life in Greece was communal life, since its convenience for all spiritual ages, especially for the immature, has been proven by experience. In the Monasteries established by Yaroslav, in all likelihood, they followed the order of those monasteries of Constantinople, which were created there by Emperors and nobles, and in which the Jerusalem or Studite charter was introduced with some changes. In 1062, St. Theodosius, elected abbot, moved from the caves to the monastery, and the number of brethren then increased to one hundred. Ave. The abbot saw the need for a charter for a precise monastic community, and he could not help but hear about the Studian Constantinople charter given the then continuous communication between the Russians and the capital of Orthodoxy. Ephraim, a Pechersk monk, had previously gone to Constantinople. Ave. The abbot “sent one of the brethren to Ephraim the eunuch, so that, having copied the entire charter of the Studite monastery, he would send it to him. He fulfilled the command of our father - he immediately copied the entire charter of the Studite Monastery and sent it to him. Rev. our father Theodosius ordered it to be read before the brethren. From there he began to arrange everything according to the rules of the Studite monastery, as his disciples do to this day.” This is what Nestor says in the Life of St. Theodosius. And he writes in the Chronicle: “Theodosius gathered a hundred brethren and began to look for a monastic rule. The monk of the Studite monastery, Michael, was found, having come with M. George from Greece. He started asking him for the charter of the Studio Monks, found it from him and copied it.” There is neither contradiction nor discrepancy in these two messages from Nestor. In the Chronicle, written later, Nestor supplements previous information about the introduction of the charter. M. George arrived in Russia in 1068 and therefore what Nestor says about Michael happened after relations with Ephraim. The relationship with Michael was of some special importance for the matter of the charter. The chronicler, speaking about this relationship, makes it clear that when Theodosius was looking for a new institution and introducing a new institution, he turned to a person who had correct information about the Studian charter, like the Studian monk, and as a person entrusted to the Metropolitan, he deserved the trust of the church. Let us add one more circumstance to this. Nikon the Armenian, a contemporary of St. Theodosius, said that the ordinary lists of the Studio Charter differ in many respects from each other, and that it was very difficult for him to find an exact list of this charter. This shows us even more clearly that Theodosius, etc., had the need to communicate with Michael about the charter, and Nestor had the need to speak in the Chronicle about this relationship. According to the testimony of Nikon the Armenian 428, the Studian charter differed from other charters (including the Jerusalem one) in three respects. In it: a) all-night vigils are not prescribed for a single day, and throughout the year, evening, midnight, and morning singing must be performed at their own time, b) the Great Doxology is not prescribed for any day, but on great holidays it is prescribed to read stichera, for the song “Praise the Lord,” and verse stichera. c) From September 26 until the end of Pentecost, three readings are read at Matins, and from the Sunday of All Saints - two 429. But Nikon only talks about church services. From Nestor’s words it is not clear whether Theodosius was delivered the so-called image of the structure of the Studite monastery, or two other works: Penance for all the brethren, and Definitions about the raw waste week 430. According to the Slavic lists, both the first - the church charter itself, and the second - the appointment of punishments for cell indecencies are known, but the latter is not visible in its separate form. The Synodal Library still contains “the charter defining food and drink (and some other external actions), preserved according to the legend of St. Theodore in the Studite Monastery and written to the letter by P. Alexius (1025–1043) for his Mother of God Monastery, and translated into Slavic for the Novgorod Mother of God Monastery,” founded in 1179 by St. Elijah and Gabriel, later Novgorod archbishops 431. This manuscript is an undoubted monument to the fact that St. Theodosius introduced only the written rules of St. Theodos, which were more important and necessary in content, and that additions about objects of a different kind were introduced into our Monasteries a hundred years after St. Theodosius. St. Theodosius himself, having accepted the Studite Charter, did not limit himself to the limits of its letter: but keeping in mind its spirit, he introduced some of his own rules. So he did not reject anyone who came to him, but he was in no hurry to put on monastic clothing. At first he commanded him to wear secular clothes, but when the newcomer got used to the monastic order, he gave him black clothes and ordered him to obey. Then he cut his hair and put on a robe. If he achieved through a pure life that he became a skilled monk, then he was awarded the great schema. Also, after Vespers, he decided not to go from cell to cell for the brethren, but in his cell every day after prayer, do handicrafts, as anyone can, having the psalms of David in his mouth. After the meal, the monastery gates were locked, and no one could enter or leave 432. The Pechersk Monastery, built by St. Theodosius on the model of the Studio hostel, was a model for Russian hostels. However, this glory of it depended not on its external structure alone, but on the spirit of piety with which Theodosius animated his community. § 47. Her famous ascetics: St. Theodosius Ave. Theodosius introduced communal life and was an example of its perfections. From a young age, Theodosius strove with his soul to live for God. Having lost his father at the age of 14, he knew no other consolation than going to church. One day he happened to meet strangers. Captivated by the thought of their feat, he secretly goes with them to St. land. His mother, having learned about this, catches up with him, beats him, brings him into the house, and puts him in chains for several days. Continuing to go to church, Theodosius sees that sometimes there is no liturgy due to a lack of prosphora and decides to bake prosphora; two years pass in this activity. The mother persuades him to leave the occupation, which is low in her opinion, and the son continues the same work for another year. His mother, sometimes with threats, sometimes with beatings, drives him to the point where he retires to another city, and there he continues to bake prosphora with one presbyter. Quite a while later, his mother finds him and brings him back to the house. Then the ruler of the city, seeing his humility and piety, allows him to stay at his church. Theodosius secretly orders chains and wears them. Since the ruler was giving a feast, Theodosius had to appear for the treat in clean clothes. When changing clothes, the mother, who had heard about chains before, saw blood from the chains on her clothes, I furiously took the chains off my son. All these obstacles to the life of a saint did not extinguish the desire for a holy life in Feodosia - he strives for a monastic life. In the absence of his mother, he leaves home for Kyiv, finds Antonia, and Nikon, tonsured, begins his exploits. This was in 1032 433. Four years later, the mother came to Kyiv for her son: but the son was already so strong in spirit that, through his prayer, the mother herself changed her desires and remained in the nunnery. Theodosius was appointed presbyter. Life for the brethren who gathered to Anthony was generally strict, but Theodosius did not spare himself. The food was rye bread, and only on Saturday and Sunday - sochi, and for lack of it, herbal food. To have bread, they did simple handicrafts and, having bought grains, ground them themselves. At the end of Matins they went to the garden and dug, after the Liturgy they worked again. Theodosius, strong in body, took on part of the work from others. He carried water to others, chopped wood, ground rye and brought flour to everyone. Sometimes on a hot night, naked, he gave his body as food for mosquitoes and midges - the blood flowed through him, and he calmly spun a wave. At the beginning of 1062, the brethren, with the blessing of Anthony, elected Theodosius as abbot. Theodosius added to his previous exploits the heavy vigilance of the abbot, built a monastery and a hostel, and at night he walked around the cells of the monks to see their lives. Whoever he found at prayer, he thanked the Lord, and if he heard a conversation between two or three, he knocked on the door and in the morning gave meek instructions about paying attention to his soul. And by word and example he inspired his flock to exploits. “Every day I did it with my own hands, came to the bakery and worked happily with the bakers, kneaded dough, baked bread. He taught, strengthened and consoled all the weak. Once before the holiday, the cellarer said that there was no one to carry water. The blessed one hastily stood up and began to carry water.” One of the brethren saw this and hastened to tell several brethren about it. They ran to share the labor with the abbot. Another time there was no one to chop wood for the communal kitchen. “I am idle,” said the abbot, and will go: he ordered the brethren to go to the meal, since it was time for that, and he himself began to chop wood. At the end of the table, the brethren saw that Rev. their abbot chops wood and works like that, each took his ax and prepared firewood for many days.” At meals he was content with dry bread and cabbage soup without butter, but he was never seen decrepit and cheerless at meals. No one had ever seen him lie down on his side to sleep, but he usually fell asleep sitting and when he woke up stood to pray. I never washed my body with water, except my face and hands. His clothes were woolen, and very thin, which he often covered with patches so that the hair shirt on his body would not be visible. They often criticized him for his thin clothes; he listened to the reproach with joy. Once V.K. Izyaslav, who loved and respected him, ordered, on the occasion of the late hour, to take him in a late cart. The servant sees a monk in thin clothes and says: you monk are idle every day, and I live in troubles and labors; sit on the horse, and I will lie down in your place and rest. The monk, without saying a word, exchanged places and at the Monastery treated the servant in the best possible way. His nights passed without sleep, in tearful prayer for himself and for his brethren, which was noticed many times by church alarm clocks, although the ascetic of God tried to hide this feat from people. Such labors purified and elevated his spirit so much that the monk received the gift of healing and insight, and performed signs according to his faith. Full of love for the poor and suffering, for whom he built a house, he gave his last to those in need and was rewarded a hundredfold. Boyars and princes came to confess their sins to him and listen to his instructions; he told everyone the truth with love, and sometimes with severity. The latter was experienced by Prince. Svyatoslav, who expelled his brother Izyaslav from Kyiv. Since the number of brethren increased greatly and the place became crowded, the abbot chose another place for the Monastery. Various signs marked the foundation of a new stone church in honor of the Mother of God. Having laid the foundation for it, St. Theodosius died the following May 1074, 3 days 434. § 48. His disciples under him and after him: St. Damian, Mark, Spyridon, Prince. Svyatoslav-Nikolai The disciples of Theodosius, animated by the spirit of the leader. abbot, were strong in spirit for spiritual exploits. “The Lord gathered such monks in the Monastery of Our Mother,” says St. Nestor, “that they shone with virtues like stars in the Russian land. Some were strong in fasting, others in vigil, or in kneeling; others fasted every other day or two days; others ate only bread and water, some boiled greens, and others uncooked. Still they were in love. The younger ones submitted to the elders, not daring to speak before them except with great humility and obedience. And the elders had love for the younger ones, teaching them as dear children. If someone fell into some sin, they consoled him, and three or four, out of love, shared the penance of one. If a brother left the monastery, all the brethren mourned, sent for him and asked him to return to the monastery. And when he arrived, everyone went to the abbot, bowed and begged the abbot. And then they gladly received their brother. Such was divine love, such was the humility and self-control of the holy brethren. Even after death, they shine like an unquenchable candle with various miracles and pray to God” 435. “And in his (Theodosius) monastery there was one monk, with the rank of presbyter named Damian. He jealously imitated the life and humility of his holy father Theodosius. Many testify to his good life and obedience and the obedience that he acquired for all the brethren. Especially those who were with him in the cell saw his meekness and how he did not sleep for whole nights, diligently reading books and again practicing prayer. They told many other things about this man 436.” “He was such a faster that he ate nothing but bread and water until his death. If they brought a child who suffered from some kind of illness, or an old one obsessed with an illness, he came to the monastery to see the blessed one. Theodosius: then Theodosius commanded Damian to pray over the sick man. And he prayed, anointed with oil, and those who came received healing. Once he fell ill and was approaching death, lying in weakness. An angel came in the form of Theodosius, giving him the Kingdom of Heaven for his work. Then Theodosius came with the brethren and sat down next to him. He was already exhausted and, looking at the abbot, said: do not forget what you promised me that night. The Great Theodosius realized that he had seen a vision and said: Brother Damian! Bring to you what I promised. He, closing his eyes, gave up his soul in the hands of the Lord.” The last one was in 1071 437. The feats of service to the brethren were different, there was only one thing in common - service from the heart. "St. Mark, living in a cave, dug many caves with his own hands. He carried earth on his shoulders, working day and night for the work of God. He dug many places for the burial of the brethren, and did not take anything for it, unless someone himself gave something, and even then he distributed it to the poor. With him, St. Theodosius was transferred from the cave to the monastery, to the great Church (in 1090). Once he was digging, He was tired, exhausted and left the cramped, unexpanded place. It happened that one brother fell ill and died. The dead man was brought into the cave, and as soon as he was put in, the brothers grumbled against Mark, not being able to remove him or pour oil on him: the caveman humbly bowed to everyone and said: forgive me, saints. The fathers, because of their badness, did not finish. They began to scold him even more: the place is cramped, - take the trouble to pour the oil on yourself. The dead man, having risen a little, took the oil and poured it crosswise on his face and chest; and having given the vessel, he removed everything in front of everyone, lay down and fell asleep. Ave. Spyridon and Nikodim were nothing more than prosphora bakers: but they worked with all their hearts for 30 years, baking prosphora, and pleased the Lord. The first, having been illiterate, learned to read and write when he was no longer young and made it a rule to read the entire Psalter every day. Thus, he doubled the feat of serving the brethren with the feat of reverently forming thoughts with the word of God. The last years of both belonged to the time of Abbot Pimen (1132–1141) 439 . The son of David Svyatoslavich K. Chernigovsky, Svyatoslav, baptized Nicholas, entered into marriage and had children. One of his daughters was the wife of the blessed one. Prince Vsevolod-Gabriel 440. In 1099 we see him according to the Chronicle as the Prince of the city of Lutsk. But in the same year, besieged by Bonyak and David Igorevich, who blinded the unfortunate Vasilko, he peacefully left for Chernigov 441. In 1106 442 he left the principality, splendor and everything that was dear, and retired to the Pechersk Monastery. Simon writes that he spent three years in the kitchen, working for the brethren - he chopped wood with his own hands to cook the brethren's peas, and often carried water from the shore on his shoulders. His brothers Izyaslav and Vladimir could not keep him from his exploits. As a true novice, he lovingly asked permission to cook gruel for the brethren for a year 443. After that, tested and perfect, he was assigned to the gates of the monastery, and here he stayed for three years without leaving anywhere except the church. Henceforth he was ordered to serve at the meal, and thus, by the will of the abbot and the brethren, he was forced to have a cell for himself. He arranged for her, made a vegetable garden in front of her, where he planted it with his own hands. They also say about him that throughout his monastic life no one saw him in idleness; he was constantly engaged in handicrafts, singing the Psalter, and thereby earned clothes. Although he accepted the property, he did not use it for his own pleasure, but gave everything to the needs of strangers and to the church dispensation. We still have many of his books. He himself ate monastery food. It took a lot of firmness to endure reproaches for the prince’s determination to live such a life; at that time none of the princes had voluntarily doomed themselves to the labors and humility of monasticism. Svyatoslav's brothers tried hard to return Svyatoslav to the world, especially through their doctor, who settled for Svyatoslav in Kyiv. He strongly insisted on how dangerous his new harsh life was for the Prince’s health. “And your pious brothers Izyaslav and Vladimir,” said Peter, “suffer reproach from your poverty... Which of the Princes did this? Is your blessed father David, or your grandfather Svyatoslav? Which of the boyars desired this, except Varlaam, who was the abbot here? The blessed one answered him: “Brother Peter! I thought a lot and decided not to spare my flesh, so as not to restore the abuse to myself: let the one who is oppressed by much labor humble herself. My strength is made perfect in my weaknesses... I thank my God for freeing me from worldly work and making me a servant to His servants, these blessed monks. Let my brothers take heed to themselves. Dying for Christ is my gain.” Experience showed who was right in their thoughts. The ascetic Prince was sometimes unwell, but each time he recovered before the doctor arrived. Once a doctor fell ill, and very seriously. The prince monk sent him to say: “If you don’t drink the potion, you will be healthy, but if you don’t listen, you will suffer a lot.” The doctor did not listen, and barely escaped death. The doctor was seriously ill another time. The blessed one sent him to tell him: “If you do not receive treatment, on the third day you will be healthy.” The doctor obeyed and recovered. After that, Peter began to change his thoughts, then decided to become a monk, and, as the blessed one had appointed, he soon died. The last time was during the 6th year of Svyatoslav’s stay in the Monastery, and the Monk Prince lived for another 30 years after that 444. In 1142 we see the Prince-monk as a peacemaker between the Princes. The princes of Chernigov and the brothers of V.K. Vsevolod devastated the Chernigov region. V. The prince sent the monk Svyatoslav to the camp of these predators to reassure them so that the bloodshed would stop. The holy monk succeeded in a good deed. This was the last earthly service of his Church and homeland. In the same 1142, he died peacefully on October 14, 445. § 49. Pr. Anthony in Novgorod In the north of Russia, there was a famous ascetic of the hostel, St. Anthony the Roman, who founded the Monastery on the banks of the Volkhov, 2 versts from Novgorod. He himself describes part of his story in his spiritual one. “I am Anthony,” he says, “the worst among the monks, came to this place, having received no property either from the Prince or from the Bishop, but accepted only the blessing from Bishop Nikita (1096-1108), and plowing on a foreign land, did not give myself peace in front of others, causing grief to both the brethren and orphans of the Christians here. Let the Mother of God figure out how much I suffered for this place!” 446 According to the Chronicles it is clear that the monk arrived in Novgorod in 1108. He worked for 40 years to gather and calm spiritual children through prayer 447. In 1117, he founded a stone church of the Mother of God in his Monastery, which was completed two years later and painted six years later. In 1127 he laid a stone table, and above it the Church of the Presentation of the Lord, and in 1131 he was appointed abbot 448. The monastery of St. Anthony († 1147) is perhaps the first of the Novgorod monasteries, and centuries have not erased it from the ground 449. And Kirik, deacon and domestic of the Anthony Monastery, during Anthony’s life (in 1136) wrote an interesting article on chronology and was then famous for the questions of Novgorod. Shepherds 450, serves as a living witness to the fact that his great teacher raised reasonable piety in his children. § 50. Stylite life and its ascetics, St. Kirill and Nikita Nikita Choniates writes that the custom of saving oneself on a pillar, following the example of St. Simeonov Stolpnikov, continued in Greece until the 12th century. This image of asceticism, being unusually difficult, did not find many representatives in the East. Not many stylites are visible in the ancient Russian Church; only two are known: St. Cyril, who was later Bishop and great teacher of Turov (§ 14), and St. Nikita the stylite of Pereyaslavl. “Nikita, our great father, was born and raised in the city of Pereyaslavl (Zalessky). When he came of age, he became a friend of the tax collectors and worked with them around the judges, and inflicted a lot of dirty tricks and confusion on innocent people, collecting unrighteous bribes, thereby feeding himself and his wife.” Many years passed in this way. Once he entered the church and heard the preaching of the Prophet: wash yourself, and you will be clean, take away wickedness from your souls, etc. These words struck him. He spent the whole night without sleep, the lies lay like a stone on his conscience. The next morning he went out to his friends, and to entertain himself, he invited them to his place for the evening. Having bought what he needed for a treat, he ordered his wife to cook. But when she began to cook, she first saw blood on top of the water, then the head, then another part of the human body. to my husband. He came and saw the same thing. “Woe to me who has sinned greatly!” Nikita said, and without saying another word, he left the house. The abbot of the Nikitsky monastery, where Nikita came, appointed him to stand for three days at the gates of the Monastery. Nikita did more: he went and sat down naked in a swampy place, swarms of mosquitoes and midges showered him and covered his body with blood. Taken to the Abode, Nikita put very heavy chains on himself and locked himself in a pillar. There he prayed for his sins, exposed to the frost and heat. Several years were spent in such a feat, and his soul was filled with grace and awarded the gift of healing. Prince Mikhail of Chernigov (then still young, and later a martyr) was seriously ill, and was healed by St. Nikita. Having placed a cross at the place of healing, blessed. The prince wrote down on it the year and day of the event - May 16, 1186. Not long after this, thieves, mistaking the iron chains, worn out and shiny, for silver, killed the holy ascetic 451. The first and second are placed in T. 2 Collection. Rus. Years. (St. Petersburg, 1843), under the unfair name of the Ipatiev Chronicle, here is the Gustin Chronicle, like the Kiev Chronicle. The third - in 1 Volume. Collections: Laurentian Chronicle, or Nestor and the Suzdal Chronicle. Then follows the Trinity Chronicle, again mainly the Chronicle of the Suzdal Region (St. Petersburg, 1846). The Suzdal ones should include Rostovskaya and Troitskaya, from which extracts were placed in Karamzin and of which the latter burned down in the Moscow fire of 1812. Three Novgorod Chronicles ed. in 3 Volumes. Collection of Chronicles (St. Petersburg, 1841). Fourth in 4 T. Collection. Letop. The Novgorod ones include: Russian Chronicle from the Resurrection List, St. Petersburg. 1793 Sofia Vremennik, part 1. 2. M. 1820. The Pskov Chronicle has only been published so far. Pogodin. M. 1830. Its best edition in 4 volumes. Collection. Letop. St. Petersburg 1848. Russian Chronicler, ed. Lvov, parts 1 – 5. St. Petersburg. 1792. Nikon Chronicle, parts I-VIII. St. Petersburg 1767–1792. Chronicle of revolts, M. 1788. Royal Chronicler, St. Petersburg. 1772. Continuation of Nestor, M. 1784. Other regions: Dvinsky Chronicler - in Russian. Ancient Vivliot. T. XVIII. Chronicler of Arkhangelsk, M. 1781. Chronicler of Vyatka in the Russian Communist Party. Little Russian Chronicles by Markevich in the History of Little Russia T. 5 M. 1843. Notes of Russian people (Medvedev, Matveev, Zhelyabuzhsky), ed. Sakharov (with explanations) St. Petersburg, 1841. K. Kurbsky's note on the life of Ivan the Terrible and Letters, St. Petersburg. 1840. The Legend of the Siege of the Sergius Monastery, op. Abrahamia Palitsyna, M. 1784. 1820. Kotoshikhina about Russia during the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich, St. Petersburg. 1840. Savva (schismatic) note about the Council of 1682 (RKP.). Note about Possevin - in Ancient. Vivl. T.VI. G. Vostokov understood the importance of notes on manuscripts, and therefore did not omit them in his Description of Rumyantsev. Museum (St. Petersburg 1841), despite their brevity and apparent insignificance. Stroev, in the Description of the Library of the History Society (M. 1846), placed several such notes. Less often they are in the Description of the RKP Gr. Tolstoy, M. 1822. But Stroev exhibited the afterwords and prefaces of early printed books even with excessive generosity. See Description of early printed books: Gr. Tolstoy, M. 1829; Tsarsky, M. 1836, and Addendum, M. 1841. In books printed in Moscow, afterwords are responsible for both the preface and the afterword, but in those printed in the southwest, both are common. One cannot help but regret that the Lives of Russian Saints, written by contemporaries, or those close to them in time, with the exception of a few, remain unpublished. Even those Lives that were published quite late, during the time of M. Macarius, contain a lot of news about Russian antiquity. True, there are not many biographies whose contents would not be included in the printed Chetiy-Minea, Prologue and Pechersk Patericon. But in these books the ancient Lives have been changed and shortened, so that they lack many very important pieces of information. See eg. Kubarev's study of the Patericon of Pechersk in Reading. General East. M. 1847 No. 9. Undolsky Bibliographical research, in Moskvityan. 1846 No. 11. 12. Page. 181. Published Lives: St. Petra, op. M. Macarius in Step. Book; St. K. Alexander Nevsky - in Sof. Vr. and to Laurus. Years.; St. K. Mikhail Chernigovsky - in Sof. Vr. Monuments of Literature of the 12th century. ed. Kalaidovich, M. 1820. Works of M. Hilarion, Peter, Alexy and Cyril, Bp. Serapion, ed. in Added. to Creation Holy Fathers in Russian. translation Historia Byzantina, Vol. I – XXII. Venetiis 1696 – 1711. Dittmari Chronicov, Hannov 1707. Saxo. Dlugoszii Hist Poloniae Lips. 1711. Cromeri De orig. et reb. Polonior. Basil. 1555 Warsowie 1767. Koiatowits Historia Litwanie, 1650. 1669. Scriptores exleri de Russia, ed. Starzenscy, Berolini 1841. Acts of Archaeogr. Expeditions, T. 1–4. St. Petersburg, 1836. Historical Acts, Vol. 1 – 5. St. Petersburg 1841–1842. Legal Acts, St. Petersburg 1838. Addition to History. Aktam, T. 1. Acts Zap. Russia, T. 1. St. Petersburg 1847. T. 2. 1848. Acts in foreign languages, Turgeneva. T. 1. 2. St. Petersburg 1842. Monuments of the Kyiv Commission, Kyiv T. 1. 2. Collection. State Certificate, St. Petersburg. 1813 1826. Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire, T. I – XI. V. St. Petersburg, 1836. Landmarks of Russia. M. 1816. 1843. The works of St. Demetrius - Chetya-Minea are venerable; M. Evgeniya – Dictionary of Church Writers. Part 1. 2. St. Petersburg. 1826. About the Sophia Cathedral, Kyiv, 1836 (however, there is little criticism in the Chronicle of Metropolitans), Ambrose - History of the Hierarchy, parts 1 - 6. Karamzin’s notes to History, Kalaidovich John Exarch, M. 1821. Artsybysheva Code of Chronicles, M. 1834–1840. Pogodina Nestor, M. 1836. Butkov’s Defense to Nestor, St. Petersburg. 1943. Chertkov Chronicle of Manasseh, M. 1846. Many useful studies are in the works of the Moscow History Society, parts 1 - 8. M. 1815 - 1837. In Russian Historical. Collection, M. 1837 - 1846. T. 1 - 7. In his own Readings 1845 - 1848. M. The biographies of the Saints are very useful in the addendum. to creativity Fathers of the Church. The history of Christianity in Russia before Vladimir is verbose. St. Petersburg 1846. Book, verb Big Drawing, ed. Spassky. M. 1846. Borders of southern Russia before the Mongol invasion - Passek in his Essays on Russia, book. 2. St. Petersburg 1840. RKP. in the Rumyantsev Museum, according to description. Vostokov p. 200. Anyone can read about Russian paganism: a) Sakharov’s Tales of the Russian People (St. Petersburg, 1841), which shows the content of the research of Chulkov, Popov, Glinka, Kaisarov, Strosov, etc.; b) Kastorsky's Inscription of Slavic Mythology, St. Petersburg. 1841; c) Hanusha Wissenschaft d. Slavischen Mythus, Lemberg 1842; d) Safarik about Svarog in Reading. Moscow General East. 1846 No. 1; e) Bodyansky On the identity of Khors and God's Grace - ibid. No. 2. Slch. below Ave. 47. The Chronicle says that Ap. Andrei, from Sinope, through Korsun, the Dnieper reached the Kyiv Mountains and, having blessed them, went north to Novgorod, and from there to Rome, as if he had decided. The source of the Chronicle's news about Russian Christianity is in approx. 38. Abulfaragius Hist. Dynast. P. 185/ In the 1st and 2nd centuries. here lived the Tiragetians - Nestor's Tivertsy - inhabitants of the Dniester, otherwise the Slavs, mixed with the Getae (Theophylact Hist. Lib. 7 p. 2 p. 253. Synopsis Theofilacti lib. 3 p. 75 lib. 7 p. 250), in the 3rd century according to the map - Veneti, in the 4th - Antes (Jornand de Gothor gestis p. 24. 25), in 5 and 6 - the countless Slavic people (Constant De administr. imp. p. 29), otherwise Lita (Iornand de Goth. gest. p. 5). Socrates N. E. 1, 18. Historically it is known that Gottf Ermanarik subjugated the Veneds to his power (Iornand p. 23); the Tirageths are mentioned in approx. 5. Philology also indicates Slavic words in the Gothic Bible of Ulfilas (Ulfilas Bibelubersetz v. Zahn, Weissenf, 1805. Ulfilas V. et N. Test fragmenta cum glossar ed. Gabelenz vol. I Alteub. 1836 vol. II. Lips. 1842). Then, in 372, St. suffered. Savva Gotfyanin: he was drowned “in the river called Musya,” otherwise in Musovio, not far from Tertovyshto. The God-fearing Junius Soranus, the famous commander of Scythia, transferred the relics of St. Sava first crossed the Danube to the Greek possessions, then sent them to Cappadocia (Acta Martir. sineera 3, 375–389). This was due to the letters of St. Vasily “to the Scythian commander”, i.e. Junius Soranus, to whom he wrote: “You will do well if you send the relics of the martyrs from the fatherland (Junius was also from Scythia, where he was a commander), in which, as you write to us, persecution is still preparing martyrs for the Lord.” Sl. Kirill Ierus. announced X. XVI. Theodorite. Hist. Eccl. 5 s. 31. S. Chrisostomi Epist. 107. 202. Theodorit N. E. 437. 5, 30. Op. T. 12. p 371 372. The Thracians here do not mean the Greeks, since they glorified Christ in Thrace for a long time. Moses of Khorensky (489) writes: “The Thracian country lies to the east of Dalmatia, near Sarmatia; in Thrace there are five small regions, and one large, where there are seven (and not 25, as in the printed edition) Slavic tribes. Words from Neumann's Geography of Moses: Geschihte d. armen Litter 53. Leipz. 1836. Slch. Feofana Cronogr. p. 297 – 299. In 544, the Black Sea Goths asked Imp. Justinian to send them a bishop to replace the deceased (Procop. de bello Gothico 4, 423). In 692, George, Bishop of Chersonese and Dora, signed the acts of the Council of Trullo. Under the iconoclasts Leo and Constantine, John Bishop of Goths suffered (Few - Min. June 26). In the life of Stephen Bishop of Sourozh or Azov Sudak: “A warlike and strong prince from Russian Novgorod with a large army devastated places from Korsun to Kerch, came with great force to Surozh... broke the iron gates, entered the city with a sword in his hand, entered St. Sofia; breaking down the doors, he entered where the coffin of St. stood. Stephen and robbed everything that was on the coffin: the royal cover, pearls, gold, precious stones, gold chandeliers, and much more. But at that same hour his face turned back; the prince fell, and foam came out of his mouth; he shouted: this man is great! .. give back what you took... The prince shouted: let the priests come and baptize me. Apxep has arrived. Filaret with priests; They prayed and baptized him in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. And his face turned again. And all the chief of his people were baptized.” The very detail of the story guarantees its accuracy. The biography says that it was “few years after the death of the saint.” (Vostokov in Description of Music. 689). St. Stephen suffered for the icons under the Emperor. Leo Psaurus and after his death (741). Released from prison, he ruled the flock “time is enough,” next. died approx. 750 Philaret was the successor of St. Stefan. Track. the event with the Novgorod prince was ca. 755 Imp. Konstantin speaks of the southern regions of Russia, occupied in his time by the Pechenegs: “Here, among the ruins of cities, some traces of Christianity and crosses carved from quarry stone are found.” Hist. Vizant. vol. 29. p. 87. About the attack of the Russians on Constantinople and about the miraculous destruction of the ships, George Amartol, Leo Grammatik, George the monk, Simeon Logothet, the successor of Constantine, Zonara, Kedrin (their words in the Note. Odessa. General History. 181–185), Nikita Naphlagon, P. Photius (in words and writing), from the Slavs Nestor, wrote. Bulgarian translator of the Manasseh Chronicle and the Serbian chronicle by Chertkov (translation of Manas. Let. 101. 103. 158. 160). A Imp. Constantine, his successor, P. Photius, Kedrin and translator. Manas. Letop. speaks of the invitation of Bishop Russami and their baptism. The message of Photius is tested in conversation. s sure. Page 162. 175 Stritt. Memor. pop. 2,957. Konstantin Bagryanor. De administr. imp. With. 20. Besides Constantine, John Kuropalat, Kedrin, Zonara and Mikhail Glins speak about the miracle with the Gospel. Slch. Ave. 10. Simeon Logofet says that the Russians approached Constantinople “in the ninth year of Michael’s rule and in the tenth they entered Hieron” (trace to 866). Nestor dates the return of the Princes to Kyiv in 867. Photius’ letter was written when some bishops gathered at the Council, and this Council, according to Nikita, was when Basil was accepted as co-ruler by Michael. since Vasily was accepted on May 26, 866, and on April 23, 867 he killed his benefactor Michael and on September 23. brought down the bold accuser Photius from the pulpit, then the baptism of the Kyiv Russes took place in May or June 867. Karamzin, referring to the words of Imp. Constantine, says: “Photius could send priests to the Russians in 866, and P. Ignatius - in 867.” But Konstantin was not understood. He writes: “Basily managed that a bishop dedicated to P. Ignatius was sent to them.” Does this mean that P. Ignatius sent a bishop to the Russes? Not at all. The fact is that Photius, impartial to the deposed P. Ignatius, sent a bishop dedicated by Ignatius to the great work; track. Vasily's nephew, contrary to his intention to expose Vasily, exposes Photius's wonderful act. Geogr. excerpt from it in Russian. East. Collection T. 4. book. 4. page 341. 341 Nestor, who also says: “on that grave (Oskold) Olma (Alypius) placed St. Nicholas; and Dirov’s grave is for St. Orina." Kyiv. monastery of St. Irene was founded under Yaroslav, and the church of St. Nicholas, according to Joachim's chronicle, existed during the time of Svyatoslav I. The mother of St. Theodosius took monastic vows in the St. Nicholas Monastery. It is clear in itself that the church is not placed above the pagan. Isn’t that why the church of St. was erected over Oskold’s grave? Nicholas, that Oskold, b. m., was called Nikolai? At least such examples are common. Eg. Yaroslav-George built a monastery in the name of George. Nestor after Laurus. sp. page 16. Godini de office. mag. eccl. Paris. 1648. T. 1, p. 379. Ibn-Fotslan at Butkov, Defense of the Chronicle. 303. Konstantin De cocrem. Aulae lib. 2. c. 15. Nestor on the laurel. sp. 20. 21. Artsibashev 1, 56–59. About the Church of St. Nestor speaks more clearly to Elijah, speaking about the taking of the oath in Kyiv: “And the peasant Rus' led its mouth in the church of St. Elijah, which is above the stream, the end of the Pasynch conversation and Kozar (at the end of Pasyncheva Street and Kozarskaya): this is a collection of the church. Mnozi bo besha Varyazi peasants.” The words about the Varangians require explanation. They do not say that only the Varangians were Christians. Nestor only wants to say that the Varangians, occupying important places in Russia, upon accepting Christianity, demanded that there be a cathedral church for them. One of the fans of the Normans wrote seriously: “We owe Christianity to the Varangians, as well as our civil structure.” About the entire period up to 988 it is said: “there is not a single news, not a single hint in the chronicle about any Christian of the Slavic tribe.” What was the basis for such a trial? It seems that the chronicle talks about Rus', about the Varangians, and Rus', the Varangians are Normans! But a) if it were so, that in the chronicle of Nestor there was not a single news about a Christian of the Slavic tribe: it still should not have been said that none of the Russian Slavs were Christians before 988. Likewise, the Normans should not have been credited with introducing Christianity into Russia. We have already seen (§ 2) Oskold’s meeting on the introduction of Christianity into Russia. Konstantin says: “Emperor Russov gathered a council; there were a lot of people here; the sovereign himself presided with the boyars and elders.” Isn't this a Slavic veche? The people - and, of course, they will not want to include the “noble” Varangians in this name - the people talk about faith. And what else is bad? About those who were higher than the people, he says that they “were more committed to paganism than others.” We do not repeat what was said. b) Nestor talks about St. Olga: “This is why they praise Russia’s sons, like the boss.” So, it is the Normans, and not the Russian Slavs, who honor Olga as their boss? Olga “after death prayed to God for Rus'.” Therefore, Olga prayed for the Normans, and not for the Slavs! Nestor “has the same Slovenian and Russian languages.” Is the Norman language close to Slavic? The pagan Varangians worship Slavic, not Norman gods... For Nestor and his close successors, Rus' is predominantly southern Rus'. Therefore, Russia, baptized under Oskold, Igor and Olga, is predominantly southern Russia. Acta Sauct. Fabr. T. 3. p. 278. The likelihood that the Russian attack on Greece, described in the biography, refers to Igor, is based on the fact that the devastation of the propontis by the Russians according to the biography of George and according to the description of Igor’s campaign are exactly the same, and St. George died at the beginning of the 9th century. Nestor after Laurus. sp. John Skylitsa: “The wife of the Russian prince, who sailed against the Romans with an armed fleet, named Olga, after the death of her husband, arrived in Constantinople, where, having discovered a sincere desire to accept the true faith, she was baptized, and returned home, having been awarded the honors due to her.” Annal. Curop p. 63. The same – Zonara Annal. p. 152 and Kedrin. For others, see pr. 29. 30. In the Serbian Prologue of the 13th century. “Be worthy of St. baptism from the Patriarch and having accepted the cross from him, he came to his land, which now stands in Kyiv in St. Sophia, in the altar on the right side, having the inscription: renewed in the Russian land, the cross from Olga, the faithful princess, mother Svyatoslavla” (Vostokova Description. Music. 453). In the printed Prologue the reading has been changed. Karamzin (1. pr. 382) says: “This cross does not exist and no one has heard of it in Kyiv.” That he does not exist is true; but it is not true that no one had heard of him before, when they knew him in Serbia. Even M. Hilarion, in praise of Vladimir, says: “You and your grandmother Olga, who brought the cross from new Jerusalem, from Constantinograd, and placed it in your land, you confirmed the faith.” Archbishop Anthony saw this dish in constant. St. Sophia Church: “And the dish was great for the service of Russian Olga, when she took tribute while going to Tsaryugrad. In Olgina’s dish the stone is precious; Christ is written on the same stone, and from that Christ people receive seals for all good things. The same dish is topped with pearls.” RKP. put. Antonia. Nestor dates it to 955. But on Wednesday 9 September and Sunday 18 October, when, according to the Emperor. Constantine, Olga was treated to a meal in the courtyard, it could have been no other than in 957. Description of Constantine in Russian. translation in Artsybyshev I, 31. 32. The chronicle is also mistaken in the name of the Emperor, calling him Tzimiskes. Sl. Collection Letop. T. 4, pp. 173,174. They were all received at the Court and attended dinners, as the Imp describes. Konstantin. In addition, there were dinners - the first time “20 envoys of Russian princes”, 43 merchants, 6 ambassadors, 2 translators (except Knyaginin), another time 22 envoys, 44 merchants: but these people, perhaps, had previously lived in Constantinople. Laurel. sp. 36–38. Koenigsberg p. 54. 55. “And he teaches his mother to be baptized, and does not hesitate to accept him into union: but if anyone wants to be baptized, I do not scold him, but curse him. For the unfaithful, the peasant faith is ugliness... He often says: I, my son, have come to know God and rejoice; Once you know it, you will begin to rejoice. He didn’t pay attention to that, saying: “Why do I want to accept one law, and the squad will start laughing at this?” She said to him: if you are baptized, you will do the same. He didn’t listen to his mother.” About the murder of Prince Gleb by Svyatoslav Joakimov Letop. Tatishchev 1, 36. Nestor does not talk about this case; but he talks about Svyatoslav’s disposition towards Christians. Nestor does not say what Constantine writes: so what? Pope John 15, allowing the opening of a bishopric and a nunnery in Prague, adds: “however, not according to the rituals of the Bulgarian or Russian tribe. or Slavic language." (Kozma in Script.Ver. Bohem. 1, 45). Nestor according to ancient times text pp. 45, 46. About the Jews in Casaria or Tauris and the Mohammedans on the shores of the Caspian and the Black Sea, about the then jealousy of both for proselytism, see the article “Cyril and Methodius” in Moskvit. 1843 One of Vladimir’s wives was a Bohemian “Catholic”, see Karamzin 1, 208. Slch. Artsybysheva 1. p. 48. Vladimir had just ended the war with the Bulgarians and made peace (in 985), and the Volzhan ambassadors came to him to finalize the treaty. Artsybyshev pp. 47. 48. Islamism spread in Volga Bulgaria from 922, when the Bulgarian Tsar deliberately sent to Baghdad to ask the Caliph to send him people knowledgeable in Muslim law, artists to build mosques and engineers to build fortresses. So says Ibn Fotslan, who was in Bulgaria as a result of this request. Edmund’s saga also speaks about Vladimir’s conference with the boyars about faith, only in its own way, like a saga. East. Collection. T. 4. Olga from Nestor: “When your king stands with me in Pochaina for the same amount of time as I stood with him in court (constant harbor): then I will send him gifts and an army.” This was said to the Greek ambassadors who arrived after Olga from Constantinople to receive gifts. These words clearly show that Olga was insulted by being forced to wait a long time at Const. harbor But the gifts that the Court gave her were offensive to V. Princess of Russia. How long has it been constant? did the court humiliate itself before Oleg and Igor? Konstantin Bagryan. (De administr imp. 1. 13) decreed by law: “it is indecent (for the imperial house) to enter into marriages with these northern peoples (Kazars, Turks, Russians). The contemporary Dietmar (Chronicon lib. 3), the Saxon chronicler (Echardi Corp. hist. med. xvi ad an. 1018), the Arab historians El-Makin 1032 (Hist. Saracen. p. 151) and Ibn El-Azir knew that Vladimir was married to the Emperor’s sister. Nestor after Laurus. sp. “According to God’s order, at this time Vladimir fell ill with his eyes and could not see anything and was worse off than the great ones; and the queen sent to him saying: if you want to get rid of this disease, then be baptized soon; Otherwise, there is no way to get rid of this. Hearing this, Volodimer said: “If the truth exists, then truly the Christian God will be great.” Letop. according to Laurel. sp. pp. 51–70 Königsber sp. pp. 72–80. Nestor did not write based on rumors of some. a) He says that in his time there were rumors that Vladimir was baptized in Kyiv, according to others in Vasilev, according to others in another place: but - he adds: “it’s not right, they say.” b) He even knew where Vladimir lived during his stay in Korsun. “Vladimir’s chamber from the edge of the church (St. Basil, where Vladimir was baptized) stands to this day, and the Tsarina’s chamber is behind the altar.” c) He also knew that on that hill where the besieged Korsunts carried the earth, Vladimir erected a church, “as the church stands to this day.” Laurel. sp. Nestor also wrote about the circumstances of baptism in the life of St. Princes Boris and Gleb. About the same: a) Life of blessings. K. Vladimir, different from that placed in the prologue, ancient in language; b) a word of praise to St. Vladimir, where even more is said about the capture of Korsun than in the annals. Nestor (see Vostokova's Description of the Rumyants. Museum, pp. 677, 687. Butkov's Defense chronicle, p. 282). c) Letter from V.K. Vasily to the Patriarch, about the test of faith by Vladimir (Historical Act No. 39.). d) We are not talking about those who wrote private chronicles - Novgorod, Rostov-Suzdal. As for the Byzantine legend by Bandurius (Prolog. ad Constautinum T. 2. 112) about the embassy of the Russian Prince to Rome and Constantinople to test faith, which seemed so important to others, it is not at all worth attention. She puts Imp. Vasily the Macedonian vm. Porphyrogenete mixes up the events of 866. The name of its author is unknown, but it is more than likely that it was a late Greek. Nestor according to Letop. 48. Life of the Book. Boris and Gleb; M. Hilarion in Praise to Vladimir. What is written down in history. not ancient about Vladimir (I. 87.), without a doubt, refers to Vladimir Volynsky, Sof. Time “That same summer (990), erect a city in your name, Vladimir, and erect a scree (the text is illegible - ed. note), and erect the church of the Holy Mother of God, a cathedral wooden tree, and baptize all the people, Russians, and governors.” Soph. letop. and abbr. Kyiv., saying the same thing, they write: “came from Kyiv to the Slovenian land,” and Sof. Time wrote: to Smolensk; – Nikonovskaya L. speaks about Suzdal and adds Vladimir on Klyazma. The arbitrariness is obvious. One called the Volyn land Slavic, the other knew only Vladimir on Klyazma well, and decided to talk about the Suzdal land. Vladimir on Klyazma was founded by Vladimir Monomakh, and Vladimir of Volyn without fortifications was known before 990 (Sof. Time 1. 27). According to Nestor, Belgorod was built in 880, and Pereyaslavl in 892. But this applies only to the construction of fortresses, since Pereyaslavl and Chernigov were known even under Oleg. Nestor: “and began to build cities along the Desna and along Vostri and along Trubezhena and along Sula and Stugna. Due to the jealousy of St. Vladimir to St. There is no doubt in the faith that the new settlers of these fortresses, recruited from the Slavs, Krivichi, Chud and Vyatichi, were all baptized. In M. Evgeniy's Description. Kievsk. Soph. Sob. page 62. Gustin. years. (in Collected years. 2, 259), Soph. Vr. 1, 87. Nikon. years. 1, 93. Soph. 80. Step. book Nestor also speaks about sending sons to regions (Soc. years. 1, 52. 34.). According to Joakimova years. Vladimir the Christian was in difficulty regarding his former concubines and, in order to get out of this difficulty, sent them with their sons to different regions (Joak. in Tatishchev 1, 40. note 47). First, Vladimir gave Novgorod to Vysheslav the son of Chekhini, Polotsk to Izyaslav the son of Rogneda, Turov to Svyatopolk the son of the widow Yaropolkova, Rostov to Yaroslav the son of Rogneda, Vladimir Volynsky to Vsevolod the son of Rogneda, the Drevlyansky land to Svyatoslav the son of another Chekhini (according to Joachim. years. at Tatishch. 2, 87. Malfrida, lyrics by Nestor p. 55), Tmutorokan - Mstislav (according to Joak. son of Adele). The chronicler of the events of 852–1598 says: “and keep three with you: Be Bo Young, Stanislav, Sudislav, Pozvizd,” p. 40. If Vladimir sent his sons to the regions after his baptism in order to get rid of his wives: then there could be no mention of Boris and Gleb, the sons of the Bulgarian Princess Anna, during the first division of the regions, because they were then hardly were born. After the death of the elder Vysheslav, Novgorod was given to Yaroslav, Rostov to Boris, Murom to Gleb. Joakimova years. Soph. vr. and Nikon. years. they say that Stanislav (Adele’s second son) was sent to Smolensk, and Sudislav to Pskov. On the order of seniority between the sons of Vladimir Soloviev: History of relations between the Princes. Page 54–59. Moscow 1847. Soph. Time Novgor. 1 and 2 years old. ed. 1841 Herberstein Rev. Moscov. p. 55. Tatishchev 1, 38–40. Step. book 1, 145. Nick. l. 1, 103. M. John ordered admonitions to be made to superstitions (in the 19th law). An unknown person wrote: “Just as Elijah the Tishbite slaughtered the cold priests and was jealous of the Lord God Almighty: so this one (zealot - exhorter) cannot tolerate Christians of two faiths; They are Christians, but they believe in Perun, Khors, Mokosh, Sima, Regla, Vila, whose number the unfortunate ignoramuses believe to be thirty. They consider all this to be gods and goddesses, and they offer sacrifices to them, break cows, slaughter chickens; they pray to the fire and call it Svorozhits; and garlic is considered to be God, and when someone has a feast, they put it in buckets, in bowls, and drink it like that. Not only the ignorant, but also the ignorant, priests and scribes do this; even if the scribes and nobles do not do this, they drink and eat this prayerful meal; if they don’t drink or eat, then they see their evil deeds, but if they don’t see, then they hear and don’t want to teach...” The zealot continues to denounce in the same tone the superstition of some and the coldness of others in faith. This teaching is known to Vostokov from the Russian Communist Party. 15th century (Description Music. p. 228), located in the Lavra “golden chain” of the 14th century. Risen. Letop. 1, 145. says that in 1160 the “oak church, marvelous and great,” built by the first Rostov bishop under St., burned down in Rostov. Vladimir, in which seven Bishops served for 168 years: Theodore, Hilarion, Leonty, Isaiah, Ephraim, Nestor, Leon. Track. According to this chronicle, the church was built in 992, under St. Vladimir. Theodore and Hilarion, according to other news, withdrew from Rostov from the persecution of the pagans. Relics of St. Theodore rests in the Suzdal Cathedral. An inscription on the wall from 1635 says: “in l. 6498 (997) first blessing. and led. Prince Vladimir enlighten the Suzdal land with holy baptism and entrust the flock to Bishop Theodore.” The very fact that Theodore, expelled from Rostov, found refuge in a settlement that later became the city of Suzdal, shows that the preaching of St. Theodora was not barren in the Suzdal region; but the enlightenment of the Suzdal land under St. Vladimir should be taken with restrictions. Sewing on the cover of 1681 says: “Prayer to the Most Holy. Theotokos and led. to the wonderworker Bishop Theodore of Suzhdal, she placed this cover on her veil. Wonderworker Bishop Theodore, Prince Vladimir Andreevich Princess Eupraxia.” Degree. book and Nikon. Years. They also talk about the enlightenment of the Suzdal country under St. Vladimir. The first dates this event to 990, the last to 992. The testimony of the latter is more likely, as consistent with the news about the time of construction of the Rostov church. Epistle of Simon to Polycarp, handwritten, but not printed. Patericon, where these words, so important, are omitted. The name “first throne” should be taken in the sense that Leonty was one of the first bishops and even the first to establish the see in Rostov. The tonsure of Leonty in the Kyiv Pechersk monastery could not have happened in 1032, when the Monk Theodosius was tonsured, since at that time only Nikon lived with Anthony. Taking into account the time and fate of the first two Rostov bishops and the fact that St. Isaiah, Leonty’s successor, ascended the see in 1077, we must accept as true that Leonty not only was not a Bishop in 992, as the Prologue shows on the contrary, but he was not one before 1032. Prologue and Patericon; Nestor in the life of Ave. Theodosius. Tale of the Prologue Oct 29 About Avramia Ave. it is quite dark. However, if the relics of the monk were found during the time of Monomakh’s grandson V.K. Vsevolod (1176–1212), then St. Avramia cannot be considered a contemporary of Andrei Bogolyubsky (1109–1174), as Karamzin believed. Based on what is said in the life about Prince Vladimir of Klyazmen, it is most likely that St. Avramius lived under Vladimir Monomakh, the founder of this city. Nestor in the RKP. Life of St. Theodosius: “going to the Church of God all the days.” It further says: “And I went to a city not far from that (Kursk) and lived with the presbyter.” RKP. Simon's letter to Polycarp (in the Pater.'s seal, Simon's words are changed). At the same time, Kuksha’s sermons are also indicated by the circumstances that approx. 1084 Vyatichi still had its prince Hodatu (Dukhov. Monomakh 35: “in Vyatichi we walked two winters each for Hodatu and for his son”). And in 1147, the Vyatichi already had governors of the Chernigov prince (Kyiv Let. 1146. 1147). About Vyatichi: “Vyatko lived with his family on Otsa, from which he was nicknamed Vyatichi to this day.” Nestor after Laurus. sp. p. 15. About the cities of Vyatichi Kyiv. Years. 1146. 1154. 1156. Artsybyshev pp. 98. 99. Biography of St. Konstantin was most concerned about speaking in elegant, magnificent words and decorating the subject more magnificently. He wanted to see Vladimir in Constantine, and in places he speaks in the words of Hilarion’s praise of St. Vladimir. An extract from this biography is placed in the Prologue, and here, and not in the biography, it is said that Constantine set out from Kyiv in 6700 - 1192. But wasn’t it written down somewhere - in 6600? This number would be close to the truth. Otherwise, a) it is not at all probable that in 1192 there was crude paganism in Murom, after we see a number of princes of Chernigov-Murom there. b) According to the chronicles, it is known that in 1095 there was a Spassky Monastery in Murom (at Karamz. 2 pr. 178). c) According to the biography, K. Constantine is exhibited not far from the time of St. Gleb, the biography writer does not make even a hint about the other princes of Murom. d) According to the biography, before Constantine’s arrival in Murom, the Mordovians and the Muslim Bulgarians had power in Murom (“they swore by their godless oaths, the hedgehog of the verb in Besermen’s language... Let the Hagarians be ashamed of the Bulgarians. Let the lawless Mordovian charm be put to shame." But by the beginning of the 13th century. There was no time for such a course of affairs. Meanwhile, it is known that Yaroslav Svyatoslavich fought with the Murom Mordva in 1104 (Nov. 1. Let. 3. Resurrection 1. 252) and in 1107 the Bulgarians fought in the Suzdal region (Rostov. Let. at Karamz. 2 pr. 201). e) Konstantin Svyatoslavich of Murom 13th century. is not at all known to history, and there is not even a place in the chronology for his reign. And the personal circumstances of Yaroslav Svyatoslavich in no way contradict the life of Constantine. Yaroslav was the first Prince of Murom. They said about his war with Mordva: in 1080, when K. Vsevolod ascended the throne, Yaroslav was already in Murom. (Tatishchev 2, 230). His father Svyatoslav was V. Prince 1073 - 1077. Yaroslav died in 1129 in Murom (Resurrection 1. 21, 25), his sister Predslava died as a nun in 1116, and his brother David, Prince of Chernigov, was known for his special piety (Kyiv. Years 1116 and 1123 Mr. Step. 1, 234). Metropolitan Nikifor (1104 - 1121) wrote a message to Yaroslav, Prince of Murom, against the Latins (Moskvit. 1844 for November, p. 129. Journal of M. Nar. Enlightenment. 1824, part I. p. 154.). At Igum. Daniel in his “walk” is recorded by Book. Yaroslav-Pankratius: but Yaroslav could have taken the name of Constantine as a monk, unless the name Pankratius was a scribe’s mistake. RKP. Life of St. Gerasim near Karamz. 4 Ave. 117. Vostokova Description. Museum page 219. Sofiysk Time ed. Stroev 1, 150. 163–168. See details in History. Reasoning about the sins and schisms of Russ. Cer. pp. 4–28. M. 1838. Nestor, according to ancient times current pp. 90–05, 1093, writes: “The cities and villages were deserted. The Ishmaelites burned villages and threshing floors, set many churches on fire... Some are taken into captivity, others are flogged, others surrender to vengeance, dying a bitter death; some tremble, looking at the death of others, they die of hunger and thirst... Crowds of Christians suffer in captivity, languish from the cold, become numb from hunger and thirst; their faces are haggard from sorrow, their bodies are blackened, their tongues are dry, in a foreign land, naked, barefoot, wounded... With tears they say to each other: I am from such and such a city, and I am from such and such a village... With a sigh, they raise their eyes to the sky to the Leader of the secret... Here are wild boars where Christians used to live.” Simon about Eustratia and Nikon Sukhoi. Letop has risen. 1. 290. In 1225, the Polovtsian Prince Basty was baptized. Soph. Vr. 1. 230. Kyiv. Letop. about 1452 Karamz. 3. note 349, 350. Lavrent. Years. 192. Degree. Book Nikon. Years. 2. 362. 363. Troitsk. Karamzin has 3, approx. 351. Khlynovsk. Years. at Karamz. vol. 3. pr. 29–33. Khlynov - now Vyatka. Dvinskaya years. (Proceedings of Voln. Rus. Collection vol. I. 114. 115) says that the indigenous inhabitants of the banks of the Northern Dvina even under Vladimir, depending on Novgorod, were baptized together with the Russians. But during the time of Yaroslav, the Norwegians saw in Biarchy (?) ardent admirers of Yomala, so when they wanted to insult the idol of Yomala by stealing, they barely saved their lives by fleeing (Sturleson Hist regui Sept. vol. 1. 618). Two charters of Novgorod. Archpastor John 1110 or 1164, one to the Dvina abbot Luke, the other to the Dvina mayors, show that Christianity existed here with the Novgorod settlers in the 12th century. (Chertkov second add. p. 431. Moscow 1844). It is stated in detail in Moskvityanin of 1843. No. 7 in the article: Where did the indigenous people of Livonia initially receive Christianity from the East or the West? Collection Certificate of Vilensky, Vilno. 1843, preface pp. 7, 12, 13. Adam of Bremen (c. 1070) Historia Exclesiae 3. 25. Demon. 2 on Evang. John. Opp. T. 8. p. 10. Height. sp. Novgor. and Nikon. letop. at Karamzin's. 2. Project 54. Novgor. 2nd summer The same is written in Novgorod. synodics (Vostokova Description. Rumyants. M. p. 510), in Suprasl., Rostov. and Novgor. Z; in the latter it is added about Ephraim: “this one, having taught people for 5 years, was not honored with the priesthood.” If we exclude 5 years from the 42 years of the bishopric of Joachim, who died in 1030, it turns out that the Novgorod school was opened in 1025. Rostov. L. Spis Novgor. To the Bishop: “so that husbands and wives firmly hold the Christian faith, and forget the filthy faith.” Nestor in the life of Ave. Theodosius (according to the list of V. book. M. D. Lk.). “Growing in body and soul, drawn to the love of God, going to the Church of God all day, listening to the Divine books with all attention... To this end, they were led to the teaching of the Divine books by one teacher.” About St. Euphrosyne Princess of Polotsk Degree. Book I. 27: “It happened to this girl that she was taught to be in the book, before she had yet reached the full age of her physical nature, and her prayers became the fruit of love, just as her father wondered about the depth of love of her teaching.” St. Cyril in the Parable: “For this reason, I pray you, strive diligently to read the Holy Books, so that you are satisfied with the words of God, and you will acquire the desire of the future age of unspeakable blessings... If the rulers of this world, who labor in everyday things, diligently demand book veneration; How much more should it behoove us to study in them and seek with all our hearts the knowledge of the words of God written about the salvation of our souls.” Memory Words of the 12th century. page 134. Tatishchev vol. 3, 238. 239. 280. 416. Nestor in the Life of Prince. Boris and Gleb. Nestor in Lavra, Koenigsberg. sp. page 105. Deacon John, in the preface and afterword to the Izbornik, written in 1073, writes about Svyatoslav: “He, like a bee from every flower of scripture, having collected sweetness into one hundred - into his meaningful heart, he poured it out from his lips before the boyars to admonish them, and appeared to them as a new Ptolemy, not by faith, but by the desires of the heart, by the collection of various precious sacred books, which he filled his cages, to the eternal memory of himself.” Kalaidovich o Ioan. Exarche pp. 102, 103. Vostokov Description. Blush. Museum, pp. 449–506. The grandson of the Yaroslavs, Vladimir Monomakh, wrote in his will to his children: “Having learned all the good things, you must remember; what you don’t know, learn.” And the Chronicle says about the son of Monomakh V.K. Yaropolk: “he was very Christ-loving and philanthropic, loving the reading of Divine words... and a lot of conversation (with clergy) in spiritual words.” About Andrew 1.: “It is very close to Divine Scripture.” Nikon. Years. 2, 77. 220. K. Vsevolod (c. 1131) says Novgorod in his charter. To the Forerunner Church, that he provided this church with “valuable icons and a valuable Gospel and all the books of execution” (Venerable 1, 77). Suzdal. Letop. about V.K. Constantine (1218): Not saddening anyone, but making everyone wise with spiritual conversations, often honoring books with diligence and doing according to what is written. Laurel. L. 188. And Tatishchev about the same Prince: “The great one was a lover of reading books and was taught many sciences; For this reason, he also had learned people with him, bought many ancient Greek books at a high price and ordered them to be translated into Russian” (3 and 416). Kirill Turovsky in Memorial. page 134. Nestor in the Life of St. Theodosius according to the RKP Simon about St. Nicholas the Svyatosh: “the essence of his books is still with you.” Before the Mongol invasion there were Slavs. translation into Rus' of the works of: Vasily V., beloved by the monks (Rules, Words), Gregory the Theologian (20 words translated from Bulgarian), John Chrysostom (Chrysostom of Ts. Simeon, other words from the Russian translation), John Climacus (Bulgarian translation from Vostokov No. 198, 199), John of Damascus (Exarch), Cyril of Jerusalem (Bulgarian translation), Athanasius against the Arians (the same), Anastasia Sinaita (Bulgarian translation, but with Russian amendments), Philip the Hermit (Dioptra-Smolenskaya), Theodora Stud. (Accords and Charter of Kyiv), Methodius of Thirsk. (Kyiv.), Ephraim the Syrian (some words of different translations). They especially loved Chrysostom (Kyiv. Let. p. 115. 133.). Lecturer Nestor read the lives of Anthony V. and Savva of Palestine (the life of Theodosius). Simon quotes the words of St. Ephraim the Syrian. (about Nikola Svyatosh). Prologue of the 13th century at Rumyantsev No. 319. Collection of Svyatoslav from Kalaidovich (John Ex. Bulgarian. M. 1820), from Vostokov (Description of Muses No. 356). An unknown Kyiv monk who translated for the book. Svyatoslav's message to P. Leo Vel., in his own words, was familiar with the Omir and rhetorical books (Moskvit. 1843 No. 7). "For the Great Vladimir." For, according to the Polish-Russian dialect, means at (see Work. General. Lyub. Russian Words 7. 3); Moreover, it is said about the same manuscript that it was written, “multiplying five hundred years.” The same is said about the time of Vladimir and in the preface of glory. Bibles 1751 So wrote the monk Jacob in praise. sl. Blagov. K. Olga; he speaks of Vladimir and his subjects: “having received holy baptism, the Holy Scriptures and books are ready to be translated from Greek into Russian.” RKP. B-ki M. D. Ak. No. 175. p. 177. On the contrary, the well-known lists of V.Z., for example. in the Rumyantsov Museum - all contain an ancient Bulgarian translation - the Russian changes do not date back to the time of Vladimir. See Vostokov's Description of the Museum pp. 29 – 235. VII. – 198. John the Exarch: “And the great Archbishop Methodius of God, this brother, translated all the statutory (κανονικά) books 60 from the Hellenic language.” 60: - 33 books of the V.Z. and 27 of the New: this is the account of the canonical books that is found in the article of Damascus, translated into Slavic language, in all likelihood, by the Exarch himself, in any case known to the Exarch who translated the works of Damascus - Pannonian (?) biographer of St. Methodius directly says that St. Methodius did not translate apocryphal books. So, one contemporary of the Slavic enlighteners says that the Methodian translation of biblical books consisted of a translation of canonical books; another, confirming the same, adds in explanation that non-canonical books were not translated. Slch. approx. 106. The Pentateuch of Moses, written in 1136 in Novgorod, was preserved in a 15th-century copy. (Kalaid. Ex. p. 97). In pargam. RKP. Library of Sergius Lavra (No. 15), books: “Joshua 6, Judges 7, Ruth 8.” since here the count of books is the same that the Exarch of Bulgaria had in mind (in Kalaidovich about the Exarch, p. 96), this makes it clear that the canonical books were copied in the form in which they were translated by St. Methodius. The manuscript ends with a chronology: from Vladimir to Vsevolod Gyurgevich 200 years.” Consequently, the chronology ended in 1193. If this chronology was written together with the mentioned books, then in 1193 the canonical books of the Old Testament were copied in parts, and not all in one manuscript, and were probably written in the same way by the scribe St. Methodius. For other lists, see Vostokova Description. Blush. Museum. 29–39. Having reviewed only the works of St. Nestor and St. Cyril of Turov, everyone can be sure that in their time they read and paid attention not only to the Parameiniki, as someone once claimed, but to all the canonical books of St. Scriptures. Here is some more historical evidence: Simon, in the story of the creation of the Pechersk Church, says: “I went through the books of the Old and New Laws, and found such miracles nowhere, etc.” Polycarp about the seduced Niketas “I have learned everything by mouth - Genesis and Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, Judges and Kingdoms, and all the Prophecies in order and other all the books of good knowledge.” But the Kiev Chronicler did not want to see or hear “the Gospel and the Apostle” under 1185. “We find more in the Books of Judges... as they confess in the Royal Books,” p. 136. However, he speaks about his subject from memory, just as we very often see similar things in others. One has only to compare, for example, the parable of the talents Matt. 25:14, 30 and the Lord's Prayer Matt. 6. according to RKP. Ostromirova 1057, Mstislavova (Novgorod) 1130, Synodal (Galic) 1144, Chancellor 1164, Milyatinskaya (Novgorod) 1230, Gorodishchenskaya (Novgorod) 1270 with readings of the Greek text (glorious text of the RKP. printed by Kalaidovich John Exarch pp. 29, 32, 107, copy of Vostokova Description of the Museum pp. 170 – 175. Greek text: Novum Test, grae ed Scholzii 1830 Lips). We will not expose the mistakes of the Russian scribes, but only the more important differences: a) Between the Gospels according to the Mstislavov and Ostromir lists, differences are visible, which clearly indicate a correction of the text in Greek. to the original. In 17th Art. the parable in Mstislavov reads: and those acquired another two, and in Ostromirov, in accordance with those Greek. RKP. and in translations in which καὶ ἀυτὸς is omitted we read: you will gain the other two. In the 19th century and weighed (the Chancellor, and from the crown) and with them the word (καὶ συναιοσι μετ῾ αυτῶν λογον), and in Ostromir and others and communicated with them about the word. In the first at 16, 18, 20, 22, 24 art. and took it; in Ostromirovoye everywhere - reception, art. 30, in Ostromirov and Gorodishchenskoe excluded, and in Mstisl, and the Synod. obscene, and in seven cases they wanted to more accurately express the word ἀχρειος useless. In the Lord's Prayer according to Ostromir, from the evil one, according to Mstislavov from hostility (ἀπὀ πονηρου). The Galician Gospel of 1144 often differs from others in the local pronunciation of words: but there are also differences in it that suggest the interpreter’s boldness was inappropriate in not having the original text in mind. In it we read for the first time: bread is worthy of nature, let it be sanctified, let us go, and the same was accepted not only in the Galician lists of 1161-1357, but also in Novgorod. 1355, written for A. Moses. In it Matt. 26:65. vm. words: blasphemy verb, cheat. he understands lawlessly about the Divine; John 10:33, about vlasvimia (βλασφημικ) v. 30 vlasvim$$$ c) In the Gorodische Gospel of 1270 there are omissions and other scribe errors: but such differences are also visible that show that this list was copied from a corrected translation, the word: abiye from Art. 15. moved to Art. 16 ευθεως δε παρευθεις is read in some Greek. lists and in the lane. Syrian, Italian, Armenian Art. 28. And you will give to the one who has five. ten according to some Art. πεντε. It is especially important that in the Lord’s Prayer the vocabulary is not read in the Gorodische Gospel, whereas it is in all the others. One RCP. in the Bible M. D. Acad., written in 1490 for M. Varlaam; another in the Bible. St. Sergius Lavra with an afterword by priest Unir the monk, who wrote a book for K. Vladimir. The third list is in the same Laurel. B-ke: “in the summer of 6997 (1489) the books were written in Kirilovitsa” - and also: “by the will of Abbot Joseph in the Monastery of the Assumption.” For others, see Moskvityanin”, 1813 No. 7. About the Psalter: a) with a brief interpretation of Athanasius according to the RKP. and the language of the 11th century, b) with the interpretation of Theodoret according to the language of the same 11th century. See Pogodin Samples of the Slavs. ancient writings tetras. 2 M. 1841 Copilar. Ilesychii glossograpli discipulus Vindob 1840 p. 34–39. East Description Blush. Museum No. 331. 334. One lengthy lesson was written for him. in Nest. Years. page 79. Soph. Brem. p. 170 (M. 1820), the other five were found by Vostokov in the Collection of the 15th century. (Description of Music. 615. 616). As for his answer to K. Izyaslav, both because it is not in the ancient editions of the Patericon and because the content is too harsh, it is doubtful that it was genuine. His teaching is written. in Part I Russian Hon. Message “about the Latins” in Monuments of the 12th century; message about fasting In pr. 279. Third message in pr. 130. Fourth to K. Yaroslav in approx. 56. What other lesson this week? Of course, cheesecake from M. Evgeniy? Not known. Other writers besides M. Leo, John 2 and John 4, about whom in §18 the Jerusalem traveler Igum. Daniel, famous for his pious and curious description of his journey (Sakharov. Travels of Russian people in the Holy Land, Part I. St. Petersburg. 1839 Words by Muravyov in the Preface to Norov’s Travel in Addendum to the description of the Travel to Jerusalem), biographer Vasily about the death of K. Vasilko (in Nestor’s Chronicle), successors of Nestor, among whom Nifont is considered Abbot of Volyn, and then Bishop. Novgor. John the priest and then Archbishop of Novgorod, author of the Novgorod Chronicle (see Starchevsky's Essay on Literary Russian History pp. 34–39. St. Petersburg 1845), Herod. Kirik, author of a chronological note, ed. On Thu. Moscow General East. 1847 and recorded the canonical answers of Nifont and other ed. In Monuments of the 12th century. monk (not archimandrite) of Pechersk Polycarp Pis. Message to the arch. Akindina about the Pechersk ascetics (in the Pechersk Patericon). The monk Jacob is also known, who wrote the lives of K. Boris and Gleba, V. K. Vladimir and a letter to K. Dmitry - Izislav (See Shevyrev’s readings on Russian literature. M. 1846). According to RKP. Apparently there are quite a few works by Russians of ancient times; but the names of the authors still remain unknown. See years. According to SP. Lavrent. Under 1051 Chronicle: “to a weak man (Theodosius) and I died thin. And we are accepted at the age of seventeen from birth.” Life of St. Theodosius: “he was received into it (monastery) by St. Hegumen Stefan, as if from that he was tonsured and min. He is worthy of the garment, just as he was promoted to the rank of deacon, to whom he is not even worthy.” And in his life he says that he wrote and led. Feodosia what I heard “from the ancients, the father of those who were at that time.” Tatishchev took the words of the chronicle “accepted” for the tonsure of Nestor and deduced from this the discrepancy between the chronicle and the life. But such an interpretation is obviously false. Kubarev takes the same words as news of Nestor’s temporary visit to Theodosius. But this is also in vain, it does not agree with the meaning of Nestor’s words. In his life, Nestor actually speaks about his tonsure and ordination to the rank of deacon by Stefan, and in this sense alone he said: “having been accepted into the rank of deacon by Stefan.” Otherwise, the particle seems completely out of place and has no meaning. According to the chronicle: Theodosius came to me as a novice when I was 17 years old. According to my life: I was accepted into the Abbess Abbey. Stefan, since he tonsured me and awarded me monastic clothes, he elevated me to the rank of deacon, which I was not worthy of. There is no contradiction or contradiction here! Otherwise, according to the statute of Theodosius, the test lasted a long time; see the life of Ave. Theodosius. Patericon according to the list. Rusyants. And Tolstoy in Polycarp. Lives of St. Nikita. “In the summer of 6360 (852) Michael began to reign, beginning to be called the Russian land... and from now on we will begin to put down the numbers...” Then, having spoken about the years of reign of Oleg, Igor, and others before Yaroslav, he says: “and from the death of Yaroslavl to the death of Svyatopolchi there are 60 years. (852–1113).” So according to the list. Lavrent., Ignatiev., Alatyr., Sofiysk. and others. Having also noted that a) under 1091, the Chronicler says about himself that he discovered the relics of St. Theodosius; under 1096 he again became a Pechersk monk: “to us who are in our cells resting,” under 1107 he says: “Jan departed from the beginning and I heard many words and described them in this chronicle... like the coffin in the Pechersk Monastery.” But he b) does not mention Svyatopolk’s successor (from 1114), Vladimir Monomakh, just as he said in the story of St. Theodosius about the consecration of Abbot Theoktistus as a bishop (1112, January 12), he did not bring the story about Boris and Gleb to the transfer of the relics to the new church - which happened in 1115. However c) the postscript made Abbot Sylvester in 1116, precisely under 1110. The chronicles clearly show that death did not allow Nestor to complete the proposed description to the end, that is, until 1113, and left his notes in 1110. Detailed research on the authenticity of the Vremnik, sources, etc. Pogodin, Historical Criticism. Reasoning About the beginning. Chronicles. M. 1839 Butkova, Defense Letop. St. Petersburg 1840. Kubareva, Nestor the first writer of church and civil history (in the Historical Collection of the History Society, book 4. 1842 M.). About the ancient lists of the Vremennik: Perevoshchikov, about the Russian Chronicles up to 1240. (Proceedings of the Russian Academy 4 hours). This life is complete in the Bible. Rumyantsev No. 152, according to RKP. 1555; one first part of it is in Rumyantsev’s Triumphant No. 434 and in Tolstoy (Description Rep. Page 188). Both parts are still in the Synod. Bible No. 31. Life of Feodosia Ave. in the RCP. Patericon a) in the Synod. Bib. RKP. XIV century (Karam. 2, pr. 138. 3 note 171), b) in the Library of the M.D. Academy in the RKP. No. 215, accessory M. Joasaph, and in the Menaion of May No. 73. XVI. c., c) by Tolstoy according to Description. 1, 196, 1549 II, 221. writing. 1460; d) in the Patericon, which belonged to Arseny Bishop of Tver † March 2, 1406 (Pogodina Nestor p. 69). This life was published in the printed Patericon, but most of Nestor’s preface to the life was published, and the syllable was also changed. His life is described in the Prologue, but in the printed version several changes and omissions were made against the original, which was written then, as it was necessary to pray to the Lord to deliver us from the godless Hagarians, who are constantly tormenting us, that is, not later than in the beginning. 15th century. In his letter to Vasily, mentioning St. Theodosius (p. 127), he says: “all the good robe and carnal adornment are foreign to the abbot (p. 123) ... And you are jealous of St. Father of heroic deeds, advance one another in hunger,” (p. 180). Track. it was written already when Vasily ruled the brethren, and at his dedication to the abbot - archimandrite there was “Bishop of Turov Lavrenty”. And this was a week after Archimandrite died on July 24, 1182. Polycarp. (Kyiv. Let. U Karaz. 3 pr. 153). Here is an ancient reading: “For Prince Andrew of Bogolyubsky he wrote a lot from the Gospel and Prophetic writings, which are the essence of the Lord’s feasts, and many other soul-helping words, like prayers to God and praise to many saints, and having written many of them, he handed them over to the Church: create a great eve of repentance to the Lord, chapter by chapter. (letters) of the alphabet, which people are still doing faithfully in Russia.” So in the RKP. Prologue of Rumyantsov No. 322. In print. And not everything has been said and what has been said is not too clear. Kalajdovich published 14 teachings of St. Cyril, that is, with the inclusion, in addition to 10 words and 1 commendable, three pure instructions. See Monuments of Literature of the 12th century. Moscow. 1821 In Volokol. Collection No. 280 in 4 d) abbot. Euphemia Turkov (lived at the end of the 16th century) contains extracts from almost all of these teachings. The text of the teachings is partly more correct, partly more complete according to the RKP. Rumyantsev, where, however, ignorant scribes put some of these teachings either with the name of Basil of Caesarea (Description of the Museum p. 620), or with the name of John Chrysostom or Theodore the Studite (ibid. pp. 700, 701. See also pp. 167, 287, 227, 231, 234). Monuments page 56. Also: “we are not creators of the word, we follow the words of the Prophets and Apostles, who were commanded to write so by the Holy Spirit.” page 67. Word 6: “In the same way I pray to those who come to eat, and to exhort those who come and come” p. 53. 55. Also p. 9. 73. 87. Word 3: “for the sake of those who are with me, the brethren, let us say a little net”: page 18. In the 8th word 8. “Be a veil for our city... giving the Prince victory against the enemy.” Page 42. Ancient evidence (Project 108) shows that Kalaidovich doubted in vain the authenticity of the prayers of St. Kirill Turov. In Volokol. RKP. No. 109 413, up to 30 of his prayers are read, arranged by day (4 for each day - after Matins, Hours, Vespers and Compline), and after the morning prayers the troparia of the Greek services are read. It is not surprising that the one who prayed these prayers in Vilna (according to Synod. List No. 470) called on the Vilna martyrs for help; and the one who prayed in Kyiv and Moscow said (according to Vol. RKP.): “Leonty of Rostov, Peter the Wonderworker of Moscow, etc.” This only shows that through the prayers of St. Kirill was prayed to in all parts of Russia. Anachronisms in such works do not destroy the authenticity of the works, but only show the need for slight corrections. Kalaidovich points to editions of prayers: a) Meeting for the entire week, the creation of St. Our Father Cyril the Monk.” Vilna 1595. 1635. B) The rule of the true Christian life. Ostrog 1598. This canon is placed in parchment. Daily life Novgor. Soph. Bible XIII. Or XIV century. at number 3. Where on L. 219. “The Canon of Cyril the Sinner.” In addition to the biography in Ch. Min. May 10. Summer. At Karamaz. 3. Ave. 171. Letop. Under 1218 and 1219 at Karamz. 3. Ave. 179.208. Epistle of Simon to Polycarp on the RKP. And ed. Kalaid. In Memory XII century Letop. Under this year. His memory is celebrated on May 10, the day of his death according to Letop. It was May 20th. Letop. At Karamz. 3 Ave. 171. The first type of Patericon is the Patericon of Arseny Bishop. Tverskoy (1409), according to the RKP. Bersenev and M. Joasaph (in the Moscow Spiritual Academic Library), without any rearrangement of articles, but with the omission of almost all of Simon’s appeals to Polycarp. The second type is with moving Simon’s article about the founding of the Pechersk church before Simonov’s epistle and with Simon’s appeal to all Christians. Here, after Nestorov’s story about Feodosiya Ave., there is an article about the cancer of Feodosiya Ave. The third type is the Patericon of the governor Akakios of 1460 and the charterer Cassian - with the retention of appeals to Polycarp, but with the placement of the legend about the founding of the church before the life of Nestor by Ave. Theodosius, then with a special legend about the beginning of the Perechersky monastery and with Theodosius’ answer about the Latins (in Tolstoy). See Kubarev about the Patericon in J.M. Nar. Enlightenment 1838. 1840. Rumyantsev's list of 1462 (No. 305) is similar to the list of 1460. Only it is not complete. Eg. Polycarp wrote about Agapit: “I am amazed at how silent the Great One was about the correction of St. Our Father Anthony." To this one scribe added: “and Theodosius,” and another wrote: “the Holy Spirit of Anthony.” After 1661, the Patericon of 1678 was corrected and published. The third corrected (amended) edition was in 1704, and the fourth with new amendments was in 1830. Following the example of Bulgaria, we put up the name of P. Photius every time they wanted to talk about the Orthodoxy of the Russian Church. Sunday L. “Volodimir was baptized, taking from Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, the first Metropolitan of Kyiv.” Degree. Book “The metropolitan with 6 bishops Photius the Patriarch... went to Novgorod... The Prince went with 2 Photius bishops to the land of Suzdal.” It is known that Photius kept the Bulgarian Church under Greek Orthodoxy, displacing it from Bulgaria. From that time on, they said: our faith is the faith of Photius, our deanery is the deanery of Photius, or something the same was in their concept, we have all the best. It is with this thought that the name of P. Photius is placed in the Charter of Vladimir. Nestor in Let. Under 1051 Especially one Jewish blasphemy against the Lord Jesus, exhibited by Hilarion, was of such a kind that it was difficult to find in any book, but rather could be heard from the mouth of a Jewish fanatic. Therefore, Hilarion’s writing points to personal relations between Jews and Russians, relations that required Hilarion to explain the meaning of the Law of Moses. Works of I. Hilarion ex. In Arr. To ed. Creation St. Autumn 1844. There is also a clear, like the publication, advance notice to them. More about this History of heresy. and rask. Russian Churches pp. 10–38. M. 1836. The relationship of Kazar or Crimean Jews with Vladimir shows that these Jews knew the road to Kyiv well. Probably, even after Vladimir, they carried on trade from Crimea with Kyiv. “King Gebalian will send your letter to the Israelites living in the land of Tungron (Hungarians), the Tungarians will send it to Rus', from here it will go to the Boulevard” - this is what the Jews said to the Spanish Rabban Khazdai and Khazdai’s letter reached the Khazar King. (Historical and statistical collection. Page 189. M. 1845). Track. In the 10th century, Jews lived in Russia, as well as in Hungary. Rabbi Pesachiah in the 10th century. met the Karaite Jews across the Dnieper on his way from Resenburg to Jerusalem. (Reader. Moscow. General. Ist. 1847 M.). However, the settlement of Jews in Kyiv in a special way probably happened no earlier than 1096, when the Jews, persecuted by the Crusaders, fled to Poland and from there crossed over to Russia. In 1113, with their greed for money, they aroused a revolt among the people against themselves, and then many of them were beaten. In 1124, “I grieved the Jew.” Sunday Years. 1.257. 263. Message from Metropolitan Nikephoros to Vladimir Monomakh: “Before you are a child of blessedness and a son of light, because you have the land of Lida in judgment, those who live on it are the essence of the servants, the Latin accepted is the teaching.” Rosenkaspf in Helmsman in approx. Page 252. Vostokov Description. Music Page 308. A word about Igor’s Regiment: “That (in Kyiv) Germans and Veneditsa; that Greece and Morava sing the glory of Svyatoslavl.” In 1174, Yaroslav, having taken Kyiv, robbed for the ransom of the princess “all of Kyiv, and abbots and priests and monks and monks and shutters and Latina and guests.” Radziv. SP. Sunday SP. About 1154. Polovtsians near Peryaslavl “burned the entire village and the Letskaya goddess.” Kyiv. L. Page 77. Treaty of the Gaizeans with Novgorod: “Cemetery of St. Petra, the trading houses of the Germans and Gotlanders can be surrounded as before. Churches (German) of St. Peter (in Novgorod) and St. Nicholas in Ladoga use, as in the old days (secundom jura antique), special meadows allotted to them... the legal measure... is kept in the church of St. Peter... Gotlandic courtyard with a church, with a cemetery of St. Olava and the surrounding meadows, according to the ancient charter, should be free from everything.” Sartotius Geschichte. D. Hansatisches Bundes, Göttingen 1808. Greek List of messages to the Synod. handwritten Under paragraph 353. Another list was seen by Allicius (De consensus eceles. p. 872). They also point to the copy of the Venetian Bible. In cod. Nanian 154 Catal code. Nanian, p. 150. The Epistle of M. John to the Pope is printed. in Memorial XII. Comparing this text with the Latin text printed by Herberstein, we see that the first text was published from a copy filled with errors. Karamzin’s words are conveyed in an abbreviated form. Simon in the Legend of the Creation of the Pechersk Church, - according to the RKP. We are not speaking for ourselves. Cardinal Baronius speaks of the popes of the 10th century: “the people are monsters, the most disgusting in life, the Sami are useless in disposition, vile, as impossible as possible, in all respects” (hominess monstrosi, vita turpissimi, moribus perditissimi, usquequaque foetidissimi Annual. Ad. An. 897.). About P. Boniface, a contemporary: “the terrible monster Boniface, surpassing everyone in misfortune, stained with the blood of his predecessor Benedict 9, returned (in 983) and destroyed the Apostle (John XIV), who suffered in a stinking prison” (Aruulfus Episcopus Aurelianen). He died of apoplexy in 985, and the people did not agree to bury him. Behind him 4 months. stayed in the pulpit John 15, greedy for money, etc. Gall Chronicon, cd. 1841 p. 38. 41 Imperator (Otto) eum (Boleslavum) in ecclesiasticis honoribus quid-quid ad imperium prtinebat, in vegno Polonorum, vel in aliis superatis ab co, vel superandis regionibus Barbarorum, sua suorunnque successorutit potestate concessit cuius pacciouis decretum Papa Sylvestrer sanctae Roimanae Ecclesiae privillegio continuavit. Helmold 1, 15. Eodem quoquo tempore Boleslavus... confederatus sum Ottone tertio, omnem Slaviain, quid est ultra Oderam, tributis subiecit, sed et Russim et Porussiam. About Bohemia Gall p. 37. Kadlubek Lib. 1 p.m. 13. Dietmar at Leibinets: Script. Ver. Brunsv. T.I.p. 336. in Pertz T. 5. Z. 781. S. Reinberg was sent to Kyiv, already a bishop, and he received this rank in 1000, when Ogton concluded the aforementioned agreement with Boleslav. (Dimar in Perts T. 5. p. 781). Track. M. Eugene’s doubts about marriage (Sof. Sob. 61) are in vain. About after Pope Nikon. Years. under. 1001 Dietmar (in Leibniz p. 338), speaking about the imprisonment of Svyatopolk, says: “he leaves his full inheritance to his other two sons,” i.e., Boris and Gleb. Nestor says that Vladimir did not love Svyatopolk and that at the time of Vladimir’s death Svyatopolk was in Kyiv (Laurel SP. 33, 56). The latter makes it clear that Svyatopolk no longer owned his inheritance of Turov. The news of Nestor that after the death of Vysheslav Svyatopolk also confirms the news of Dietmar about Vladimir’s displeasure with Reinberg’s pet (see pr. 43). Dietmar also says that Reinberg planted the Roman faith in Kyiv. If he does not understand that, at Reinberg’s request, it was allowed to build a house of prayer in Kyiv for foreigners, then he exposes himself in a lie: it was not entirely convenient for Reinberg from prison to instill the Latin faith among the Russians, especially since they had just accepted the Greek faith. Letters of Gregory int. Monum. Russia T. 1. N 12. Karamann (I, 78–79) this time was too trusting of the Pope and scolded Izyaslav for allegedly “sacrificing the love of power and the Orthodoxy of the Church and the dignity of an independent sovereign.” But Karamzin did not see the entire census of the Popes with the Russians, and therefore this time he was too trusting of the Pope. There were many examples of the Pope mistaking the bow to the Shepherd for the bow of a subject to the Tsar - and in magnificent hopes for the future he rebuilt reality and paper throughout. Cheat. Historical Reasoning about heresy. and rask. Russian Church pp. 216–235, 238–242. M. 1838 Zubritsky about Red Rus' M. 1845 pp. 146–163, 169–172, 227. Add. Page 28–35. “And we came to the Greeks and the Vedana, where they serve their God, and are not dreamed whether we were in heaven or on earth: for there is no such sight on earth, or such beauty, and we are at a loss to say; and their service is greater than all countries. We cannot forget its beauty.” Laurel. SP. S. L. 1, 46. In the news about the construction of churches by Vladimir one can see examples of the ignorance of the scribes. In ancient RKP. Lives of St. Vladimir (Rumyants. Rkp. 335.) it is said that on the place where the baptism of the people took place - on Pochaina, there is a church of St. Peter: “and from then that place was called, where the church of Peter was”, in the prologue: “where the church of Boris and Gleb”, a work of subsequent times, and in Step. Book “That’s where the church of St. Martyr Turov." Next to the RKP. life: “he led the people to build churches throughout the city and village, and he himself created the church of the Holy Theotokos tithe”, according to the Prologue, the last: among the divas?? Nestor says: “And they began to build churches and priests in the city.” According to the stove Dietmar's Chronicle (Chron. 8,127) in Kyiv under Vladimir there were 400 churches, 8 markets and untold wealth. Adam of Bremen, before 1076, called Kyiv the second Constantinople. Paul the Deacon: “Justinian also built inside Constantine the church of Christ the Lord, Who is the Wisdom of God the Father,” etc. (Lib. 1. p. 25). The same about the meaning of Sophia Socrates 2, 16. Kedrin. There is no doubt that Yaroslav’s image of Sophia in Kiev was the same as Vladimirov’s in Novgorod. Its current appearance is a late thing, and M. Eugene’s hesitation is in vain (Description of Kiev-Soph. Collection. 17–24). M. Hilarion: “created the great and Holy house of God, in honor of His Wisdom.” Laurel. and Koenigeb. SP. Novgor. Letop. And Soph. Time St. Sophia Cathedral was consecrated in 1037. “Therefore Yaroslav founded the church on the golden gates of St. The Annunciation of the Mother of God, according to this St. George and St. Irene Monastery." Kyiv. Years. Page 112. Radziv. 232. About the Bogolyubsky Church Kyiv. L. 111. 112. The same Chronicle says that in 1146, “silver vessels, intitbe (ενδυτικ - clothes) and service plates” (vladukhi) - both embroidered with gold, “and two censers and katsei (sprinkling bowls: from Czech. Katsati sprinkle water) and the Gospel is forged and books and bells.” Novgor. 2 Years. Sunday 1, 263. In Vladimir on the Klyazma in 1182, a fire destroyed the entire city and 32 churches, including the Golden Crown (Resurrection 2. 108, Radziv. 231. Nikon. 2, 345). And 10 years later, half of the city and 14 churches burned down. In 1227, 27 churches burned down (Karamz. T. 3. Pr. 147. 208. 369). The Novgorod Chronicles are filled with news about the construction of churches in Novgorod and the surrounding area. In Novgorod the following are known: a) the wooden Sophia with 13 tops, built in 989 and burned down 60 years later; b) stone Joachim and Anna of the same 989, the former cathedral; c) Sophia stone, built in 1045 (Nov. 1. 2 and 3. years.) In 1211, 4,300 courtyards and 15 churches burned down here. In 1217, part of Novgorod burned down and there were 15 churches in it (Karamz. T. 3. Pr. 147 208). In 1211, almost all of Rostov and 15 churches burned down. In 1201, Yaroslavl and 17 churches burned down (Karamz. T 3. Pr. 147. 208). Imp. Basil the Macedonian built in Constantinople and its environs approx. 100 churches and 360 monasteries. Du-cangii Constant. Christ lib. 3. p. 24. Ap. Bandurium Institute. Regia p. 198. 199. Hilarion Praise to Vladimir. Sunday 1.230. “The others who were angry (during Bonyak’s attack) were on the floor in the church (Pecherskaya). Kyiv. Years. Page 72. About Vladimir K. Galichsky: “That’s what he said to the idea in the evening and the evening funeral service.” Track. there were side churches in the choirs. Slch. Ave. 321 Sunday 2, 96. “And the keys of the church vestments (Vladimir Cathedral) were taken away, where the entire church forge (treasury) was.” Track. there was also a sacristy with a storeroom. These are the Kiev Sophia Church (see Description of the Kyiv. Sophia Church, M. Evgeniy p. 40), Spassky Chernigov, Sophia Novgorod, known today. Novgor. 2 Years. “Vladyka Jacob built a wooden church to St. Sophia, who has 13 tops, without a doubt, with thoughts of the Savior and 12 Apostles.” The Church of the Virgin Mary in Kyiv had 15 chapters (Vskr. 1. 20). Vyshegorodsky wooden church with 5 tops, i.e. the sign of the Head of Christ and His four Evangelists (Nestor about Boris and Gleb). Vladimirsky at first had one head, then under Vsevolod 4 more heads were installed. Church of St. George in Novogor. Yuriev Monastery with three tops, in honor of the Holy Trinity (Inscription on the church at Karamz. 3. Ave. 225). The Suzdal Cathedral of Vsevolod was about three powers. Radziv. Years. 206. “By his (Andrei Bogolyubsky’s) faith and diligence, God brought him masters from the clever (Trinity: “from many”, Ipat. And Laurus: “from all”) lands.” Sunday 2, 118. “That same summer (1193) the church in Suzdal was renewed... it had fallen due to old age and lack of order (it was built 40 years earlier) and was covered with tin all over (Nikon. 2 258. “from the top to the mosquitoes” of the vaults, - mosquito from the lump, the construction is lumpy, “and to the vestibule”). Now it was wonderful - craftsmen were invented from those existing church people, they poured ewes with tin, covered sheep, and whitened them with lime" (Nick. "Seek (Bishop John) craftsmen from the Germans, and you will find them from the workers in your bishopric"). Church of St. George in Yuriev Suzdal, built in 1152, began to collapse in 1230 (Resurrection 2, 190). See Kirika's questions and Savva's answers in pr. 4. 5. 13. 23. Nifont on page 179 (Monuments of the 12th century, ed. Kalijdovich M. 1820). Novgor. 1. Years. “In the summer of 6577 (1069) the cross of honorable Volodymyr was found at St. St. Sophia, which was considered stolen, while in 1065 Vseslav of Polotsk robbed everything in the St. Sophia Church. The cross, built by St. Euphrosyne Princess of Polotsk in 1161, is six-pointed (Description and image with Prince Historical. Information about St. Euphrosyne. St. Petersburg, 1851). On the silver medal of St. Vladimir in the first hand of St. Prince's four-pointed cross (Kalaidovich in Letop. General. Ancient Russia. Book. 2 p. 163). The cross, built in 1224 in Yuryev, Poland, is four-pointed, and is still intact. On the recently discovered frescoes of the St. Sophia Cathedral, the cross in the hand of the Martyr is six-pointed, in the hand of the Martyr it is five-pointed. (See Description and photographs of the image in the Journal of Min. Nar. Prosv. 1844 No. 1. case pr. 198). Crosses on the marble tomb of V. U. Yaroslav, son of St. Vladimir - four-pointed. (see the image of the tomb in the description of the Kiev-Sophia Cathedral, Kyiv 1825). On the golden panagia, the Martyr in his right hand holds a four-pointed cross, a four-pointed cross carved from marble: both were found in Kyiv and belong to the pre-Mongol time. (See About the antiquities found in Kyiv in 1 book. 3 parts of the Proceedings of the Society of Ancient Russia). On the vessels of St. Anthony the Roman there are four-pointed crosses. Snegirev Memory. Moscow Antiquities tetr. 3. Page 36. Nestor according to Koenigsberg. Sn. 82. Slch. Nicene 7. Universe. Cathedral. Ave. 7. The artists who arrived from Constantinople to create the Pechersk Church brought the relics of 7 martyrs: Artemia, Polyeuctus, Leontius, Akakios, Arethas, Jacob and Theodore. And these relics were laid at the foundation of the church (Simon). In 1218 the Prince was brought. Constantine of the relics of St. Longinus the Centurion, St. Mary Magdalene (U Karamz. 3 pr. 179). For the many relics collected by that time in Constantinople from places collected by that time in Constantinople from places captured by the Mohammedans, see Ducangil Constant. Christ. Lib. 3. from 14 also Travels of Novgorodian Stefan and other Russians to Constantinople (ed. Sakharov 1886) Simon about the creation of the Pechersk Church in Pater. Kyiv. Years. About 1154 p. 89. 12.; other information from Artsybashev 1, 159. 177. Snegireva Mosk. Ancient Note on description Assumption Sob. Page 2. Novgor. Years. 1. 2. 3. About 1170 Nov. 4 and Pskov. IN SOBR. L. 4, 12. 277. Nikon 2. 210. Radziv. Sunday At Arpybysh. 193. “Conquer Roman with the Novgorodians by the power of the godmother and the Holy Mother of God and the prayers of the blessed Bishop Elijah (John), Feb. At 25 days." etc. Novgor. 3. He speaks directly about St. icon and adds: “And to this day that Holy Mother of God icon works miracles and grants healing.” About the whole event in the RKP. Lives of Saints John from the Collection of the Sergius Lavra No. 8. In Rumyantsev No. 397. According to the chronicle. It can be seen that in 1355 it was built in Novgor. Church of the Sign of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Karamz. T. 4. Pr. 390), i.e. before the opening of the relics of the Holy. John. The miraculous event was immortalized by what was depicted on the Nogor seal. Archbishop. In addition, the icon of the Sign of the Mother of God with the plan of Novgorod of the 12th century is known. Russian The hon. Hour. 2 p. 302. Moscow. 1843. In addition to those mentioned, the icons of the Mother of God are also famous: a) Smolensk Hodegetria from 1046, Chernigov from 1060, Kuryatitskaya (in the Turov region) from 1180, Svenskaya from 1208 (Debolsky Days of Divine Service 1840), b) Zaraisk icon of St. Nicholas, called the warrior, (the legend of the miraculous Icon of St. Nicholas, called the warrior, St. Petersburg, 1842). The following are known from the Korsun icons: a) Jerusalem. Icon of the Mother of God, transferred in 453 from Jerusalem to Constantinople, and from there in 898 taken to Kherson, and from Kherson to Russia; Now it is located in Moscow. Assumption Cathedral (Snegirev's Description of the Moscow. Memory of the Assumption. Collection), b) in Nizhny Novgorod. Blagoveshch. Mr. Korsunsky image of the Mother of God, written, as the Greek inscription says, in 993 (Vostokova Description. Blush. Music. Page 230). Monk Jacob in the Life of the Good. Olga: “Priyasha St. Baptism, ready to have St. Scripture and books have been translated from Greek into Russian.” RKP. M. Spirit. Academician No. 175. Joachim’s Chronicle: “The Bulgarian Tsar Simeon sent learned priests and satisfied with the books... The Tsar and Patriarch sent many priests, deacons and relatives of the Slavs.” According to Nestor, the mother of Boris and Gleb was Bulgarian Anna, according to the Chronicle of Joachim, Princess Anna. Tatishchev (2 pr. 84) agrees with this news with the assumption that Anna was the daughter of K. Simeon and the aunt of Emperors Vasily and Constantine, next. cousin of the latter. With such a connection between the Russian, Bulgarian and Constantinople courts, it is clear that quite a lot could have been received from Bulgaria. See in Moskvityanin 1843. Methodius in Rome “place the Slovenian Gospel on the altars of St. Apostle Peter.” Ibid. p. 422. Upon completion of the translation of all the canons. books “he gives worthy praise and glory to God... and raises the holy secret offering with his choir, honoring the memory of St. Demetrius" p. 432. Finally, according to the disposition of Methodius, the disciples baptized and performed marriages (p. 430), but the service at his burial consisted of the singing of psalms, p. 434. In the same place: “Soon offer her the entire church rite, and teach Matins and the year of masses and vespers and vespers and the secret service" p. 419. Further: “then singing the Liturgy in the Church of St. Peter in the Slovenian language” p. 422. Before his death, St. Cyril: “About those who said to me: let us enter the courts of the Lord, let my spirit be glad and my heart rejoice.” This is an antiphon from Octoechos. John Exarch at Kalaidovich, page 129. According to Laurel. and Koenigsb. St. “The Apostle and the Gospel have been added ... therefore the Psalter and Octoechos and other books have been added.” The modern Bishop Gaderik (Moskvityan. 1843, No. 6 p. 432), says that Cyril and Methodius “left all the writings that seemed necessary for worship.” The Bohemian-Moravian legend of Cyril and Methodius says that the Pope “was amazed at how they dared to establish the singing of the canonical hours (i.e., the daily service) in the Slavic language.” The same can be seen from the complaint of the Salzburg pastor and from the letter of P. John in 879. The legend of Lyudmila: St. Cyril, knowing Greek and Latin very well, after converting Bulgaria to the faith, ascended to Moravia - and having invented new letters, translated the entire Vet. and Nov. Testament (not the whole, but selected readings) from Greek and Latin into the Slavic language, and decreed for the church to sing the public Liturgy and other canonical hours, which is still observed in Bulgaria and other Slavic countries." Cyril and Methodius, Dobrovsky, pp. 29. 10. 42. 43. The Presbyter of Diocles writes the same. Until the time of St. Cyril and Methodius were known in the Greek service, in addition to the three Liturgies, the stichera of Anatoly and Sophronius, the kontakia of Romanus, the Sunday services of Damascus and his holiday with Cosmos, the Lenten services of Theodore and Joseph the Studites. But beyond that, in the Octoechos and in the Book of Hours and in the Trebnik and in the Triodion, much remains that belongs to the 9th, 10th, 11th and even 14th centuries. That the songs of Theophanes († 850) and Joseph († 887) songwriters have not yet been translated into the Slavs. language - this is partly evident from the life of Methodius (pr. 112), and there was no time for it to come into general use, even in Greece. When speaking about the translation of the Octoechos by Cyril and Methodius, one should only mean the Sunday songs of St. Damascene. The Greek Octoechos still contains only Sunday services, and the daytime services of Joseph the Hymnographer and Theophanes make up a special book - the Paraclitic. The biographer of Clement of Velichsky says about him, “having foreseen his death, he gave a farewell gift to the Bulgarian churches, added to the Triodion what was missing, what is sung from the new week until Pentecost, he completed then.” And so in 916 Clement translated the famous Triodion from the new or St. Thomas week. But the Lenten Triodion, apparently, was translated even earlier. This is what Nectarius Patrus says about this. Jerusalem. (Επιτομη τ . ιερ . ιστοριας σ 175 Ενετιησι 1677). “From that monastery (Studio) many books were sent to Russia: the Charter, the Triodion and other books,” says the 14th century traveler Stefan Novgorodets. Tolstoy's 11th century surplice 1, 2, another 1153 in the Synodal Library. Lists from the last one from Pogodin: Samples of the Slavs. Ancient writings, tetr. 1. M. 1840. Ostromir Gospel 1056–1057 ed. Vostokov, St. Petersburg. 1848. Service book of St. Anthony (d. 1147) in the Synodal Bible. No. 605; Pogodin's list in Samples Service Book of the Anthony Monastery in the Bible. Soph. Cathedral, No. 5. XII century. (Christ. Reading. 1836, part 4. p. 93). Rumyantsev's Daily Life (No. 284) XIII century. contains: 1) Slavic Octoechos (note 169); 2) canons: To the Mother of God, for the repose, to the Guardian Angel with prayer; 3) Rules for communion; 4) Months of Words; 5) Troparions of the holidays; 6) Stichera and canons of the great holidays, starting with the Annunciation. Metropolitan Hilarion in his Praise to Vladimir says: “The Apostolic Trumpet and the Gospel thunder announced all the cities.” He also mentions the celebration of the Liturgy, the “Divine praises.” Nestor in the Life of St. Theodosius says that Theodosius’s companions worked at night at work, “awakening the Divine glorification until the end of the year, so together they gathered in the church to sing the hours and perform the Divine Liturgy.” In the Chronicle: “And I heard the bl. Boris singing the Matins... and having finished the oxapsalms... began to sing the Pslater.” Laurel. 57. 58. From the answers to Cyril’s questions one can see: a) The Rite of Baptism: “the priest wiped his face with his lip, as it seems in the Prayer Book (Ευχολογικ)”, pp. 183, 175, 181, 198; b) The Rite of the Presanctified Liturgy (p. 198). Metropolitan John, in 9 Ave., allows priests and bishops to sit while singing the verses: Arise, Lord, Every Breath, Hallelujah, Evening Prokimnes, and strictly forbids doing the same “by a white man or a simpleton, even if he be a prince and a prophet.” Novgorod chroniclers noted that in 1187, when they came with a procession from the St. Sophia Church to the Church of the Archangel Michael, singing the 9th canto, thunder struck, and the people fell in fear. Novgorodskaya 1, 2 and 3 years. About Gregory Polycarp in the legend of Nikita. In the punished memory of Ts. Ivan Vasilyevich in 1555 to Gury Archbishop of Kazan: “Read the Gospel, then the litany, signify the cross and the prayer read the creation of the Russian Metropolitan for the Tsar and for all Orthodoxy... after the Gospel and litany, the prayer read Hilarion the Metropolitan and sign the cross.” (Act. Arch. Exp. 1, 258). Joakimova Letop. In Tatishchev, vol. 1, 38. This news is justified by the fact that the Bulgarian tune is still known to us. Step. Book Art. 2. Ch. 2. Although Nestor does not talk about this case, in his Chronicle he made the following statement: “There is another courtyard outside the city, where there is a courtyard of the Demestians behind the Holy Mother of God (Tithe) above the mountain, a tower courtyard.” (Kharat. SP. U Karamz 1, pr. 525). Nestor in the Life of St. Theodosius writes that Stefan, later the successor of Theodosius, was a church de-descendant under Theodosius. Kalaidovich (Preface to the description of the RKp. Tolstoy) says about the Stichirar of the 11th century: “The Old Believers, experts in ancient singing, could not make out the musical symbols in it.” This is not at all surprising, because they are poor experts on everything ancient and especially everything Greek. The Greek notes of Damascus consisted of letters of the alphabet, sometimes placed upright, sometimes sideways, sometimes lying down. Over time, not letters were made from this, but hooks, but with a certain meaning. This meaning also transferred to Russia, where the names of Greek notes or hooks were also retained. But the Russian domestics were not content with the Greek affair, and the further they went, the more they added to their badge. Unfortunately for Russian singers and scribes, the Greek hooks experienced their change: those who understood the matter saw that it was necessary to add more symbols to indicate different tone positions, and for three-voice singing, signs of refined art were needed in their own way. Imagine what could come out of the confusion of hooks broken in Greece and Russia? Late Russian hooks came out, schismatic hooks, which someone seriously mistook for the Arabic alphabet. In the photo of the hooks attached to the Description. RKP. Tolstoy, it is not difficult to find out that the Slavic ancient hooks, incomprehensible “to connoisseurs of ancient singing,” are pure Greek hooks of the 10th and 11th centuries, to which, if necessary, Greek names could be attached. For a collection of names for old and new, Greek and Russian hooks, see Reading. Moscow General Histor. M. 1846 No. 3. 39–45. Images with names from Vostokov in the Description. Music 651. Right M. John (1080) in Russian. Remember. Part 1. Page ed. M. 1814. However, this edition is very faulty, with omissions and without division of rules. Orat. 40 de baptiz. § 27. See Bishop Fid's question and Carthage's answer. Cathedral 253 in a letter to St. Cypriana Carthage. Epist. 59 are. Fidum. St. speaks about Baptism on the eighth day. Ambrose. Arab. 10. Rights 1 Universe. Council: “those born receive according to the law and charter of the Church, that is, after the fortieth day after birth; let them be baptized and become Christians without any doubt.” Deacon Vs. Churches and Chartophylax wrote in 1092: “at what time should a child be baptized? Even if he is ill, there is no limit, but he is baptized. And he will live forty days.” At Armenopul, according to rkps. Translation. RKP. Life of Pr. Feodosia; in pes. The Patericon has been slightly changed. Ave. 2 Chartophylax Peter said exactly the same thing: “If he is baptized, should he be milked by his mother who is still unclean? By all means, let the child not perish.” Vladimir-Vasily, Yaroslav-George, Izyaslav-Dimitri, etc. Daniil Abbot in his walk: “he vouchsafed me the names of the Russian Princes to write in the Lavra of St. Savva... their names are also: Mikhail-Svyatopolk, Vasily-Vladimir (Monomakh), David Svyatoslavovich, Mikhail-Oleg,” etc. Kyiv. Years. 1151 “And on Tuesday his (Svyatoslav’s) son was born, in Epiphany George, and in worldly Igor.” North asks St. Valsama: “What’s your name? “By my birth name I am called Walsam, and by my Baptism Petros” (Runnart Acta Martyr. cinc. De Balsamo). In the acts of St. Hilarion, Deacon Tatian says: “By my birth name I am called Tatian, and by Baptism Christian” (Bolland. ad. 16 Martii). Dionysius Alex exhorted this. (pr. Euseb. II. E. 7. 25), Chrysostom (Hom. 21. In Genesin). And the Christians themselves left pagan names, for example. Eusebius says of the Palestinian martyrs: “they abandoned the names given to them by their parents, perhaps because they were the names of idols.” (Eusebius de Martyr Palaest. c. 11). Monuments Slovens. XII century Nifont's answers p. 180. 181. Theophylact Bulgarian. In interpretation on chapter 10 of Gospel. Luke. About the ancient custom on Gregory Naziav Ave. Orat. 40 p. 651. Clement Alex. (Strom. Lib. 6) appointed 12 years for the Jew; in the Decrees of the Apostle. (lib. 8. C. 32) three years are prescribed, but it is added: “one must weigh not the time, but the way of life.” Constantinople Council commanded to be careful against relaxation (right 7). The Council of Elvira (rights 3 and 4) appointed two years for every pagan, and three for the priest. This is how the announcement of the Burgundians took place (Socrates II. E. 7, 30). According to the description of the martyrdom of St. Longinus, Victor and Alexander, the prison guards were both catechized and baptized on the same night (Ruinarti Acta Mart. sincera). Epiphanius has the same abbreviation for one Jew ($$$ 28). Monuments of the 12th century. pp. 175, 181, 182, 198. Monuments p. 175. See below, pr. 201. Life of St. Konstantin Kn. Moore. According to the RCP. B-ki Mosk. Spirit. Academy. Kirill Ier. “After you have taken off your old clothes and put on spiritual whites (τὰ πνευματικα λευκὰ) you must be dressed in white... you must have in yourself that which is truly white, light and spiritual.” Tainov. 4 announcements § 8. The same with Socrates (N. E. 5, 8), Sozomen (H. E. 7, 8), Gregory Naz. (Orat. 39), Jerome (Ep. 128, Ep. 57). See Peacock, in 12. Epist. Ad Severum. Unde parens sacro ducit de fonte sacerdos infants niveos. Corpora, corde, habitu. Homilia ad haptizandos; Gregory Naz talks about the same thing. Orat. 23. De Herone. In the ancient Gothic service book (in Assevin Cod. Liturg. 2. p. 36): baptizati et in Christo coronati. Monuments p. 181. The same is Savva, who adds about the right hand: “one right hand down in the sign,” that is, as it seems, laid on the back, p. 198. In Cyril Ierus. (Tainov. Announcement 3. § 4) speaks of anointing the forehead, ears, nostrils and chest. In late Greek The missal adds anointing to the hands (not the hands) and feet. Orat de baptism 40 p. 655. Ambrose de lapsu virg. c. 5. Augusti Denkwürd. Kathol Kirchc. B.T.Th. I.S. 233. Memorial Page 183. Other words about the same page 182. 183. 175. 176. “If anyone, baptized in the Latin faith, wants to join us: let him go to church for 7 days; and first give him a name, then perform 4 prayers a day, which should be repeated up to 10 times; Do not give him meat, nor milk, as if he were a catechumen. On the eighth day, let him wash himself and come to you, and offer him prayers according to custom; let him dress in clean clothes, and put Christian vestments and a crown on him, and thus anoint him with myrrh, and give him a candle. “And at the Liturgy you will give him Communion and you will hold him like that for a newly baptized person, if possible, for up to 8 days.” Memorial Page 175. “Always serve with three proscuri: one great one to go out before the door, where the dead are not imputed, but he is two for the repose” p. 173. In the service book of St. Sophia B. XIII there is also no count of prosphoras, but from the Rite the following five are visible: Angets, Mother of God, Saints, for health, for repose. See Christ. Thurs. 1836, part 4, pp. 93, 94. In the Resurrection Monastery. Missal 1380 Rule M. John 16, Mem. Page 182, 189. Niphon says directly: “when they want, then let them take communion, keeping the commandment (about abstaining from everything) the day before and the other after, if there is no penance.” p. 188. Kirill Turovsky in a word on Fifty. “Let us come to the Church of God and stand in fear in it, asking Him for remission of sins, so that we may worthily approach the most pure mysteries - the body and blood of the Lord.” page 87. Kirill of Turov in his word for Easter: “By the faith of the Divine Pascha we will partake and anoint our lips with the blood of God... Let us taste, brethren, of animal meat.” Memorial mtr. 12. Memorial page 185. Kyiv. L. About 1151 and 1170 Memorial p. 186. Other questions to Savva Ave. 23. John Ave. 11. Rights. M. John 1. 6. 7. 16. 23 . For other questions, see the answer. Savva 1. 6. 8. 11. at Nifont p. 186. Renaudoti Liturgia orientalis T. 1. p 176. See 12 rights. Savva; words of Nifont pp. 176, 177, 174. Niphont Kirik asked: “How should we give communion to the sick and what should we sing if it is suitable for use?” And Nifont defines in some detail what to do? p. 184. 185. However, Archbishop. John says: “communion is given, the funeral service, whatever one may think.” p. 198. Hand. Golden Chen L. 39. In the same spirit, Niphon’s rule is not to impose any penance on weekdays, Saturdays, and the Lord’s holidays, pp. 193. 194. Memorial p. 189 Satya: “commandments and statutes”, etc., in Slavs. Helmsman of the 16th century at Rumyantsev No. 233. (Description p. 306). The article is written in Polish-Russian, but the coins with which they are ordered to pay are Greek; “15 psalms” are added to the 30 liturgies; then “for the psalter 5 silver, for the liturgy 2 dinars, for the tetroevanglia - 3 revers.” (ὑπερπυρα – gold coin. – Du Cangii de nummis imperat). In the same place, pp. 187, 188. From another place it is clear that M. Clement allowed leniency to be given to the priests: “So Clement ordered to give Communion to singles on the great day who observed purely great persecution, if sometimes they sinned” (according to the RKP., and in the seal. This is omitted on page 179). A similar difference in opinions: “Prashah, is it worthy to give Communion to him, even in... Does Lent have intercourse with his wife?” He became angry and said: teach us to abstain from wives in fasting; It's your sin. I said: in the charter of the laity (Beleche), Vladyka, it is written: observe well during fasting; This is Christ's fast; if they cannot, then in the first and last week. And Theodosius, it is said, having heard from the Metropolitan, wrote this. No, he answered, neither the Metropolitan nor Theodosius wrote that, but only about the idle (Easter week), in which every day is a week. If they do this, forbid him to do the same thing again. (According to the document, and published in print on page 175). Theodosius, who is mentioned here, as well as in other answers, was, without any doubt, St. Hegumen of Pechersk; and his contemporary Metropolitan is Metropolitan George, to whom Kirik referred in another case. Page 195. According to the RCP. In two places excluded from the print. Ed. Page 198, 188. “As if you were advertising: there are no simple wedding blessings, but only boyars and princes get married,” etc. About the Drevlyans, Radimichi, Vyatichi and Severyans “I went to the games... and took away my wife for myself, having consulted with no one. Imahu has two and three wives.” Artsybashev 1, 11. RKP. Life of St. Savva Archbishop. Serbian. Right 6. Case Ave. 5. Karamzin’s Charter of Yaroslav, 2, pr. 108. “Whoever takes two wives, the bishop receives 40 hryvnia, and the one that comes along is taken to the church house, and the first one is kept according to the law; and if he drives recklessly, he will be executed.” According to Vladimir's charter, divorce (dissolution) is granted to the church. court and so on. was considered according to the general rules of the Orthodox Church. According to Yaroslav's charter, a different monetary price is assigned for the abandonment of a wife by her husband, depending on the condition of the person, in favor of the wife, the Prince and the Bishop, “and the prince is executed.” Then: “even if a husband and wife dissolve of their own free will, the Bishop will receive 12 hryvnia; and if he doesn’t get married, the Bishop will receive 6 hryvnia.” There is nothing in favor of the wife here, since she voluntarily leaves her husband; there is no punishment for a common-law husband, for the same reason. And yet there is not a word about the fact that each couple, if they wanted to separate, would freely receive permission from the bishop or priest. On the contrary, Yaroslav’s charter said that serious illness is not a reason for divorce. And one of his lists shows five reasons for divorce. (Described by the Museum, p. 296. Helmsman Rumyants. No. 232), of which only one can be considered in agreement with the Gospel rules. Jacob asked: what penance should be imposed on those who leave their friendship and accept another? M. John first, based on the 9th rule of Basil, defines the meaning of such an act, showing that this is adultery. Then, in accordance with 18 rights. the same Vasily, prescribes penance: “we do not accept Communion until they cease from sin.” Right 22. In another (16) rule he says: to those who, along with other pagan customs (offering sacrifices, etc.) also follow the fact that “wives are cast aside and their own wives are let go and cleave to others... to those who are alien to the existence of our faith, are rejected from the chosen church, and try with all their goodness to choose and direct to the right faith, have more than one punishment for them, not twice, but inseparably, until they know and understand the truth and learn good.” Right 13. Case Spitagma Vlastrya page 74. Right 25. “Third children of a brother (great-grandchildren of a brother and sister) who marry each other, although the law (civil) allows them, I also subject them to penance for the benefit of the Church and the faithful.” Permission for this was given in the laws selected in 739 from Justinian's Codex Imper. Leo the Isaurian and his son Constantine. (see Systematus Code of Laws T. 2. Page 264. 337. Πρ ό χειροτ ν ό μοτ ed. a Zacharia p. XXII. Lipis. 1837). Right 26. “Those who have intercourse with the second roan of a brother (grand-brother and sister), if they do not obey in order to separate, are subject to complete condemnation.” Ave. 27. The cathedral holy day is similarly defined in relation to fatherhood (kinship by property). P. Sisinia. He commands: “two brothers should not take two cousins; those who violate this statute were subject to excommunication.” Right 18. “Whoever has drunk a third wife, and the priest has blessed (ἐυλογ ή σει, ἰερολογἡσει) knowing it or not, let it erupt.” V. Vasily does not dissolve the union of three-married couples, but only subjects them to penance (pr. 4. 50). The Council of Union in 920 prohibited the fourth marriage, and although it calls the third marriage “like desecration,” it allows it under conditions. Therefore, Metropolitan John defines a blessing as a full wedding, and the rule applies to the priest himself. Memory Page 181. After the Trisagion and Lord have mercy 12, they directly “give prayers for the sick,” and as shown further: “Holy Father, heal souls,” the prayer of the Blessing of Unction, which is still known today. Only now it is preceded by the canon of Arseny. Simon's story about the construction of the Pechersk Church. See Goar. Eucholog. Græg. p. 545. 544. ed. Venet. 1730. Ducange Glossarium med. græc. συγχωροχάρκιον. And not a church at all, as Artsybyshev believed on the contrary. See the words Letop. Given by him are 11. 577. 683. 917. 1261. 1890. Memorial Page 195. “Metropolitan George can also create Russian writing, but it doesn’t exist anywhere.” Letop. About 1215 and 1231 at Karamz. T. 3. Ave. 161.335. “And he said to him, an abi older than him, that he would take the ring off his hand and give it to me, saying: put it on your hand and cross yourself; Your hand will heal.” Passion and Praise of St. Boris and Gleb, p. 405. “And I have a dry foot, and cross myself, and keep it up.” Ibid., page 401. “And then he made the cross on his lips.” Ibid., p. 403. “And the story was told before the people, even as it was seen, and how the holy Martyr came to him and crossed his eyes three times, and opened the aby,” p. 406. “Then he came closer and crossed him.” Ibid. p. 407. Chr. Thurs. 1849. Köppen List Russian. Memorial Page 13. 14. M. Filaret Conversations on verbs. Old Believer p. 130. Detailed description of the frescoes in Jur. Min. Nar. Enlightenment 1844 January, where a photograph from three images is also attached. In the same form: a) holy. Vasily V. is represented in one of the paintings of Svyatoslav Izbornik from 1073; b) on a chalice found in Kyiv and belonging to the pre-Mongol period: aa) Blessing Savior: His last two fingers are bowed to the patient, the index and middle ones are extended. bb) John Zlat. Wearing an omophorion and a phelonion, the one blessing: the fourth finger is inclined towards the patient, and the other three are standing. But otherwise John the Baptist. (Transactions of the Society of History and Ancient. vol. 3. Part 1. p. 154. 155). Conversations to verb. to the Old Believer p. 129. In the same position are the hands of St. Joseph the Much-Sick and Alypius the icon painter, as sincere eyewitnesses say. As proof, it is enough to point to the Book of Months, found in the Ostromir Gospel of 1056–1057. It shows that the celebrations of the Greek Church were accepted in the Russian Church, but accepted in their then form, i.e. not only without the holidays introduced after 1225, but with the order of celebration of that time, which is not entirely consistent with the current one. For example, in September 2nd to John and Paul Const.; but the last one is now Aug. 30 and November 6. 7th. "Page St. M. Sozonta under King Maximin and St. M. Kharitinia”, the latter is no longer there. 13, 18 and 21st “M. Simeon according to the flesh of the Lord” is now not allowed. The 17th “Charalampius, Panteleimon and his retinue” is now not allowed. On the 21st, the consecration (i.e. of the church) of St. Mines,” – M. Theodora in Perga – both are missing. But Theodore is also in Vasiliev’s menology. 22nd "M. Prisca, Martina, Nikola." Prisca is memorialized. 21. Sep.; the others are not visible. 25th "M. Roman and M. Ii” – the last one is now September 11. 28th M. Hripsimia and her squad - now September 30th. Finally 29 and 19 "M. Trophimus and Dorimedont." It's only September 19th. From these examples it is clear that a) some celebrations here are only local, such as Sept. 2 Paul, Sept. 13, 18, and 21 Simeon, 17 Charalampius and Panteleimon, 21 Mina, etc. (there are quite a few such holidays in the 13th century Prologue of Vostokov, pp. 449–452). b) Other celebrations are a remnant of glorious antiquity: such is the worship of the Cross on the 10th and 11th hours - a monument to events under the emperor. Iraklia. c) Others were postponed to another day for the most famous celebration. Eg. the memory of Hripsimia from the 20th to the 30th, because on the 20th the great John the Evangelist and Apostle is celebrated. How many similar changes were made in the 9th–11th centuries can most likely be seen by the days of the Lord's holidays and great holidays. saints, where in the later Months there is no celebration of saints, whereas one or another saint died on one of these days, and in ancient times he was commemorated on this day. The latter is evident from the most ancient church monuments. According to the Monthly Word of the Ostromir Gospel, memorial. Constantine, in monasticism Kirill, February 14. so in other ancient monuments, for example: in Evang. XIII century - from Rumyantsev (Description 173). On this date he died. The memory of Methodius and with him Cyril was celebrated in ancient times without any doubt, on April 6, when St. Methodius died. So according to his ancient Life (in Moskvit. 1843, No. 6. pp. 434, 425). In the Prologues of Glory, a short life of St. Vyacheslav was read, at least in the 12th century, precisely on September 28th. For the ancient story of St. Boris and Gleb writes: “God-blessed Boris thought about the torment of St. Nikita and the Passion of St. Vyacheslav." (Vostokov in Description of Music. pp. 693, 454. Journal of the Ministry of Education, 1839, part 12). And at the same time the memory of St. Lyudmila on the 16th day of September. Posted Oct. 1. in everyday life of the 13th century. (Description of the Museum p. 404). This holiday is not in the Greek monthly books, which is why it is not in many of our RKPs. Church of the Intercession of Our Lady in Pskov built. 1352 in Novgorod 1310 Church and miracle from the icon in 1418 (Karamz. 4. pr. 357. 5, pr. 137). Nestor in the Life of K. Boris and Gleb: Soph. Time Under 1019 Resurrection. Years. at Artsybysh. 1, 217. In the Monthly Dictionary under the Gospels of 1164 and 1270, July 24 was set as “the passion of St. Boris and Gleb", although on September 5 it is shown: "the passion of St. the passion-bearer of Christ Gleb,” the last day of the murder of St. Gleb (Vostokova's Description of Music. 171–174). Nestor: a) in the Life of the Saint. Boris and Gleb; b) in Letop. 1072. Further Sof. Time about 1072 Resurrection. Years. 1.204. In the Month of Evangelism. XIII century May 2, transfer of power. St. Boris and Gleb. Nestor did not say in his Life that from now on the feast of the transfer of relics was established: in Soph. Time Sunday Years. 1.215. another Life of the Princes is ancient, but unknown. the writer clearly states this. It should also be noted: a) in Soph. Time, a strange mistake about M's face. First, it is directly said that M. George and the Bishops were present, and then: “M. John and the presbyters came.” Obviously, Vremnik merged two cases, and attributed what Nestor says about the discovery of relics to the transfer of relics. From here b) it happened that Time. says: “I ordered the finger to be dug up, and the dig was worn away from the ground,” whereas according to Nestorov’s biography, the crayfish of the saints stood in the church from 1020. c) Nestor in the Chronicle says that in addition to M. George, Bishops Peter of Pereyaslavsky and Mikhail Yuryevsky were present at the transfer of the relics. Soph. Time and Sunday Years. 1203. also mentions Neophyte of Chernigov and Nikita of Belgorod while Nikon. Letop. 1165, calls the Belgorod Bishop Stefan and adds John of Kholm. The latter is, without a doubt, a mistake: the Hill did not exist then (Kyiv. Let.). But the name is Belogor. Bishop is true to Nikon. Years, not in Sof. and Sunday For Nikita Belogor. was at the transfer of the relics in 1115 (Kyiv. Let. p. 6). See projects 261 and 262. Kyiv. Years. about 1115 Novgorod. 1. Years. p. 1. 18. Vostokov’s Synodik, p. 517. According to Kyiv. Years. “There was a great gathering, people from all countries gathered, Mt. Nikifor with all the Bishops with Theoktist of Chernig. with Lazar Pereyaslav. Bishop, Nikita Belogor. and with Danil Guryevsky." There were also abbots Prokhor Pechersky, Sylvester Mikhailovsky, Savva Spassky, Grigory Andreevsky, Pyotr Klovsky. Even the same Let.: “You are the praise of our princes, intercessors of the Russian land... having reigned with Christ, you received the gift of healing from your Savior Jesus Christ, you generously give them with faith to those who come to the church, champions of the fatherland.” About the healing of the blind Princes in 1077 in the Smolensk Church of the Martyrs Novg. 1. Years. page 17. Sdch. also Kyiv. Years. about 1170 About the signs that designated the place of the new church - the house of grace, the most reliable is from St. Nestor in the Life of St. Theodosius; about others - Simon. In Letop. 1073: “the Pechersk Igum Church was founded. Theodosius and Mikhail (Yuryevsky) Bishop, Metropolitan George then exists in Gretsekh.” About the creation and consecration of this church, Simon. He says that at the consecration of the church, which took place on August 14, 1089, there were M. John and bishops Luke Belogor, John of Chernigov, Isaiah of Rostov and Anthony of Yuryev. The same in Letop. Nestor, where it also says: “Abbess (Pech. Mon.) holding Joanna.” About the transfer of the relics of Nestor to Laurus. and Radziv. sp. at Karamz., t. 3. pr. 138, 160. Sof. Time says 1,175 that the relics were transferred by Bishops Ephraim of Pereyaslavl, Stefan of Vladimir, John of Chernigov, Mikhail Yuryevsky, Anthony of Porossky: new proof that the names of bishops were placed only on thoughts of modernity, sometimes not well thought out. Of the first three bishops, Nestor is a faithful witness, followed by Simon. But behind that, either Marin Yuryevsky or Anthony Porossky - in Time. letop. In 1089, Anthony was definitely the Bishop of Yuryev (pr. 204) or “St. George on the river Rosi" (Kodin in the Russian bishopric). And in 1095, “The people of Yuryev with Bishop Marin took refuge on Vatichev Hill, in the city of Svyatopolchi,” and from that time until the resumption of Yuryev in 1104, the Bishop of Yuryev of Porossky lived in the city of Svyatopolchi, but there was no special Bishop in this city. About Yuryev and the city of Svyatopolch, see Artsybyshev 1, 41. 59. Nestor puts “Marin Yuryevsky” among those who carried it, but not Anthony. We must believe Nestor. According to the monthly calendar of the 13th century. memory Transfer of relics on May 31 (Description of Vostokov, p. 405. Gust. Let. p. 288). Parchment Patericon of the Sergius Lavra on the 26th day of November. Comparing this ancient list of legends with later ones, we see amendments in the later ones. In the ancient: “and set the table with the added psalm.” In the later ones (the same in the Pecher. Prol.): “And create a table in it for the newly installed bishop.” The St. Sophia Cathedral Church, where Bishops were consecrated by the Metropolitan, was consecrated long ago (Nestor above pr. 144). Table, corresponding to the Greek δνθρονιχσιτ, δνθρονιχσμοτ, means setting a new meal, consecrating the church. Valsamon in note. on 7 rights. 7 All Council: “consecration occurs after the completion of the church, when the renewal, opening and setting of the meal (ενθρονιχσμος) and the whole arrangement of this are completed with the libation of peace and the acceptance of the martyr’s remains.” Sl. Ave. 175. Celebration of the consecration of the Church of St. George on November 20 in Evang. XIII century Vostokov p. 172. According to Novgorod. 3 pp. 213 et abbr. Kyiv (Supraslka) transfer of the relics of the saint. Nicholas was in 1088. A word on the transfer of relics and another about miracles from Rumyantsev (Description of Music. 697). Celebration of May 9th in Evang. XIII century (pp. 174, 175) and in Daily Life of the same century. (p. 405). Calabria and Liulia during the Middle Ages were administered by Constantinople. Patriarch and were inhabited by Greeks (lists of the dioceses of Emperor Leo 880 and 997 and Andronikos 1282 and 1320 from Tafel: Constantinus porphyr. de provinc. p. 50. 52. Tubing. 1847). However, the special church charter of Calabria is also known (see Allation). Therefore, it is not surprising that the transfer of the relics, joyful for Apulia, was celebrated by the Greeks in Apulia and was not celebrated in Constantinople. M. Hilarion (in 1051) spoke a word of praise to the enlightener of the Russian land and called him a saint and equal to the apostles. Nestor wanted them to pray to the Lord for the glorification of the relics of Vladimir. The service to V.K. Vladimir was written before the invasion of the Mongols: it says, let our princes pray to God to give victory to the filthy enemies (Moscowite 1845. Also an ancient service in the Menaion of July 15). Wasn't it written by George, the creator of the canons? Biography of St. Prince Alexander Nevsky, his contemporary, says that in 1241 he went against the Swedes “in memory of the holy and great Prince Vladimir, who baptized the Russian land” (Sof. Time 1.252). In the Serbian Prologue of the 13th century: May 2nd, the transfer of the relics of the son of Saint Vladimir, Prince of Russia, the great, second Constantine, who baptized the entire Russian land (J. Min. Pr. 1836, Part II. p. 530). In 1311, a church was built in Novgorod in the name of St. Vladimir. His memory is on July 15 in the Prologue (Vostokova Music. 192, 455, 460 and 461). Oh St. Oleg Nestor wrote: this is the first to enter the kingdom of heaven from Rus': this is why Russia’s sons praise it as a ruler; after death, pray to God and Rus'.” Her memory is on July II in the Serbian Prologue of the 13th century. (Vostokova Music. 452, 455. See collection. Let. vol. 4, p. 174). Rostov. Years. at Karamz. 3 Ave. 27. Nikon. Years. about 1160. See, above, pr. 41–52. Sunday L. 2, 66. and Radzin at Artsyb. 1, 177, 178. Soph. Vrem., 1, 197. Prologue 1 Aug. and Nikon. L. 1, 160, 190; the latter dates the victory and the “establishment” of the holiday to the time of M. Constantine and Rostov. Bishop Nestor. There is not a word about the establishment after the Ostromir Gospel. Next: a) victory over the Bulgarians in all years. was in 1164, and M. Constantine I died in 1159 b) In 1164 Rostov. The bishop was John, who that year justified himself before the Emperor. Manuel in Bulgaria (dispute about fasting) and it is not clear from anything that Nestor was returned to the see after 1157. Therefore, c) it must be assumed that confirmation of the feast of the Cross of the Lord was, if not under John 3 (1163–1166), then under Constantine 2 (1168–1175). Nestor, Simon, and Polycarp are also called St. Anthony. He appeared to St. John the recluse, and he said to one brother: “brother, I ask you to pray to this venerable Moses (Ugrin) and he will help you; Let us take one bone from the relics of him (Moses) for the power of the passionate one... to fight this former cross.” Polycarp about John the Recluse. sl. track. approx. About Nikita, see below. The teaching for the Week of All Saints (according to the 15th century Torzh. No. 406 Rumyants. Myz.) says: “we glorify you” honest father, Russian statement, honest Anthony... honestly we please the prince. Igor, have you accepted the torment honestly.” G. Vostokov notes that this teaching was probably composed shortly after the death of K. Igor, who was killed in 1147 Kyiv. Letop. He says that on the very day of the death of St. Prince “people of good faith come to take from his blood and from the cover of what is on his body for salvation and healing... God showed a great sign, lighting all the candles over him in the church,” p. 34. Blagov. Igor was killed on September 19. (Letop. in Artsybysh. 1. 105, No. 680), but the memory is celebrated on the 11th day of July, probably on the day of the transfer of St. bodies from Kyiv to Chernigov. Having compared the Neva and Laurentian Chronicles, we see that a) Leon “untruthfully entered the Suzdal-Rostov department in 1158; b) in 1192 K. Andrei expelled him from Suzdal, but soon later, in the same year, he accepted him, but not to Suzdal, but to Rostov; c) 4 months after the last incident, he began a dispute with K. Andrey about fasting; d) in 1164 the Council met, a dispute began before V.K. Andrei, and so on. in Vladimir, and not in Rostov, and “Vladyka Theodore rebuked him.” Which? Of course, Vladimir, or what is the same, Suzdal, for which Leon was not given Suzdal before; This Theodore was subsequently exposed as expelled (1169) “from Volodymer.” Laurel. 149. 150. 152. Kyiv. 82. 91. Slch. Sunday Years. about Theodore under 1168 For a thorough examination of Russian and Greek news about this subject, see History of Heresy. and rask. pp. 39–60. V.K. Vasily Vas. in the last to K. Patr. “He takes to himself the great new Constantine - Vladimir to his fatherland, to the newly enlightened Orthodoxy. Christianity, from St. led personal and Apostle. the church of the reigning city - the Metropolitan." Act. East. 1, No. 39. The same lists of Vdamirov’s Charter are in Vostokov’s Inventory. Music pp. 291, 310. According to the List of M. Kirill, p. 295 in synodics, pp. 571, 573, 581, 583. Words of Ditmar in Artsybyshev (1 p. 13). Artsybyshev, as well as Karamzin (1 project 474), considered Theopemptus the first M, not suspecting that Nestor himself spoke about Theopemptus’ predecessor John. Both of them understood Novgor's words poorly. Letop. “Yaroslav. The Metropolis has established.” The words of Nestor according to Laurus are clearer about this matter. Koenigsb. sp. "in l. 7545 Yaroslav laid the great city (wall of the circle of Kyiv); The worthless city has golden gates; put Saint Sophia and the metropolis in the church, and therefore the church is on the golden gates.” What is Nestor talking about? It’s funny to understand these words about the rank of Metropolitan. Dietmar talks about the Archbishop. But Archbishop is still more than Bishop, and among Westerners it means the same as Metropolitan among Easterners. Nestor M-ta himself calls him either Metropolitan or Archbishop. Pskov Summer. “in 6497 (989) the entire Russian land was baptized and installed a Metropolitan in Kyiv, and not for other cities, bishops and priests and deacons. And the archbishop will go to Novgrad. Joachim." Collection L. vol. 4. p. 175. The Epistle of M. Leontius about unleavened bread in the Allation list (De consensu cccl. p. 572) is inscribed: Λεοντος Μητροπολιτου τ. εν Ρωσια Πρεσλαβαδ, Leo Metropolitan of Pereyaslavl Russian. Trinity Lit. at Karamz. 2 Ave. 100. “In this summer (after the death of M. John Skopts) the Church of St. was sacred. Mikhail Ephraim Mm that church... there was once a Metropolis in Pereyaslavl.” Nestor according to ancient times sp.: “This same summer the church of St. Mikhail Pereyaslavskaya Ephraim Metropolitan of that Church.” Troitsky and Rostov. lists. Nikon. Years: “Zhivyahu multiply tamo (to Pereyaslavl) Metropolitan of Kiev and all Russia.” Karamzin says the opposite of this without reason. It is likely that the Bishop of Dirov of the time, due to fears from the pagan princely squad, lived in Pereyaslavl. Apostolic Canon 34: “It is fitting that the bishop of every nation should be the nobility of the first among them and recognize his head, and do not do anything that exceeds their authority without his judgment: do to each only that which concerns his diocese and the places belonging to it. But let the first one not do anything without the reasoning of everyone, for this will be like-mindedness.” Collection Rule. M. Photius of Lithuania points out this rule to the Bishops. East. Act. I p. 37, the same at 9 Antioch Ave. Sob. This is how Mt. Novgor judged. Bishop Luke on the denunciation of Dudik. This is how Nestor Rostov was justified. See the message of M. Nicephorus to V.K. Vladimir Vsevolodovich. Aren't his next words to the Prince excellent? “I was not saddened, my Prince, about this word. Don’t you think that someone came to me sad, and that’s why I wrote to you about this? No, I assure you with my good faith, and I simply wrote it in memory of you; Great authorities also need great private reminders, since they can do much good and much harm. We also dared because the church charter and rule commands us to speak useful things at this time (in Lent) to the Princes. We don't know that. That the sinners themselves are covered with scabs, bleeding pus, we begin to heal others; but there is no harm in doing so. Although we ourselves are like that, the word of God that acts upon us is sound.” Russian. Hon. Page 72, 73 Moscow 1815 Sunday Years (1, 240) about Monomakh: “The holy rite of reading and not disobeying him (the Metropolitan) like a father” Resurrection. 2. 190 “The Metropolitan spoke a lot of words to Yaroslav about peace...” from the divine. The Scriptures command him and teach him from the Gospel not to resist evil... He listened to his elder brother and his father, the Metropolitan.” See Ipat. L. g. 1149. 1195 So... Time. Stroeva about 1134 p. 181, etc. Nestor on Laurus. sp. about 1098 and 1101 pp. 157 166 (Nikon 2, 24, 33) “And Vladimir Vsevolodovich established this according to Svyatopolch, convening his squad on Berestov: Ratibor of the thousand of Kyiv,” etc.; not a word about M-th (Russkaya Pravda in Venerable Russian, p. 40). “According to Yaroslav, his sons Izyaslav, Svyatoslav, Vsevolod and their men, etc., bought again.” – not a word about M (Ibid. p. 28). The Case of Constantine and Clement. See paragraph 34. Message from K. Vasily to you. to Const. P-hu: “He takes Vladimir to his fatherland from the Apostolic Church of the reigning city to the Russian land of the Metropolitan. According to him, strengthened and possessed by piety, his sons and grandsons and his heirs in line do the same, from time to time receiving the most holy Metropolitans from the reigning city, and not from Rome, neither from the Pope, nor from Latina.” Act. East. 1.. No. 39 p. 73. Nikon. Years. 1, 139 The istriographer sharply condemns this chronicle for the news that the election and dedication of Hilarion in Russia took place on the occasion of the war with the Greeks. It is true that 3 years have passed since peace was concluded. But it is also true that the harshness of the Greeks with the Russians during this war was not such that it could be quickly forgotten; this harshness could not help but cool Yaroslav towards Byzantium. Given this arrangement, it was natural to take into account the circumstances that V.K. put forward at one time. Vasily, asking for consent to the election and consecration of the Metropolitan by his Bishops: “also for this need, as spiritual affairs, and state needs, we need to do words and deeds with the Metropolitan, as explained by young people, there is nothing to hide from them.” Page 75; in the last To the Imperial Konstantinovsky: “and we ourselves, in all piety, will be like this... of all Russia, the Metropolitans in every possible way demand unification, perhaps various current small disagreements... We are not aware, even if we already exist..., His Holiness Patriarch” No. 262 p. 495 About M. Cerularia, see above. Hilarion's Confession of Faith at the Synod. V-k. Apostle 34th Ave.; Antiochus. 9 ave.; Chalcidus 28 Ave.: “Metropolitans of the regions of Pontus, Asia and Oracia, and also Bishops of foreigners of the above-mentioned regions, may be appointed by the saints. the Throne of the Church of Constantinople... according to the teachings of those who agree with the custom of election and by granting him (the Patriarch) onago.” The Greek interpreters of the rules - Zonara, Balsamon and Vlastar understand the Russians as foreigners, whereas in the 7th century the Kyiv Russians did not demand Bishops for themselves, but in the 1112th century. did not live either in Orakia or on the shores of the Black Sea. Let us also note the following: a) in Persia the Archbishop was from ancient times independent of the Patriarchs; also Archbishop of Cyprus; Archbishop of New Eustania, over time Eustania enjoyed independence and she claimed 39 Ave. Universe for him. 6th inst. Georgian Archbishop from the beginning of the 11th century. was also independent. B) 17 Chalcedon Ave. The Council is supposed to follow the civil and zemstvo order in the distribution of parishes. The same was confirmed by 38 Ave. 6th Vsel. Sob. And at 37 Ave. it is said: “the limits of control should not be constrained by the need of time and obstacles to maintaining accuracy” Kyiv. Years. to by I... 20.30.70 Laurel. 137 Sof. Time 1Nov. 1. The Kyiv Chronicle names Onuphrius Em among those who consulted at the Council. Chernigov, Nifonta Novgorod. Evanmiya of Preslav, known for his virtues (p. 43), Daniil Yuryevsky, Theodore of Vladimir, Manuel of Smolensky, Step. The book also shows Theodore of Belogorodsky at the cathedral, and the Patericon shows Joachim of Turov and Cosmas of Polotsk. This is not fair to Ancient Kyiv Years. directly and clearly says who was at the Council. And Lavren. Years. He says: “1147. Izyaslav installed M. Klin, the Koluger of Rusin, with six Bishops » The same Sov. Vr. "installed six bishops". The only truth is that Cosmas subsequently really was the enemy of Clement (note 290), and Ioan had a reason not to be on the side of Izyaslav, who in 1140. brought him out of Turon, taking the city from Vyacheslav for his son (Kievsk. Let. pp. 19, 25). As for Theodore: in 1148. Having appointed him, as a confidant, to reconcile the princes (Kievs. Let. 38) and therefore he hardly ever raised a voice against Clement. In general, in this matter, the then division of minds between Izyaslav and Yuri Suzdal had a lot of force. This is obvious in the course of subsequent events. In Kiev. Years. Niphon says: “We took the handwriting from Michael from the Metropolitan, as it is not worthy for us without the Metropolitan in St. Serve Sophia." In print. The Patericon compiled from that “the manuscript of the first M. Michael.” Nifont says only this. That it is not permissible to serve in the Metropolitan’s churches without his will, and that this is confirmed by the last Metropolitan Michael. “The Greeks place the hand of the Baptist John.” Such ordination did not happen among the Greeks. There was one case, but not of ordination to the rank of bishop, but only of election. In 1025 Patr. Vasily, preparing for death, appointed Alexei as Patriarch, and since the head of the Forerunner was then brought to him to alleviate his suffering, he overshadowed Alexei with this head as a sign of this appointment. V.K. Izyaslav died in November 1154. In 1155 in Constantinople there was a council on the opinions of Soterich Pantevgin, and the first meeting of this Council, which took place in January, was in a hurry to end precisely because “Constantine, Metropolitan of Russia” was hastening to Russia (Acts of the Council at Tafel: Supplem. Hist. Eccl Grae. Soec. XI XII Tubihge 1832). Following the first rumor of mortal danger, Izyaslav, who was not disposed towards the Greek, hurried to send the Greek Metropolitan. Niphon died on April 21, and Constantine arrived in Kyiv by the end of 1156 Nov. 1 Years Page 12.10. 11. Kiev. Years. Ipat. Sp. 79. 80. Sunday 2, 39, 50. Nikon. 2, 163, 166. About Manuel Kievsk. Years. “In 6645 = 1137, the eunuch Manuylo was installed as Bishop of Smolensk, a great singer, who was accepted from the Greek, himself the third to the God-loving Prince Mstislav; before this, there was no Bishop in Smolensk” p. 14. Cosmas, we can assume that the Prince of Polotsk brought him with him, returning from Constantinople in 1140. (Kyiv. L. 15:19) Kiev. Years. 86, 89, 92 Gust. L. 307, 308. Novg. 1, 12, 13, 149. Nov. 4 l. 9, 10. Missing lines of the Ipatiev list in Tatyshchev, car. 2 pr. 414, 389, 390 M. Constantine retired to Montenegro, no doubt because the Bishop of Chernigov was then Anthony the Greek, who had previously himself retired from Chernigov to Constantine in Kyiv. Why (about Sov. Sob. 77) is it possible to consider Constantine himself the Bishop of Chernigov? Is it just because Konstantin retired to Chernigov? Bishop of Chernigov, first we see Anatoly in Kiev. Years. Onufriy, and in Nikon. Between them is Eva... Streeter Wiz. East. 3, 158 (Sib. 1774). The Metropolitans, Archbishops and Bishops of the Patriarchate of Constantinople were under the direct supervision of three Exarch-Metropolitans: in the Thracian district (διοικησις) such a Metropolitan was the Metropolitan of Heraclian, in the Pontic District of Cappadocia, in the Asian District - of Ephesus. The Russian Metropolitan was not subordinate to any of these Exarchs, and so on. was the Exarch himself. Whether he bore the name of Exarch before the Mongols is not known. But eg. M. Theognostus was called Exarch-Metropolitan. The inscription of the Councils of 1067 and 1099 says: Αγκύρχας ... τῆς Ρασσιάς . Leunclavi, Tus Crieco, Rom. 1. 213, 209. The last Council dated back to the time of M. Nicholas, and at the first, of course, George was present (below pr. 344). About Konstantin above note. 291. Praise to Vladimir. Add. to ed. Creation St. Father 1844. p. 277. According to Novogor. L. Luke, successor of Joachim of Korsun, died in 1059, having served as Bishop for 23 years and so on. ascended to the see in 1036. The Novgor painting says the same about the latter. Bishops, and according to the same painting, Joachim was in the department for 43 years and so on. was appointed Bishop in 993 or 992. Testimony Novgorod. The chronicles about 998, as the year of Joachim’s accession to the department, disagree with their own chronology and with the news of Joachim’s appointment by Leontius, will be in agreement with all the circumstances, if we assume that Joachim the Korsun, having arrived in 988 among the Korsun priests of Nestor, was sent to Novgorod in the same year as a preacher, but not as Bishop. Under Joachim the Bishop, Ephraim “who was blessed to teach us” was in Novgorod. See Note. 72. Collection Years. 3 vols. Vostokova Description. Music 510. About Theodore, see above note. 48. The Bishop of Rostov in 1183 was called Bishop “of Rostov and Vladimir and all the lands of Rostov.” Laurel. L. 165. About Vladimir, see above note. 41. Until 1137, the Bishop of Vladimir owned the Hill. (Additional to Ist. Lit. 1. No. 4) This makes it clear that the Bishop of Vladimir was in charge of those places that later became part of the dioceses of Przemysl, Kholm and Galich. About the Chernigov diocese of Lavra. Years. 140 “Zanezhe Rezan – Chernigov bishopric.” Slch. § 30, 34. Rules of M. John pr. 35. Nestor in the life of Ave. Feodosia. See above §30, 34. List of Pereyaslavl Bishops in Gust. Years. 338. – not complete: it omitted after Eugene (above pr. 288) Vasily (1158), Anthony (1168–1198) and Paul in 1198 (Car. 2. pr. 381. Laurus 174, 136. East. Jer.) To the Pereyaslavl diocese until 1137. belonged to Smolensk (Additional Ist. Act 1. No. 4). In addition to those shown, Polotsk from 1105 Laurel. Years. 119. See above, pr. 288, 290. About the Turov Bishops, see Kalaidovich in Memory of the 12th century. In addition to the mentioned Smolenskaya from 1137 (note 290), Galich from 1156 (Kyiv Let. 33. Car. 2. pr. 381), Vladimirskaya on Klyazma, opened by Theodore from 1162 (note 271. Kyiv Let. 81, 84), and then from 1215. (§15) Muromo Ryazan from 1207 (Laurel 182), Peremyshl from 1223. But Belgorod from 1197 was connected to Yuryevsk (Kyiv Letop. 152). The Bishop of Vladimir was called the Bishop of Suzdal, Vladimir and Pereyaslavl (see note 351 below). Since the time of K. Georgy Dolgoruky, Suzdal has become a revered city (Karamz. 2. pr. 137); in relation to the church, the name St. probably gave him importance. Theodora (above pr. 48). As for the imaginary Bishop of Suzdal Simon (1157 - 1169), put forward by the keymaster Ananias (Vlad. Vedom. 1849 No. 4, 5, 10), this is nothing more than a Suzdal fiction. The author of the additions to the ancient Pechersk Patericon dedicated Polycarp, to whom Simon wrote the letter, as the Archimandrite of the Pechersk - the one who ruled the Lavra in 1164. And the Suzdal Klyuchary remained to consecrate Bishop Simon in 1157 - 1169. Anyone who has read the studies of Karamzin and Kalaidovich knows that Polycarp, to whom the epistle was written, was just a monk, and Simon the Bishop who wrote the epistle was Bishop not in 1157–1169, but in 1215–1226. Novgor. 1. 13. says that Elijah, in monasticism John, elected archpastor in 1163, was consecrated on March 28, 1165 and returned to Novgorod on May 11th. “That same summer, Abbot Dionysius went to Russia with love and ordered the ruler of the archbishopric to become Metropolitan.” Kyiv. Years. 127. In 1190 Prince. Vsevolod sent his confessor, John, to the Metropolitan, who was appointed Bishop. A Book Rurik then elected abbot Adrian to Belogor. Bishops. In 1230, the princes of Rostov “sent to their father George and to Bishop Mitrofan of Kirill, hegumen and archimandrite of the monastery of St. The Mother of God of the Nativity, so that he would let him into the bishopric of Rostov and let him go... ...And bring him into St. "elected Church." And then they were sent to the Metropolitan for installation. (Kyiv. Lavr. 138. Resurrection 2. 188. Kar. 3 pr. 81. 369). After the death of Gabriel, “the Novgorodians from Prince. Yaroslav and from the abbot and from Sofyana and from the priest I will tell fortunes among myself... and put them on the saint. the meal of three lots and the sending in the Veche of the blind man, whom God will give us, and being taken out by God’s grace Marturius.” Novgor. 1. Years. 1156, 1186, 1193, 1201 and 1211 Sunday L. 2. 187. Novgor. Years. Kyiv. Years. 14. 92. 280. “Go to Kiev and put order to the Russian land before the Bishops.” Kar. 3. pr. 37 118, 195, 218. Kyiv. Years. 17. 38. 83. cm pr. 288. Experience about Novgorod. Posadniki p. 44 M. 1821 Vladimir's charter a) in a short composition is located in the Sofia Helmsman No. 437, in the Helmsman of Rumyantsev Muz. No. 235, copied from the Helmsman of 1286, in the Helmsman of the same Mus. XV century (Vostokova Description. Music. 312. 287); printed by M. Eugene in Prib. to Op. Soph. Collection Page 8, 9; b) in lengthy form is in the Synod. Helmsman of the 12th century. No. 132. In Helmsman Rumyantsev Muz. XVI century (Vostokov’s description. Pages 294, 310, 324 published by M. Eugene (ibid.) in the Addendum to the Ist. Act. 1. No. 1 in the Ancient Bethlehem. Part 6 in the Addition to the Ancient Bethlehem. Part 3. The differences in the lists are shown by Rosenkampf about the Helmsman in the Addendum pp. 205 - 212. In Vostokov’s description of the Museum There are two editions of Yaroslav’s charter: a) Yaroslav’s charter in the church court in Karamzin 2. pr. 108. in M. Evgeniy in Prib. to Op. Soph. Collection in Prod. Ancient Wiffle. part 3; b) a scroll about the saintly court in the Act. Zap. Ross. 1. No. 1. The scroll is, without a doubt, a late composition, both in terms of the news of the language and in terms of chronological oddity: it was written under M. Hilarion in 1031, that is, when Hilarion was not Metropolitan. From History itself it is clear that matters of superstition, heresies, inheritance, and church almshouses (note 47. 335, 338, 309) were in charge of the church authorities. The same is known regarding cases of illegal marriages, violation of chastity (Nov. 1. L. Page 7 Soph. Time 1. 142). Yaroslav's Truth itself points to the existence of a Russian church charter, for items related to the spiritual court, but the now known ancient charter of the Russian Church, are not placed in Yaroslav's Truth. But the fact is that the Greek Pomocanon, without the Russian church charter, could not force Yaroslav to omit at least some subjects of the church court from Pravda. Certificate of Rostislav ed. in Additional East. Act. 1 No. 4. lists all the main subjects of the Russian church court, for example. “already a church person will come to something: then to his Bishop - potions and murder (a consequence of sorcery) of the heavy Episcopal.” The same is in the Charter of the Book. Vsevolod Pechersky Monastery. ed. in New from Pecher. mon. pp. 41–44. 1831 Another of his letters to the Forerunner Church, ed. Hon. 1. 77–79. Additional to East. Act. 1. 11. 3. leaves the clergy to supervise weights and measures. The latter was also provided by the contractual charter of the Smolensk Prince (Karam. 2. note 248, Russian Dost. 2.1845). M Cyril II in a message to his son V. Prince. Alexandra Nevsky also lists all the items of the Vladimir Charter, although in a different order. The Uzbek label, freeing “the cathedral church of Metropolitan Peter and his people and his clergy” from civil court and supervision, says: “let everyone submit and obey the Metropolitan, all his church clergy” according to their original laws. The Charter of Vladimir bases its rules on the Greek. Pomocanon - the order of Kings and Councils. But this does not mean that the Charter wants to write the same thing that is said in the Pomocanon: such an exercise would be unnecessary work. Pomocanon or, more precisely, the spirit of Pomocanon is only the foundation, the rest is the work of the Prince. What the Greek Sovereign found necessary for the Greek Church, the Sovereign of the Russian land might not have recognized as necessary. Hence the difference between what Nomos determined - the ordering of the kings, and what the Russian Charter determined. Nomos did not give tithes to the Greek clergy, but Vladimir did. The Russian Church Charter was guided by the apostolic councils and the Mosaic statute, and also took into account the pious customs of the neighboring Christian countries of that time, especially Poland (See Walter Lehrbuch d. Kirchenrechts aller Cristl. Confessionen. Bonn. 1829. §189, 193. M. Evgeniy to the Approx. Description. Soph. Collection No. 1 – 4. 42). Judge the affairs and laws of Russia in the 11th and 12th centuries. the way the church was judged at the end of the 17th century is a big mistake in Historiography. Cases about public games, about murderers and suicides, about baths, slaves seeking freedom, covetous people, classified by Pomocanon as the spiritual court, are not mentioned in the Charter of Vladimir, and in Russian Pravda almost all are classified as the subject of civil court. Certificate from Svyatoslav: “10 hryvnia for the train from the whole earth, and 2 for the priest.” M. Kirill complained that the disorder in the churches of his time was, among other things, “not due to the parishion of the Bishop,” see below. 329. Zinovy in the 52nd word on the heresy of Theodosius the Oblique: “it is written in the rules of the first guides, they are also seen as being attributed to Bysha in the summer of Vel. Yaroslav, son of Vladimirov." In word 55: “The rules that he proposed to you are justified by the truth; The book of rules was written on leather under Izyaslav, Prince Yaroslavl’s son, and under his grandson Vel. Vladimir, who baptized the Russian land." He cites 16, 73 and 82 rules and talks about some other Rostov list of rules, which he does not consider correct. The rules are given in full, and not in abbreviated form, in the rules of M. John, in the questions of Kirik and in the answers of Niphon. Helmsman Rumyantsev's book No. 220. Its content is shown by Rosenkampf (about the Kormch. book pp. 114–144) and Vostokov (Description of Rumyants. Music pp. 273–279). It should be taken for granted that before the Mongols we had no interpretations of the rules. For a) all the interpreters of the rules: Aristin, Zonara, Balsamon, lived in the 12th century. b) M. Cyril II in 1274 directly said that he had now only received the rules with interpretations “now interpreted by Bysh.” And Svyatoslav sent Zonara to him. The currently known lists belong to two categories (we are not talking about later works): a) the lists of the Helmsman of M. Cyril II, delivered from Bulgaria in 1270; b) to the lists with Kormcha, written in 1284 at the request of the Ryazan princes in Kyiv; translation in both Bulgarian. This is what Rosenkampf writes, having reviewed many lists of the Helmsman (about the Helmsman pp. 10 – 14, 53 – 70). Let us only note that a) it is in vain that he calls the abbreviated rules Aristinian ones. Aristin wrote only interpretations of them, but these rules have been known since the 7th century; b) it is in vain to say (p. 52) that the Slavic lists of rules existed before the Mongols in small numbers and were not in general use. Even though the Metropolitans and some Bishops were Greeks, it was not only the Metropolitans who lived by the rules. In the rules of M. John, in the answers of Nifont, the conciliar rules are given as valid laws. Nifont’s answers are completely private, given to questions from a private person. The decisions of both Novgorod hierarchs could be valid at first only for the Novgorod diocese, but here, too, more time was needed before they moved from a private purpose to a general diocesan one. The rules of M. John are also given for a private person, but the importance of the Metropolitan could reproach their fame. We find all these rules in Kormchay from the time of M. Cyril II. Rules of M. John published in 1 part. Russian sights. M. 1812, but not only without division of rules, not even always with divisions of the flow of speech according to meaning, with errors, sometimes gross. Answers of Niphon and A. John - Elijah Ed. in Monuments of the XII century by Kalaidovich 1821 M. In addition, the answers of M. George and Clement were recorded, but which have not reached us in their complete form (see above note 225. Monuments of the XII century p. 195). According to both lists of the Vladimirov Charter: “Hegumen, priests, deacon, and those in the choir, monks, etc.” About Archpriest Nestor in the Tale “About Boris and Gleb”: “The Archbishop appointed (for the Vyshgorod Church of the Holy Martyrs) priests and deacons and wished them to sing... the evening and morning and holy liturgy on all days and appointed an elder for them.” About Subdeacon M. John at 10 Ave. and Kirik. pp. 190, 230. In Gram. Book Vsevolod approx. 1131: “and give the rent to the priest and the deacon and the sexton and the guards from the weight of the wax.” It is not clear whether the Prince appointed two or three priests for the Church of John the Baptist, but it is clearly stated that one deacon was appointed - “and the deacon sings at St. John’s Saturday and week,” while the priests were obliged to serve every day in the Forerunner Church and twice a week in the chapel (“on the chambers”) of St. Zechariah. Track. in simple days, the deacon performed choir singing, and therefore the deacon alone, note that the Prince calls his church a cathedral (Russian Doston. 1. pp. 77, 78). Since 1195, the Pechersk Monastery has been the Lavra and its abbot, the abbot, is an archimandrite (Simon: “Archimandrite Akindinus, abbot of the Pechersk” East. Jer. 2.29). Since 1227, the rector of Vladimir Rozhestven. The monastery is also an archimandrite (see Karamz. 3. pr. 364, 369). V. Book Vsevolod in the letter: “the next day serve the archimandrite St. George, - half a hryvnia for him.” All other abbots are abbots. See Helmsmen. Blush. Music No. 232, 238. See note. 315, 358. Kyiv. Years. 40. About the Novgorodians: “To the prince! Otherwise, every soul and clerk will go, and his hair will be tonsured, but if he is not appointed, he will go; and whoever is appointed prays to God.” This is in 1148. The Charter of Yaroslav: “they do not eat from them, nor from their children, nor wash (tax), nor turnout, nor tamga (customs duty).” The labels of the khans show the same thing, as they affirmed the previous order. Nestor after Laurus. St. in L. 0504 (990) “Volodimer saw the church (of the Holy Mother of God) in perfection, went into it and prayed to God...he said to her: “I give to this church to the Mother of God from my property and from my city a tenth.” Vostokov. Description Music 295. “The charter that was before us in Rus' from our great-grandfathers and from your grandfathers is to collect tithes from dachas and from viras and from sales that are included in the prince’s courtyard of everything... Piskup needs it, the Prince needs a tenth of God’s. That's the share of the saints. Sophia accepts Piskup for tithes from the vir and sales of one hundred hryvnias of new kun, who also gives out the house from Onega. In but from all the earth, the Lady receives 10 hryvnia, and the priest 2 hryvnia.” In total, 250 hryvnias of silver per year were assigned from the Novgorod region and the Prince. The words: “the Prince needs it” do not mean that tithes are needed by both the Prince and the Bishop, as some have explained: the Prince puts forward the reason why he replaces the tithe with another donation, namely, the difficulty of calculating what should be due to the Prince and the department, and to deliver bread to either the Prince or the department, which inevitably led to quarrels between the servants of the Prince and the Bishop, mutual suspicions and grievances. About the Novgorod tithe. sl. pr. 432. M. Plato (Histor. Ts. 1.54) says that tithes were completely abolished and replaced by immovable estates. In relation to the pre-Mongol time, this is not justified by the monuments. The Smolensk Prince (Addition to Ist. Act 1 No. 4) replaces the tithe partly with a salary, partly with estates. The Prince of Vladimir acts differently (note 331). In Novgorod, a trading city, it was possible to assign a monetary salary, and Svyatoslav appointed it. Other princes were not rich in money, but were rich in lands, and in this case, they probably assigned only estates to the department. Kyiv. Years. (81, 82): “giving both a lot of property and freedom purchased” (Karamz. and M. Evgeniy: “bought freedom” - incorrect: free people bought by him, otherwise enslaved) and with tributes and villages and tithes in their steads and tenth bargaining” (Karamz.: a tenth of trade income - not exactly). “And create a bishopric in it.” About the same Simon: “Who does not know the sinful Bishop Simon and sow the collected beauties of Vladimir and other Suzdal southern ones that he himself created? How many hails and villages have occurred! And the tithes are taken from all that land: and our badness owns everything.” Russkaya Pravda: “a tithe is two hryvnia, and the prince is 10 hryvnia” Rules of M. Kirill. Kyiv. Years. in approx. K. Anastasia says in Simon: “Even if you lavish a thousand silver for you and for Polycarp’s sake!” At the Council in 1099, which was under P. Nicholas Grammar, it was determined to take a fee from those being ordained, and at this Council the “Russian Metropolitan”, i.e. Nicholas, was present. At Vostok. Description Music 291, 295, 281. Druzii sat down and took charge of them.” During the fast of St. Theodosius retired “alone to the monastery village.” Before his death, he gathered “all the brethren to go to villages or to meet other needs; to collect everything, starting to kasati tyvuns, guards, servants” (Rkn). Book Yaropolk, before his death, “went to the (Pechersk Monastery) all his life, Nebelskaya volost, and Derevskaya and Luchskaya and near Kyiv.” His son-in-law Prince Gleb and daughter donated 600 hryvnia of silver to the Monastery. Upon death, the last wife gave 100 hryvnia of silver, 50 gold, three volosts and bequeathed the rest of the estate. Kyiv. Years. 182. Laurel. 108.3 36. The Russian Pravda speaks of “chernchich serfs” (monastic ones). According to Novgorod. Years. in 1232 we see Buyce “the village of St. George" i.e. Yuriev Monastery. Known certificates: a) V. Kn. Mstislav and Vsevolod to the Yuryev Monastery for land and duties (at Karamz. 2. pr. 168, 445); b) two certificates from Prince. Vsevolod to the same monastery (ed. in Ist. Jer.). Nestor in RKN. Lives of Prince. Boris and Gleb. Nestor in Laurel. Years. 66; Slch. Sunday Years. 2. 33; V. K. Rostislav Radziv. 247 about V.K. Maria. Rule of St. Apostolov, pr. 4. Nifont: “And keep your wine, having bought a pot, and also some dark tea, and eat for yourself with that.” However, we are talking about funeral services here. See §32 above; St. His relics were found incorrupt in 1103 and then transferred to the Anthony Cave, and in 1730 to the Kiev Pechersk Church. Nestor, speaking about Hilarion after 1051, does not show the time of his death. The later ones date it either to 1069 or to 1072 (M. Evgeniy on Sob.). But both indications are unfair. Nestor (Laur. 69) says that the Monk Theodosius received a copy of the Studite Rule from the monk Michael, who came with M. George; and according to the Life of St. Theodosius, this refers to 1068. Consequently, in 1068, Hilarion’s successor had already arrived in Kyiv. Both from the location of Hilarion’s initial exploits in the cave, and from the fact that M. Ephraim, who spent his first years in the Pechersk Monastery, rests in a cave with the name of St. Ephraim, it seems undoubted that St. Hilarion, resting in the cave, is none other than M. Hilarion. The same is true from experience with the remains of St. Mikhail. Note 342. After St. Michael were Metropolitans: Leo, in Russian news Leonty from 992 - 1007 (Note 274 Catalog), from 1008 John I, who lived in 1020 (Note 259), according to the Catalog of the deceased. in 1035, Theonemite, who consecrated the Church of the Tithes in 1039 (Nestor), according to the Catalog from 1038 and died in 1049 (Laurel Letop.). After Hilarion, the successor of Feonemitov, George from 1067 (Project 343) transferred the relics of St. Princes in 1072 (approx. 200), in 1069 and 1073 he was in Greece (approx. 293), according to the Catalog he died in 1079. About John II Nestor in the lists of Laurus, Resurrection. Radziv under 1086 and 1088. See project 345. Rules of M. John in part 1 of Doston. M. 1814, but faulty. According to RKN. they always come before the answers to Kirik’s questions (Eastern description of Music. 286, 321. Stroeva description of rkn. group of Tolstoy pp. 71, 93, 401), which again points to John II, not IV. Nestor in the Life of Ave. Theodosius and in Letop. Gust. Letop. 277, 278, 338. Kyiv. Letop. 10.277, 288; Laurel. 80, 90, 108, 128, 189; Laurel. sp.: “in this same summer (6307 - 1080) Metropolitan John reposed... (probably at the end of August, see note 202), in this same summer you brought Yanka Metr. Ioanna skopchinu, he was led by people rekosha: se navye (dead man, ghost), not a book and simple in mind and spacious (without the gift of speech), having lived from year to year, he died. (next in 1090)... in the same summer the church of St. Michael of Pereyaslavl by Ephraim Metropolitan of that church.” According to the review of the time of death of John II, it is clear that Nestor describes the events of two years. Lvovsk. Letop. and Sunday 1. 218 date the consecration of the St. Michael’s Church, as well as the founding of others, to 1090. The same 1. Novgorod. page 3; track. Ephraim was called Metropolitan from 1090. If this is true, Ephraim even then could have been called Metropolitan in 1090, as he was elected to this rank. Nick. Years. takes Ephraim out of Armenian Mytilene and calls him a Greek. Karamzin 2. (note 160) agrees that Ephraim was a Greek precisely because he was an eunuch. But according to Nestor’s life of Theodosius, Ephraim was an eunuch and treasurer - later the Bishop of Pereyaslavl. And according to Letop. Efim Skopets Bishop of Pereyaslavl and builder of St. Michael's Church is the same as Metropolitan. About the death of Resurrection. Years. about 1096 and Laurel. Years. Page 108, 112. The bathhouse building for Boltin and Karamzin is a baptismal building, for M. Evgeniy and Artsybashev it is a bathhouse at the church. Novg. Years. 3. 13, 122, 123; Kyiv. 8. See note. 379. M. Nicholas' predecessor from 1097 died, probably in 1103, since Nikephoros arrived in Kiev on December 6, 1104. Kyiv. Years. 9, 10; Novgor. 123. See §34 above; Kyiv. Years. “at the same time (1063) and Theodore Mitr. reposed, having been in the metropolis for 10 months.” There is a scribe's mistake here; it should have been written: two summers and 10 months, and as stated in the continuation. Nestor. Otherwise Kyiv Let. She herself dates Theodore’s arrival in Kyiv to August 1161. Slch. Novg. 1. 13. Soph. Vr. 1.197. Kyiv. 128, 152; Laurel. 165, 171, 172, 174; Gustim. 318, 326. Laurel. 184, 185, 188; Novg. 1. 25, 38, 127, 180, 217. Laurel. Years. 190 “In the summer of 6732 he was appointed Metropolitan in St. Sofia, Kiev blessed. Kirill Grchin month genv. at 6 Dec. learned greatly and skillfully in the teaching of Divine books” (Resurrection 2. 182 “understanding the Divine Scripture”). Novg. 1. Let., speaking about his death in 1233, adds that he arrived from Nicaea, that is, because at the same time the Patrarch of Constantinople lived there, and the Latins owned Constantinople. This does not interfere with the fact that he was installed by the Russian Bishops in Kyiv, as Laurus says. Years. In 1227, he and four Bishops consecrated Bishop Mitrofan in Vladimir on Klyazma. Laurel. 190; Novg. 1.49. Laurel. Years. 190. “Next.” year (1227) March. 14 Bishop Mitrofan was quickly installed, having become abbot of St. Mother of God, Metropolitan Kirill and 4 Bishops; It was quickly installed in the God-saved city of Volodimer, in the wonderful city of St. Mother of God, Suzdal, Volodymyr and Pereyaslavl.” Laurel. 194. After Cyril I, some have placed Cyril II since 1230. But according to the ancient chronicles. Not only do we not see the death of M. Cyril in 1229 and the arrival of another Cyril in 1230, but we find the opposite: a) According to Novg. Years. Dec. 17. 1229 Spiridon went to Kyiv for initiation and returned in May 1230. In 1230 M. Cyril came from Kyiv to Vladimir. According to Laurus and Resurrection. Years. in April 1231 Rost was dedicated. Ep. Kirill, and in May 3, in the presence of M. Kirill, an earthquake almost destroyed the Kyiv stone church. It is clear that M. Cyril was healthy and active in 1220–1231; b) and everything that the chronicles say about Cyril Metropolitan 1230 - 1233 is exactly the same with reviews about Cyril 1224 - 1229. Rule 16. “Do they eat hedgehogs with demons and swamps and wells? And the hedgehogs are caught without the blessing of marriage and the wives are swept away.” And away. Nestor about 1068 according to Laurus. sp. said: “But the devil flatters with these and adds all kinds of other flatteries from God, trumpets and buffoons, harps and mermaids. We see that the games are crowded and there are a lot of people, as if they will start to push each other, the shame is acting from the demon of a planned deed - and the churches stand” (empty). He is talking about the pagan Vyatichi on page 8: “brothers did not visit them, but they played games among the villages; I’m going to the games, the dancing and all the demonic games.” Kirik said: “Do they cover bread and cheese and copper for women in labor?” Nifont: “harrowing velmi: there is nowhere, speech, to say (Scripture): woe to those who drink to the woman in labor.” According to these words of Nifont, it is clear that some kind of writing was known against those who brought pagan loaves. Is this not the work of a “zealot for the right fan?” See note above. 47. Svyatoslav, praising Bulgaria, also pointed out that he could enrich himself with slaves (Nestor). The Greeks, in their treaties with the Russians, placed special clauses regarding Greek Christians sold in Russia (Nestor in Evers Ancient, pp. 183–185). Prince Igor said in repentance: "How many troubles the innocent Christians suffered! Fathers were separated from children, brother from brother, friend from friend, wives from spouses, daughters from mothers, girlfriends from girlfriends. Everything was thrown into confusion by captivity and the misfortune that then existed. The living envied the dead, the dead rejoiced that they had endured the fiery temptation like the Holy Martyrs. The elders they were thrown here and there; the young were subjected to cruel, cruel torture; the men were cut to pieces and the wives were desecrated.” Kiev.L.131. G. Solovyov used quite a lot of effort to explain the rights with which the Princes who fought among themselves justified themselves. He says that the Princes actually fought not for areas of ownership, but for seniority. However, it is unlikely that any of them would agree to be content with honor without inheritance or without a profitable inheritance. - G. Pogodin (Vremennik, M. 1849) notes that about the quarreling Princes of the Chronicle they usually say: to volost, i.e. looking for volosts. But whether it was honor, or self-interest, or in honor and self-interest, they raised an internecine war: the consequence was devastation and murder. They say that the war was waged by the squads of the disputing Princes. But the Prince’s squads during the war, of course, did not spare the people, even if the Prince wanted to spare them. The costs of the war could not help but fall on the people. Cities were also involved in the civil strife of the Princes. G. Pogodin lists the years when cities and people suffered from civil strife. The account turns out to be very long. - “The harm was experienced mostly by the Princes.” But counting the years shows something completely different. It should also be noted that G. Pogodin contains omissions in indicating the years of civil strife. This is not said about the devastation of the city of Glebov, which Prince Igor mourned. Ave. Nestor perfectly depicted the nature of the feat of St. Princes: “Do you see, brothers, how high is the obedience that can be acquired by an older brother? Even if you quickly resisted him, you were hardly granted such a gift from God. Many are now the children of Princes, who do not submit to their elders and resist them and are killed. You are not granted grace, like this Holy One.” See above at page 43. 138. Years. Novg. Page 14. 20. Pskov. 1138 Sten. Ki. 1. 256. 200. At Karamz. T. 2. Page 145. 109 – 176., 9. Page. 154. 333. Stories about the Pechersk Monastery. M. 1830. Step.Book 1. 217. says: “This extraordinary action of the vetia is amazing in the gap of the believer. Neither reasoningly, as if it was not done without God’s providence, nor without the will of Yaroslav, nor except for the advice and blessing of the saint”; the last words are words of late simplicity, which cites several examples to justify the old simplicity, but fortunately none from the Russian Church. Spirits. Head Karamz. v. 2. p. 155 from Galakhov in the Slavs. Readers, M. 1848. Kyiv. Years. page 2. Sunday 1.255. Right 11. Archbishop. John. Kyiv. Years. 102. 106. 134. Laurel. 85. 86. 129. 100–102. 178. Nestor in the Life of St. Theodosius, and in the Chronicles. Monuments of the 12th century. Page 176.203 Cheat. About the importance of Christians. travels to holy places - op. A. Zercheninova, M. 1840. Letop. at Karamz. v.2. pr. 175–178. at Artsybash. 1.44–46 Soph. Time 1, 164. Prologue Rumyants. No. 319 Conversations with the verb Old Believer; John Exarch, p. 110. It is now kept in M. Blagoveshch. Cathedral. Kyiv. Years. page 4. Novgor. p. 122. from Karamz. vol. 2. pr. 214. See above note. 393. Kyiv. Years. p. 47. Karamz. 2. Ave. 217, 218. Kyiv. Years. page 10. 11. 15. Sunday 1.269. Kyiv. Years. page 11. 12. Prologue Rumyants. No. 319. Prologue of Rumyantsev according to the Serbian letter, No. 319. (Description of Vostokov p. 452.) Kyiv. Years. p. 121. op. Novgor. Years. page 17. Dictionary Russian. Saints about Vladimir and Mstislav. Kyiv. Years. about 1168 and 1173 Kyiv. Years. about 1150 – 1152 Kyiv. and Gustin. Years. about 1155 Kyiv. Years. about 1174 Artsybasheva 1, 190–208. See about Anthony and Theodosius. Letop. Nestor 65. According to Radziv n.88. Soph. Time 1. 153. Resurrection 1.185. See note above. 98.206. Nestor in Letop. "love (Antony in 1070) the Boldin Mountains and having dug a cave, they moved in. And there is that monastery of the Holy Mother of God in the Boldin Mountains to this day." Prince Izyaslav-Dimitriy built the Dimitriev Monastery (Nestor in 1062, Polycarp on Lawrence). The Golden-Domed Mikhailovsky was magnificently rebuilt (1108 Radzin. 154.) with donations from Svyatopolk-Mikhail and Monomakh (Vostokov’s Compendium pp. 575–577.). K. Vsevolod established: Vyrubitsky (in 1072 his abbot Sophrony is mentioned, and in 1088 “the church of St. Michael, the monastery of Vsevolozh M. Illarion was sacred, and the abbess then held the Lazorevs” (Laur., 78, 80.), Mezhigorsky (in Vostokov in the same place) and Andreevsky women's (with 1086 Rev. 1, 217. Laurel 88. Nik. 2, 41. 43.). K. Mstislav built the Feodorovsky Monastery. In addition, the following monasteries are known from the Chronicles and other sources: a) in Kyiv Vasiliev, Voskresensky, Vyshnegorodsky, Kirillov, Klovsky, Kosmodamiansky from 1170, Lazarev, Samsonovsky, Spassky on Berestov. See paragraph 261 above. b) in Novgorod, in addition to Yuryev and Antoniev, Arkadiev from 1153, on Myachin Blagoveshchensky from 1170, Bogorodichny on Gorodishche from 1097, Varvarin (female) from 1130, Voskresensky (female) before 1135, Dukhov before 1162, Evfimiin (female) from 1197, Ioannovsky Rostein (female) c. 1100, Kirillov on Nelezin from 1193, Nikolaevsky on Liin from 1112, Nikolaevsky on Ostrov from 1197, Panteleimonov from 1207, Neryp (Irpen) ca. 1020, Preobrazhensky on Khutyn from 1192, Petrovsky (female) from 1092, Pokrovsky in Menagerie before 1148, Rozhdestvensky on Mikhalitsa (female) from 1199, Rozhdestvensky on Shchitenki approx. 1160, Spassky in Peredichal from 1198, Sofia 1005. In addition, in the Novgorod region: Preobrazhensky in Old Rus' from 1192, Borisoglebsky in Torzhok; in Ladoga Zastynsky Georgievsky; in Pskov Mirozhsky Spassky. (Novgor. and Pskov. Let.) c) in Vladimir Volynsky - Svyatogorsky (not mentioned in Karamz., but Nestor mentions him in the Life of St. Theodosius and Kyiv. Let. p. 103.) d) in Murom Blagoveshchensky, Spassky, Borisoglebsky (Laurel 191). e) in Rostov Avraamiev, Bogoslovsky (kar. 3, pr. 300. 5, pr. 125. Lavr. 185). f) in Vladimir on the Klyazma Bogolyubov, Rozhdestvensky, Uspensky (female) from 1199, Georgievsky, Voznesensky. (Lavr. 184. 187. 192. Letop. Danilovich 78. 79). g) in Pereyaslavl Zalessky Nikitinsky. h) in Przemysl Spassky. i) in Polotsk Spassky Ave. Efrosinin. j) in southern Pereslavl Ioannovsky, Borisoglebsky, Mikhailovsky and Rozhdestvensky. j) in Smolensk on Smyadyn Borisoglebsky, Avraamiev. l) in Ryazan Olgov, Bogoslovsky. m) in Yaroslavl Spassky. n) in Suzdal Dmitrievsky, Rizopolozhensky, Efrosinin from 1207, Borisoglebsky Kidekian. o) in Chernigov Ilyinsky, Trinity from 1079, Mother of God on Boldina Mountain, from 1069, Borisoglebsky. p) in Vologda Kaysarovsky, Troitsky. p) in Turov there was the Borisoglebsky Monastery (Kalaidovich in the Preface to the Memory of the 12th century, p. 21) c) in Ustyug Arkhangelsky from 1207, Gledensky Trinity around 1190 (In addition to the Historical Hierarchy, read Glagolev's Review of Ancient Buildings, in Materials for Statistics, Sib. 1741.) The first Princess Nun Yanka from 1086, then her sister Eupraxia. Laurel. 80. 120. According to Pskov. Letop. “in the summer of 6567 (1059) Izyaslav and Svyatoslav and Vsevolod took their uncle Sudislav from the cellar, he was in prison in Pskov for 21 years; they brought him to the company and kissed the cross and became a monk, and led him to Kyiv.” See Nestor, page 70. But here it is said about the involuntary tonsure of the Prince. No example is visible before 1194. Kyiv. Years. 143. 151. Laurel. 178. 188. Therefore, the passion for monasticism, which they think to see in Russia before the time of the Mongolians, is a dream. Karamzin misunderstood 32 M. John Ave., as if it spoke of drunken life in the Cloisters. The Metropolitan is not talking at all about the fact that the monks held feasts, but about the treats that were given by the devout, but imprudent, laypeople in the Monastery. The Metropolitan was asked: what should we think about those who often organize feasts in monasteries, invite husbands and wives, and try to give the best treats to each other? Not at all: "this is zeal not for God, but from the evil one, this is the flattery of the tempter; under the guise of alms and spiritual consolation it brings destruction. The bishop must forbid this in every possible way; he must teach that drunkenness is followed by intemperance, uncleanness, fornication, blasphemy, foul language... Although they think that they are practicing the virtue of love of poverty, this is not love for monks and not the acquisition of rewards." Essay East. Rus. Cer. (p. 184. Sib. 1847) repeats Karamzin’s mistake, adding his own about some wealth of monasteries. Nestor in Let. according to Radziv. sp. under 1051., according to the Russian Chronicler. kings (Suprasl Let. p. 163. 164.). In Pech. Paterike late and incorrect guesses. See Kubareva Nestor historian pp. 394–469. However, Kubarev himself is not right about everything. Chronicle: “God put it in the heart of the Prince and installed (Hilarion in 1051) Metropolitan of St. Sophia, and this little stove (dug out by Hilarion and the former place of his feat) remains. And not many days ago there was a certain worldly man from the city of Lyubich.” Butkov (Rev. Let, 414) rightly noted that there would be no connection in the words of the Chronicle if it was believed that a short time after Hilarion was appointed Metropolitan there was a certain person from the city of Lyubech. They only mean that Hilarion’s cave did not remain empty for long after 1051, precisely until the entire hill was occupied by Anthony’s disciples in 1055 (about Theodosius). In this way, the words of the Chronicle become consistent with themselves and especially with the fact that, according to the Chronicle, Anthony became famous for his exploits even under Yaroslav. Further: a) according to the news of Polycarp, Ave. Moses Ugrin, having been captured in 1018, suffered in captivity for 14 years. and then settled in a cave with Anthony, that is, in 1033; track. Anthony in 1033 was already known for his cave exploits. b) Along Novgorod. 3 Years. in 1032 Theodosius arrived to Anthony, which, as we will see, will be in accordance with the circumstances of Theodosius’s life. c) Supraslskaya Letop. under 1037 she noted: “at this time (under Yaroslav) Anthony of Pechersk was present.” d) Finally, no matter how we accept the words of the Chronicle about Anthony’s 40-year stay in the cave: his settlement in the cave cannot be postulated later than 1033, and precisely, if we accept these years as the continuation of cave life until his death, then since he died in 1073 (note 403), his settlement in the cave will refer to 1033. If we end 40 years 1068, when Anthony retired to Chernigov, he settled on the Kiev hill in 1027. The latter explanation has the advantage that it is closer to the words of the Chronicle: “he stayed for 40 years without leaving the cave”; and it is closer to the time when Theodosius arrived to Anthony. Nestor in the Life of Ave. Theodosius and in Letop. Izyaslav’s anger, of course, dates back to the first year of Izyaslavov’s reign, otherwise he later loved Antony. Polycarp in Tale. about Agapit, Laurus. Years. 73. 74. 260. Simon o Pecher. Churches; Nestor Laurus. Years. 73. 74. 83. 260. Artsybyshev 1. 20. Nestor in the Life of St. Theodosius: “where his honorable body lies even now.” The same is true in the Chronicle. Simon about the founding of the Pechersk Church. Krat. Kyiv. Years. “In the summer of 6582 (1074) Anthony Hegumen of Pechersk reposed, blessing and marking the site of the Church of the Holy Mother of God. And that same summer, Hegumen Theodosius of Pechersk passed away.” Suprasl. Years. 139. But also according to Novg. 1. Years. (p. 2) The Pechersk Church was founded in 1073, and Theodosius reposed on May 3, 1074. Since St. Theodosius died on May 3, 1074, it is explained why in the ancient charters the memory of St. Anthony is supposed to be on the 7th of May, vm. July 10 (Description of the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra, p. 6). Sunday 2. 33. under 1151 about V. To Rostislav: “and began to distribute to monasteries, churches and retreats.” Radziv. L. 215. under 1174, Svyatoslav of Chernigov, having taken Kyiv, “sold all of Kyiv and the abbots and priests and monks and monks and shutters and Latins and guests.” About M. Clement Resurrection. 1, 390: taken out of the woods. According to the ancient news of the murder of St. Boris and Gleb know the recluse “Martin, who in Turov at the Church of the Holy Martyr is the only one alive in God.” (Prologue Rumyants. about June 27th Description of Vostokov p. 455. Thursday-Min. May 2 days). In Rostov, an unknown chronicler in 1231 says about himself: “I marveled at the teaching and diligence of this Cyril (Bishop), with fear and submission, listening in a certain narrow place.” (U Karamz. 3. pr. 369). About Isaac except for the Prologue and printed matter. Patericon Gustin. Years. p. 371. Nestor about 1069. About Athanasius Simon, about others Polycarp. Novgor. 1, Years. “in the summer of 6587 (1078) I killed Prince Gleb beyond Volok, in the month of May in the 30th day.” Soph too. Time 1, 174. Radziv. L.116 Resurrection 1. 213 under 1079 Polycarp about Nikita the recluse. Novgor. 1. about the time of death p. 3. Novgorod. 2. about the delivery of page 122. about both Rosn. Lords page 180. Novgorod. 3 moreover: “with this Bishop Nikita, in the next year of his priesthood, he was in Vel. The fire in Novgorod is very great, and in its kontakion it is written: You diligently offered prayer for your people, and then you extinguished the fire of the hail.” About the fire and on Nov. 1. L page 3. and she also says that in the spring of 1108 “I began to write to St. Sophia by the acquisition of St. Vdadyky." Novg. Years. at Karamz. 2. pr. 178 – 201. notes that in 1096 K. Mstislav “through the prayers of St. Bishop Nikita” returned safely to Novgorod from the war with Oleg near Suzdal, which lasted about a year. See about St. Mstislava V.K. pp. 222. 223. It is likely that he was the same Lawrence who was taken from the Pechersk Monastery to the see of Turov and from 1182 was the successor of St. Kirill. Local Turov legend says that from the former Turov Boris and Gleb Episcopal Monastery, imperishable relics were brought to Kyiv; and St. body of Lavrenty Bishop of Turov of the RKP. news of the Russian Saints rests in the Kyiv cave, while only Lavrenty, the recluse, is known in the cave until now. (Kalaidovich's introduction to the Memory of the 12th century, p. 5. 21. 22.). Since this happened after the death of St. Anthony, but it is not clear that it happened during the life of Polycarp, friend of Simon Bishop 1215 - 1220: then the exploits of St. John must be attributed to the first half of the 12th century. Polycarp's words are translated from manuscripts. His stories, not the press. Patericca. The memory of St. John is celebrated on July 18. The first of the differences shown can be seen in the Constantinople Charter of the Imp. Irina Ar. Cotelerium in Monum. T. 4. r. 221, and partly the third r. 210. Words of the Chronicle according to Koenigsb. sp.: “set in your monastery how to sing the monastery songs and how to bow and read the readings and stand in the church and the entire church row and sit at the meal and what to eat on cue days. Theodosius then betrayed him to his monastery. All monasteries received their charter from the same monastery.” Let us note that the Lavra of St. Savva was never and was not called the Studian Lavra, and the statute of the Lavra is not the same as the Studite Charter, as on the contrary it is said in the Description of the Pechersk Lavra, pp. 7. 8. and as others repeat. Synod. Bible RKP. No. 330. Probably this is the same as in the Helmsman’s book, written for Novgorod. Book Demetrius in 1292, is called an addition to the church charter of Theodore Studiysk, adopted by Abbot Theodosius for the Pechersk Monastery. In the same Kormcha there is also a regulation for the burial of the Studian monks - also late. Novg. 3 Years. 210. Gust. Years. 266. This testimony is justified by Nestor’s story about the circumstances of Theodosius’ life: a) Theodosius appears to Anthony, according to Nestor, as a youth, in his young years. Nothing allows us to give another meaning to Nestor’s expression. A 14-year-old orphan bakes prosphora for three years, lives for quite some time with the presbyter, and, returned to the house, secretly retires to Kyiv. Don’t get me wrong, Theodosius came to Anthony when he was no older than 23 years old; b) Theodosius’s mother, 4 years later, learns about his removal to Kyiv, came here, did not agree for a long time that her son should remain in the cave, then cut her hair herself. Then came the tonsure of Varlaam and Ephraim, which took place in 1054. Nestorovo Life of Feodosia Ave. according to the RKP. Nestor in the Chronicle of Laurus. sp. p. 81. Patericon – ibid p. 259. Polycarp about Pecher. monks, according to the RKP. Polycarp about Pecher. monks About his wife and children he himself: “I have left everything for Christ’s sake, both my wife and children and my power and my power.” Vsevolod took his daughter for himself in 1123 (Novgor. 1. L. p. 5). Track. upon the removal of Svyatoslav to the Abode. Sunday 1. 244. Radziv. 148. Novg. 1, Years. “In the same summer (1106) the Holy Prince, son of David, took monastic vows. In authentic yagly. Bohemian. Galya, Podsk. agla – millet; Vnid. Yaglitsi - millet gruel. Simon in the RKP. Tales of Pecher. monks Spiritual nap. at Karamzin T. 2. Ave. 210. There is also another letter from Ave. Anthony. Karamzin agrees that the syllable of the letters is old, and however these are already lists, not the original. Novg. 3. Years. page 213. In 1st and 2nd Novgorod. Years. Antony is not called a Roman, I am simply Antony. Novg. 1 and 2 Years. pp. 4–6. 10. 123. 124. Yuryev is considered the oldest and dates back to the time of Yaroslav: but Novg. 1 Years speaks of its beginning in 1119: “lay Kuryak Hegumen and K. Vsevolod the fireplace church, the monastery of St. George, in Novgorod", p. 5.; the same in Novg. 2 and even clearer in the 3rd, p. 123. 119. It is clear in itself that under Novg. The bishop had monks. Supraslsk. Years. p. 11 says about the first Bishop Joachim that, having built the St. Sophia Church, “he set up a tithe monastery for himself.” Article: Kirika deacon and domesticity Novgor. Antonieva Mon. teaching to tell a person the number of all years, printed. in Labor General Histor. and Ancient Ross. Part 4 pp. 122–129. Questions from Kirik E. Nifont, Archbishop. John and the unknown Bishop Savva, ed. in Monuments of the 12th century. Kalaidovich M. 1821. RKP. Life of St. Nikita Ave. in Menaion B-ki. M. D. Akad 16th century the language is older than the 16th century.