Saint Jonah, Metropolitan of Kiev and All Russia

Life of St. Iona, often found in manuscripts, was probably composed in the middle of the 16th century. It is printed in the Degree Book Part II. pp. 69–97. In addition to it, when compiling this biography, modern chronicles and acts published by the Archaeographic Commission served. Saint Jonah was born near Soligalich, now a district town of the Kostroma province, in a village which, according to the nickname of his father, the pious Theodore Odnoushev, was called Odnoushev 1. Year of birth of St. Jonah is unknown: but he was probably born in the last quarter of the 14th century 2. Even in his youth, he wished to leave his parents' house. At the age of twelve he took monastic vows in one of the monasteries of the Galich land, in which it was rich 3 . From an unknown Abode, God's Providence soon transferred him to the capital of the Fatherland and the Church, for which he was appointed to be a lamp. Jonah moved to the Moscow Simonov Monastery 4. Founded with the blessing of St. Sergius of Radonezh, this monastery was famous for the holiness of the lives of its first abbots: Theodore, nephew of Sergius, later Archbishop of Rostov, and Kirill, later abbot of Beloezersky. Saint Jonah still found monks here who well remembered and invariably preserved their rules and institutions. Among them are known: Bartholomew, the builder (housekeeper) of the Simonov Monastery, John the Golden and Ignatius the icon painter. Jonah’s own zeal for the monastic deeds soon made him friends with these pious elders, and their instructions and example raised him to be the strictest ascetic. Like them, he unswervingly stood for the implementation of the monastic rules, and, without leaving the bounds of obedience, he boldly reminded the new abbots of the rules of monastic deanery that were betrayed by their holy predecessors 5 . And he himself labored in continuous labor, fasting, prayer and reading the word of God, undergoing various monastic obediences. – In these exploits, his spirit grew and improved so quickly that the discerning eye and in a simple novice could see the future great Shepherd of the Russian Church. The biography of Saint Jonah tells that one day Metropolitan Photius, while visiting the Simonov Monastery and visiting churches and services, found the monk Jonah sleeping in the monastery bakery. He did not disturb the peace of the baker, whose face showed exhaustion from physical and spiritual labor; but, noticing that he was holding his hand on his head, as if folded for a blessing, he immediately told those around him that this Jonah would be a great saint in the Russian land, would lead many infidels to the true God, and would finally be appointed shepherd and teacher to the reigning city itself - Moscow. God's decree gradually came to fruition in due time. Jonah, following in the footsteps of the rector of the Simonovsky Monastery, Sergius Azakov, ascended the throne of the Ryazan bishopric. It is very likely that Photius himself ordained him to this see. Within the boundaries of the then Ryazan diocese, in addition to the current Ryazan diocese, Murom also included cities that now belong to the dioceses of Tambov and Voronezh. In this vast area, in addition to purely Russian settlements, settlements of Finnish tribes were more or less often found: Murom, Meshchera, Mordovians 6 . Among these inhabitants, until the half of the 17th century, there were still idolaters, stubborn in their superstition, so that the Ryazan Archbishop Misail, although he managed to convert several thousand of them to Christianity, had to lay down his life for preaching Christian 7. Moreover, Saint Jonah could find many more pagans in his diocese. His holy zeal for the Lord showed him what he should be for those who err. And the Lord rewarded his labors with the conversion of many infidels, as the biography testifies. Two parts of Fotiev’s prediction have already come true! – All that remained was to wait for the execution of the latter. Metropolitan Photius died on July 8, 1431. Circumstances did not allow the idle throne to be soon replaced by a worthy Shepherd. In the same year, the young Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich was forced to go to the Horde to resolve a dispute about the great reign with his uncle Yuri Ivanovich Zvenigorodsky. The enmity that was not reconciled by this later turned into an internecine war. Vasily himself in April 1433 had to flee from Moscow and cede the grand-ducal throne to Yuri. However, he managed to elect a successor to Photius in the metropolis, Jonah, Bishop of Ryazan 8. But then, as Saint Jonah was preparing to go to Constantinople to be confirmed in the rank of Metropolitan, in Lithuanian Rus', Bishop Gerasim of Smolensk hastened to warn him from the Patriarch and returned from Constantinople with the title of Metropolitan 9 . Called the Archbishop of Kyiv 10, he did not stop in Kyiv, but lived in Smolensk and was thinking of moving to Moscow as soon as the disagreements between the warring princes ended, 11 and meanwhile he ordained Archbishop Euthymius in Novgorod 12, and Bishop Elijah in Tver 13. This threatened the Russian Church with unrest. Since ancient times, the election of Metropolitans for all of Rus' depended on the Russian princes, and not the Lithuanian ones 14: therefore, from the unauthorized installation of Gerasim, one had to be wary of the division of the All-Russian Metropolis. Even more dangerous for the Russian Church was Gerasim’s participation in Svidrigaila’s plans to unite Rus' with the Roman Church 15. But God's Providence preserved the peace and Orthodoxy of the Russian Church. Gerasim incurred the wrath of the Grand Duke of Lithuania and was burned by him (July 26, 1435). In Moscow, the unrest did not stop. Yuri drove his nephew off the throne twice and finally went to his grave himself (June 6, 1434). Vasily continued to fight with his sons; - at the same time, fearing new difficulties from slowness, he hastened to communicate with the other Russian Princes, as well as with the Grand Duke of Lithuania, regarding the choice of the metropolitan and, with general agreement, sent the previously named Jonah for initiation to Constantinople, with his ambassador and letters 16. But it was already too late. In Constantinople, Isidore was appointed to Russia and ordained metropolitan, a zealous mediator in negotiations between the Greeks and the Council of Basel regarding the union of the Churches and then an adherent of the Pope at the Council of Florence. Therefore, Emperor John Palaiologos and Patriarch Joseph released Jonah with one promise to him of the Russian Metropolis in the event of any change with Isidore 17. Not without sorrow, Saint Jonah returned with the Metropolitan, whom no one expected, 18 but humble devotion to the Providence of God soon calmed the spirit of the Saint. This is not the place to talk about Isidore, his treasonous actions in Florence and his fate in Moscow. – Saint Jonah took his former place among the Russian hierarchs. When the Grand Duke gathered bishops to judge Isidore, Saint Ryazan was present at this Council and stood below the Bishops of Rostov and Suzdal 19. The Russian Princes did not invite him when concluding treaties among themselves: they wrote letters to each other without the usual invocation of the Metropolitan's blessing 20 . Isidore fled from Russia. Then the Grand Duke, without sending the newly elected one to Constantinople, decided to ask the Emperor and Patriarch for permission for the Russian bishops to henceforth forever elect and install a metropolitan for themselves. Pointing out the insult recently caused to Orthodoxy by the false metropolitan, Vasily Vasilyevich wrote with strong indignation to the Emperor and Patriarch how Isidore, having agreed to the union in Florence, against the will of the Grand Duke, “enslaved us under the Roman Church, excommunicated for many heresies,” how he dared to recognize the Pope as the father and teacher of all Orthodox Christianity. Moreover, the Grand Duke presented other valid circumstances to support his request. He pointed out the remoteness and difficulty of traveling to Constantinople, the frequent invasions of the Tatars into Russia, and the riots and disorder in neighboring countries, that is, Lithuania and Poland. In conclusion, he complained about the inconvenience of personal relations with the Metropolitan of Greece: “every Orthodox Christian, he wrote, may have the need to communicate with the supreme shepherd about spiritual matters that are subject to secret, and the Sovereign - not only about spiritual matters, but also about state ones: meanwhile, it is impossible to talk with him except through translators. “But,” added Vasily, we do not want to break the union with the Greek Church through this: as before, we will approach you with questions, cherish love for the kings and ask for blessings from the patriarchs, as long as our land stands” 21. However, neither one nor the other message reached Constantinople. The Grand Duke soon heard a rumor that the Emperor of Constantinople had completely converted to the Latin religion and retired to Rome. Deceived by this rumor, Vasily turned his ambassadors away from the path 22. Russia was not destined to have its own high priest for a long time. At this time, our fatherland suffered such disasters as it had never experienced before. Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich, after the unfortunate Battle of Suzdal, was captured by the Tsar of Kazan (July 6, 1443). And although he was released three months later, he was suddenly captured by his former enemy, the son of Yuri, Dimitry Shemyaka, in his own capital he was blinded (February 16, 1446) and sent to prison in Uglich. The throne of the Grand Dukes became the prey of villainy. Not content with this, Shemyaka wanted to have in his hands the children of Vasily, who were sheltered by the faithful boyars in Murom. To take them from there, he came up with the idea of ​​using the spiritual power of the Bishop of Ryazan, to whose region Murom belonged. So, having called Jonah to Moscow 23, with an insidious promise of his favors to the children of the unfortunate father and a flattering assurance to deliver the rank of Metropolitan to Jonah, he convinced the benevolent shepherd to go to Murom and take from there the young princes to his epitrachelion. It was not the promise of the metropolis, already inalienable to the Bishop of Ryazan by the previous naming and blessing of the Patriarch, but the hope of rendering a service to the needy Sovereign and his children that persuaded Saint Jonah to agree to the proposed journey. After long discussions, the Ryapolovsky princes, solely out of respect for the rank of the mediator, handed over to him Yuri and John, in the cathedral church of Murom, from the shroud of the Mother of God Icon to the episcopal stole, as if thereby wanting to express that they were being transferred from the hands of the Most Holy Theotokos to the protection of the Bishop. Saint Jonah introduced them to Demetrius (May 6). The treacherous Prince first showed them kindness, but on the third day he sent them with the same saint to Uglich. Deceived, but powerless to resist the will of the prince, Jonah had to fulfill it, having in mind only one consolation - to see Vasily in person. Upon returning from this journey, Demetrius appointed Saint Jonah to live in the metropolitan court. He remained in Moscow, but in order to be a constant accuser of the lawless prince and an intercessor for Vasily. The saint constantly repeated to Demetrius: “You acted unfairly and led me into sin and shame. You should have set the prince free, but you put his children in captivity with him. You gave me your right word and made me a deceiver. What harm can a prince, deprived of sight, with small children, cause you? If you still doubt this, take an oath from him, with our episcopal testimony.” Shemyaka decided to convene the bishops for advice on this matter and, having decided to give Vasily his father-in-law for his maintenance, went together with the bishops and the most distinguished clergy to Uglich. Here he declared freedom to the Dark One and gave him Vologda as his inheritance (in September 1446). It is known that Vasily did not remain in this position for long. Taking advantage of the zeal of people devoted to him and reassured by the advice of monks who loved the fatherland, Abbot Tryphon of Kirill and Martinian of Ferapontov 24, he left Vologda and five months later (February 17, 1447) he again took the throne of the Grand Duke, which had been unlawfully taken from him 25. His enemies were now in a hurry to make peace with him 26 . When Shemyaka, even after the conclusion of the peace treaty, did not cease to insidiously and create new unrest in the state; then the Council of Russian Shepherds issued a formidable accusatory message against him. Recalling the untruths of Yuri and the deeds of Shemyaka, detrimental to Russia, especially condemning the behavior of the perjured prince after the agreement with the Grand Duke, church pastors, through fear of excommunication, called on him to submission and peace. Among these saints we find Bishop Jonah of Ryazan, who still occupied third place in the host of hierarchs; and perhaps the reproaches placed in the epistle for blasphemous speeches on the episcopal stole 27 came out of his mouth. So Vasily was restored to the throne of the Grand Duke, and the first step towards this was taken through his release from Uglich, interceded by Saint Jonah. The Grand Duke had barely established himself on his throne when he began to think about installing a metropolitan. Seventeen years have passed since the death of Photius, during which Isidore was the independent ruler of the Russian Metropolis only for a short time. There was nothing to expect from Constantinople. In Moscow they heard that Turkish arms and the Latin Union had weakened the imperial and patriarchal throne, that in Constantinople there was a raging division between those faithful to Orthodoxy and those who agreed to unite with Rome, 28 and that, although in the churches and monasteries of Constantinople, as well as in the Holy Mountain, they adhere to the holy antiquity, but in the cathedral Sophia Church and in the court church the name is remembered Dads. Taking this into account, as well as other reasons why the Grand Duke found it necessary to elect and appoint a Metropolitan from the Russians, and by the Russian Bishops themselves, they turned to the rules of the church and ancient examples of the Russian Church. The Apostolic Canons said: “Let two or three bishops appoint bishops” 29 . The rules of the First Ecumenical Council explain: “It is most fitting to appoint a bishop to all that region as a bishop. If this is inconvenient, either due to pressing needs, or because of the distance of the journey, let at least three gather in one place, and let those who are absent express their consent by means of letters, and then the ordination will take place 30.” These rules, which generally relate to the ordination of Bishops, were also applied to the installation of a Metropolitan. The ancient history of the Russian Church presented two examples of the election and consecration of metropolitans by Russian bishops, in Hilarion, under the Grand Duke Yaroslav, and in Clement, under the Grand Duke Izyaslav Mstislavich. So, based on these rules and examples, and taking into account the blessing already given by the Patriarch for the Metropolis to the Bishop of Ryazan, the Council of Russian Bishops, on December 5, 1448, installed Jonah as Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Rus' 31. The following bishops were personally present at this Council: Ephraim of Rostov, Avramy of Suzdal, Varlaam of Kolomna and Pitirim of Perm; Archbishop Euthymius of Novgorod and Ilya of Tver sent letters of their freedom for this election. The newly installed Metropolitan then honored the Bishop of Rostov with the rank of Archbishop, with which Theodore had also been blessed by the Patriarch of Constantinople 32 . Church order required that the All-Russian Metropolitan, at least now, after his installation, open relations with the Patriarch of Constantinople, on whom the installation of Russian Metropolitans had hitherto depended. But the then Patriarch Gregory Mamma (from 1445) was one of the adherents of the Roman Church and even tried to persuade the Russian Church to do so, offering the Prince of Kyiv Alexander Vladimirovich to accept Isidore, expelled from Russia 33, and finally, after fruitless attempts to establish a union in Constantinople (in August 1451), he completely moved to Rome 34. Under such circumstances, obviously, there could be no spiritual communication between the Moscow Saint and the false Patriarch. Instead of the Metropolitan, the Grand Duke himself decided to write to Constantinople. John Palaiologos, the culprit of the union at the Council of Florence, died (October 31, 1448), and his brother Constantine took his place (March 12, 1450). Taking this opportunity, the Grand Duke welcomed the last autocrat of Greece, as a sovereign with him of the same faith and as his relative, with the acceptance of the forefather's throne, and together explained all the circumstances of the Russian Church, from the time of the death of Photius until the installation of Jonah as Metropolitan. “We appointed Jonah Metropolitan (without relations with Constantinople), he wrote, not out of pride and arrogance, but out of great need. We preserve ancient piety and will preserve it until the end of our lives, and until the end of time. And our Russian Church demands and seeks the blessing of the Holy Ecumenical Church of Constantinople, and our Metropolitan also desires and asks from her blessing and unity in everything, with the exception of the newly emerged disagreement. We would like to write about all church affairs, about our Metropolitan, and about our misfortunes, we would like to write to the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarch, but we do not know whether there is an Orthodox Patriarch in your reigning city or not. If, by the grace of God, there will be a Patriarch in the Church of Constantinople who adheres to ancient piety; then we consider it our duty to write to him about all our affairs and ask for his blessing” 35. But reasons unknown to us did not allow this message to reach the Emperor 36. The first concern of St. Jonah, upon his elevation to the Metropolis, was to put an end to the unrest and bloodshed caused by Shemyaka and his rebellious associates 37 . Upon the conclusion of a new agreement between him and the Grand Duke, Saint Jonah, with a circular letter, called on all those drawn to Demetrius’s side to turn to their duty, seek mercy from the Grand Duke, and not destroy their souls by shedding Christian blood, otherwise he threatened them with unblessing and the command to close the churches of God for them 38 . When, after reconciliation, Shemyaka again rebelled against the Grand Duke, the Metropolitan himself with the Council of Bishops went with Vasily against Shemyaka in order to shame the perjurer and have a stronger effect on his conscience with convictions 39 . It was all in vain. Shemyaka gave himself letters to the Grand Duke, and soon violated them. Finally, he retired to Novgorod and tried to stir up its inhabitants against the Grand Duke. Saint Jonah repeatedly sent letters and ambassadors there to the Archbishop and to Veliky Novgorod, no longer deigning to call the perjurer his son and not accepting any justification from those defending him 40 . “You write,” he once answered the Archbishop of Novgorod, as if I call Prince Dimitry Yuryevich my son in my charter. Take a closer look at my grammar: is it written there? He himself excommunicated himself from Christianity, he himself took upon himself a great church burden - unblessing from the entire great priesthood of God. He took an oath not to think any harm against the Grand Duke, and he betrayed it. Have you seen this letter? How then can I call him my spiritual son? So, as before, so now I write to you that I, along with other rulers, consider Prince Demetrius unblessed and excommunicated from the Church of God. You also write that before, Saint Sophia and Veliky Novgorod gave refuge to the persecuted Russian princes and, if possible, showed them honor; however, the previous Metropolitans did not send letters with such a severe punishment. But tell me, my son, which princes caused so much harm to their Grand Dukes by breaking the kiss of the cross; or what princes, leaving their wife, children and all their property in Novgorod, went on a great reign to shed Christian blood? Just as this had never happened before, so previous Metropolitans did not send letters with such gravity” 41 . Thus, the just archpastor struck down the indomitable power-hungry, whose unrest was stopped only by death (1453). After this, let us turn our attention to other more successful relations of Saint Jonah, whose goal was to unite all the regions of the ancient Russian Metropolis under one administration. Even under Metropolitan Photius, under the influence of the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vytautas, a desire was discovered in Lithuanian Rus' to form a special Metropolis from the Great Russian one; but with the death of the newly elected Metropolitan Gregory Tsamblak, this enterprise ended. Before his death, Photius saw the Russian Church, as before, in complete submission to him alone 42. In the seventeen years that elapsed from the time of his death until the installation of St. Jonah, this unity fell apart again, due to a combination of various reasons, such as: the unauthorized installation of Gerasim of Smolensk to the Metropolis, the innovations of Isidore, the long intervals between reigns in the Metropolis, and disagreement between Lithuania and Russia. Now, with the accession of Jonah to the throne, the mutual relations between Lithuania and Russia have changed. Poland's insistent demand that Volhynia and Chervonnaya Rus' be permanently annexed to it from Lithuania aroused indignation among the Lithuanians. King Casimir of Poland, chosen from among the Grand Dukes of Lithuania, leaned towards the Lithuanians. For this, the Polish lords and gentry rebelled against the king and were ready to break the alliance with Lithuania 43. Under such circumstances, peaceful relations were opened between Casimir and Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich (1449), in which Saint Jonah took part 44. The king favorably expressed his consent to the subordination of all Orthodox dioceses located in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to him and invited the saint himself to Lithuania for a personal meeting 45 . Encouraged by such favorable views, Saint Jonah asked Prince Alexander Vladimirovich, son-in-law of Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich, for assistance in fulfilling these promises 46 . And soon he himself went to Lithuania 47. The king kept his word, and perhaps personally presented the Holy Hierarch of Moscow with a letter to govern the Metropolis of Kiev. The letter said: “Every good deed and every perfect gift comes from above, from Divine will. In the intention of confirming the previous rights and statutes that existed under our father, King Vladislav, under our uncle Grand Duke Vytautas, and our other ancestors, we, Casimir, by the grace of God, the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania, Zhmud and others, in consultation and good reasoning with our brother Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich, and with our princes and lords, and with our army, they wished to have Jonah, the former Bishop of Murom and Ryazan, as their father Metropolitan, and gave him the throne of the Metropolis of Kyiv and all Rus', as had previously happened according to the establishment and custom of Russian Christianity. And he has to act according to his rights and charters, as former Metropolitans previously ruled, according to the good customs of our ancestors and their Christianity. Therefore, our princes, and bishops, and boyars, archbishops, abbots, priests, deacons, monks, the entire church community, and the entire people of Russian Christianity must recognize Jonah our father as a Metropolitan, show him honor and obedience, according to spiritual rules, like the previous Metropolitans.” This letter was signed by the king himself, the former Prince of Lithuania Svidrigail, the Prince of Kyiv Alexander Vladimirovich, the governors and governors of the most noble Lithuanian-Russian cities and even the Latin Bishop of Vilna Matthew 48. Thus, in Orthodox Rus', then divided between two states, Moscow and Lithuania, through the efforts of Saint Jonah, with the assistance of the Grand Duke of Moscow and Casimir, a single ancient Russian Metropolis was restored. Using the rights of the All-Russian Metropolitan, Saint Jonah drew attention to the organization of the returned dioceses. He immediately demanded Bishop Daniil of Vladimir (in Volyn) to Moscow. This Bishop, apparently, was installed by Isidore, after his union with the Roman Church, and therefore he himself agreed to the Union. Zealous for Orthodoxy, the Archpastor considered it his first duty to cleanse his flock of the tares sown in it. Summoning him to Moscow, he persuaded Daniel to renounce his agreement with the Roman Church, to give an obligation to remain faithful to Orthodoxy, and after that he released him to his diocese 49. To manage church affairs in the main cities, which depended directly on the see of Kyiv and were part of the metropolitan diocese, Saint Jonah, following previous examples, appointed his governors, who were to manage the local and nearby clergy; to consecrate churches, to issue to those worthy of entry into the ministry of the church, or the highest degree of clergy, their letters of approval, for dedication through bishops; monitor compliance with church rules and manage the church court; manage the patrimony of the Metropolis and collect income from them 50 . But without success, Saint Jonah tried to return to his throne those dioceses that were located in the Russian regions that belonged to Poland proper, and not to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, namely: the dioceses of Galich, Chelm and Przemysl 51. It is not visible that Casimir did anything here for Saint Jonah, and there are no visible relations between the All-Russian Metropolis and those dioceses 52 . While the Good Shepherd was gathering and organizing his scattered flock, in Moscow itself he was threatened with a severe trial. Soon, upon his return from the Lithuanian trip, rumors spread about the invasion of Russia by Mazovsha, the son of Sediakhmet, Khan of Nogai. The Grand Duke, intending to gather more troops to repel the enemy, left Moscow, entrusting its protection to Saint Jonah and the boyars (1451). On July 2, the enemy set fire to the Moscow Posads. The shepherd, ready to lay down his life for his sheep, did not neglect to support those imprisoned with him in the Kremlin with spiritual benefits. Under the heat of a terrible fire, in clouds of smoke rushing towards the Kremlin, he performed religious processions along its walls. The Tatar Arrows were looking for their victims. One monk of the Chudov Monastery, Anthony, respected by the saint for the holiness of his life, fell before his eyes, having only managed to say that the Lord would save his city for the sake of the saint’s prayers. In the evening of that day, the besieged made a sortie and fought with the Tatars until nightfall. The next day the enemy was no longer under the walls of Moscow; he fled, leaving heavy supplies for the besieged to loot. Saint Jonah himself honored the godly monk with the burial, and in memory of God’s mercy, he erected a church in his yard in honor of the Placing of the Robe of the Most Holy Theotokos, which is celebrated by the Church on July 2. Likewise, after another invasion of Sediakhmet, who boasted of enslaving Russia and was driven out by the son of the Grand Duke John, the Saint built a chapel at the Assumption Cathedral in praise of the Mother of God. And no matter how often the Tatar invasions were repeated during the reign of Basil, no matter how devastating they were, the Saint’s hope in God’s mercy for Russia, rising after a long oppression, was so strong that he, together with his namesake Archpastor of Novgorod, promised to ask God for triumph over the Horde and autocratic reign for the rulers of Russia 53. Promoting the prosperity of Russia with his prayers, Saint Jonah, as the guardian of the fatherland, shared with the Grand Duke the most important state concerns, which gradually prepared the autocracy of the Grand Dukes of Moscow. With his blessing, he approved all the agreements of the Grand Duke of Moscow with other Russian princes 54. When the Grand Duke needed the help of the Prince of Tver against the Tatars, Saint Jonah wrote to the Bishop of Tver so that he would insist on his Prince sending an auxiliary army to this war 55 . When Shemyaka's minion, Ivan Andreevich, Prince of Mozhaisky, again began to resist the Grand Duke and finally fled to Lithuania, Saint Jonah, after repeated sendings to him about fulfilling the demands of the Grand Duke, wrote to the Bishop of Smolensk about monitoring that the secret fugitive did not cause any harm to the Grand Duke through his Lithuanian friends 56. The inhabitants of Vyatka, outraged by the same Shemyak, for a long time could not calm down and submit to the Grand Duke. Saint Jonah sent the abbot to them with his message to the governors and other zemstvo leaders, in which he reproached them for their self-will and robbery, and exhorted them to bring repentance to the Grand Duke for their guilt, at the same time charging the clergy with the duty of strictly monitoring the behavior of their spiritual children 57 . We see from here how diligently the spiritual authorities supported the orders of the civil authorities! In 1453, Constantinople fell to the soldiers of Mohammed. The unfortunate Greeks were more likely to seek refuge in the West, having already had quite a few of their compatriots there, either by change of religion or by their education, who had won the patronage of the Pope and Sovereigns, but there were also people from the enslaved empire among us. Russia opened its treasures to alleviate their fate and to atone for those who suffered in captivity. The next year, after the fall of Constantinople, we see some Metropolitan Ignatius of Tsaregorod in Pskov; Having received generous alms here, he went for the same to Novgorod 58. Around the same time, the Russian High Hierarch made an appeal to all princes, bishops and all Orthodox Christianity to help the Greek Demetrius for the redemption of his family, inviting “all their spiritual children to give him alms, to whom God puts something on their hearts, for the salvation of their souls” 59 . Saint Jonah entered into similar relations with the Patriarch of Constantinople himself, probably Gennady, the famous defender of the Christian faith before Mohammed. Responding to the letter of the Greek High Hierarch, with the ambassador of the Grand Duke Ivan Vladimirovich, 60 he sent the Patriarch a gift that he had found, modestly apologizing for the poverty of the offering due to the depletion of the Russian land from the Tatar invasions and internecine wars. At the same time, the Saint of Moscow also had in mind another matter, more important for his Metropolis, namely: maintaining a union with the Orthodox Church of Constantinople 61 . Perhaps, as a result of these relations, the Russian Church was granted the right to elect and appoint Metropolitans for itself, without communicating with the throne of Constantinople, and the All-Russian Metropolis was placed above all others, right after the throne of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem 62. The relationship of the Metropolitan of Moscow to the reunited dioceses did not change until new claims to this half of the All-Russian Metropolis appeared from Rome. The Patriarch of Constantinople, Gregory Mamma, who retired to Rome, in 1458 installed Gregory, a student of Isidorov, as Metropolitan of Russia. As soon as the Grand Duke heard about this, he immediately wrote to Casimir, the King of Poland, so that he would not accept the newly installed Metropolitan and thus not violate the ancient order; because from ancient times the election and acceptance of a new Metropolitan depended on the Grand Dukes of Russia, and not the Lithuanian 63. And Saint Jonah, who not long before had himself been preparing to go to Lithuania for a meeting with Casimir, but was held back by illness and advanced years 64, sent two abbots of the most noble monasteries of his Metropolis to Lithuania with a message to the Lithuanian Orthodox bishops, princes, lords and boyars. For this purpose, he chose the Trinity Abbot Vassian, famous for his eloquence, and the Cyril Abbot Cassian 65. The zealous Archpastor exhorted his spiritual children to stand unshakably for Orthodoxy and especially instructed his messengers to establish in him the Princess of Kyiv Anastasia, the wife of the deceased Prince of Kyiv Alexander Vladimirovich, and their children Simeon and Michael, of whom the former was then the ruler of Kyiv 66. The princes answered: “in discussing our Orthodoxy, we rely in everything on God, on the Mother of God and on our master, the Orthodox Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich, flourishing in piety, and we recognize our master Jonah as our father and teacher” 67 . The bishops also sent an answer, but we do not know what it consisted of; Meanwhile, the saint learned with sorrow that some of them, having forgotten their promise, entered into fellowship with Gregory 68. Letters were also received, brought to Lithuania by Gregory from the false patriarch Mamma and Isidore 69, as well as a bull of Pope Pius II (1458–1464) addressed to the King of Poland, in which he instructed Casimir to accept the newly installed Metropolitan and transfer to him nine dioceses of the Greek faith, consisting within the Polish, and Lithuanian, and Jonah, or any other renegade (as he called the Orthodox) should not be allowed to rule them, and if Jonah came to Lithuania, then detain him and put him in prison 70. Confused by such news, the caring Archpastor then summoned all the bishops of the Great Russian Metropolis to Moscow for a general discussion about what measures should be taken in the present circumstances to maintain Orthodoxy. The only things missing were Archbishop Jonah of Novgorod, who not long before, upon his ordination, had been released from Moscow, and Bishop Elijah of Tver, to whom Saint Jonah had repeatedly sent to Moscow to demand him 71 . At this Council, first of all, the Archbishop of Rostov and other rulers pledged in writing to observe their loyalty to the Moscow Metropolis. In their letter they wrote: “we were all installed in the cathedral church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Moscow, at the tomb of St. Peter the Wonderworker; at our installation we all promised to be consistent with the Moscow cathedral church of the Blessed Virgin Mary and with our Metropolitan. Therefore, now we repeat the promise never to deviate from them and to obey our Metropolitan in everything, and from Gregory, who came from Rome and calls himself Metropolitan, not to accept any charters and not to have any conferences with him 72.” Then the Council issued an appeal on its own to the Lithuanian bishops and all the clergy with the conviction not to accept Gregory, and to be faithful to Saint Jonah: “That Gregory, they wrote, is not a true Metropolitan, but a false one; he brought with him letters from the Pope and from the false Patriarch Gregory, in which our Metropolitan Jonah of Kiev and All Rus' is called an apostate and an apostate: but they themselves are apostates from Orthodoxy, based on the teachings of the Apostolic and Holy Ecumenical Councils” 73. At the same time, Saint Jonah himself wrote to the bishops of Lithuania, and to the princes and boyars. Reminding the bishops of Isidore’s apostasy from Orthodoxy, he showed that Gregory, who calls himself Archbishop of Constantinople, like Isidore, who betrayed Orthodoxy, cannot assume patriarchal rights to himself, and therefore Metropolitan Gregory, a disciple of Isidore, installed as a false patriarch, cannot be the correct Metropolitan. “And I,” wrote Saint Jonah, was appointed by the council, on the basis of sacred rules, not from two, or three, not from five bishops, but from all the archbishops and bishops of the local Orthodox autocracy, lord and son of my Grand Duke.” Exhorting to remain faithful to Orthodoxy, Saint Jonah continued: “How many times has Constantinople been exposed to disasters from the Bulgarians and Persians: but as long as it observed Orthodoxy, each time it was freed from danger. When he betrayed Orthodoxy, what terrible disasters befell him? What captivity, how many deaths? With sorrow, he later noticed that some of the Shepherds entered into communion with Gregory, served with him, and announced that the Orthodox Church calls such apostates. Finally, he pointed out that more than five centuries had passed since Rome’s retreat from Orthodoxy; During this time, how many men appeared in the Orthodox Church, glorified by signs and wonders, and none of them entered into communion with the Latins, Part II - 17 74. Saint Jonah offered similar admonitions to the princes, boyars and lords of Lithuania, again reminding them of his desire to visit the Lithuanian flock, as soon as the Lord would strengthen his strength 75 . In general, the Saint inspired everyone to stand firmly for Orthodoxy: “if anyone, he wrote, had to die for his confession, he, I believe in Christ my Master, will be numbered among the martyrs” 76 . Since the Archbishop of Novgorod, Saint Jonah, was not with the others at the Council, the Archpastor of Moscow, unanimous with him and completely confident in him, without demanding a new commitment from him, only notified him of the orders made and asked him to exhort his flock, who had long been inclined towards close communion with the Lithuanian state, to remain faithful in Orthodoxy 77 . And he again summoned the Bishop of Tver to Moscow, threatening to deal with him much more strictly if he disobeyed 78 . And indeed, whether the death of this Bishop or his disobedience to the Metropolitan was the reason, only we see that another was soon erected in his place 79 . Meanwhile, an embassy arrived from Casimir to the Grand Duke with a proposal to replace Jonah, as an elderly person, with a new Metropolitan sent from Rome 80. The Grand Duke did not want to hear about such a proposal. He answered the king with his ambassadors, and sent his ambassadors with letters that Gregory should not be accepted as the Russian Metropolitan 81. And Saint Jonah hastened to reinforce the Lithuanian shepherds in fidelity to their duty with new messages. He wrote to Bishop Euthymius of Chernigov, Misail of Smolensk, as well as to other Lithuanian Bishops, to each one specifically, so that they would remember their promise given upon installation. He suggested: “if anyone is subjected to violence and coercion regarding faith, let him come to me; if anyone enters into communication with Gregory, he will impose on himself a great and inexorable church burden from God” 82. These were the dying appeals of the zealous Archpastor, who managed to unite most of the shepherds of the Russian Church under one administration, and now with sorrow saw his work ready to collapse. The Bishop of Chernigov really heeded the proposal of his Archpastor, and after his death he came to Russia, where they gave him the See of Suzdal 83, but the others remained under the control of Gregory. Casimir did not listen to any ideas from the Grand Duke. Contrary to his own charter given to Saint Jonah, he transferred Gregory to the Lithuanian-Russian diocese, and thus made a final division in the Russian Hierarchy 84. It was not stopped by the death of Gregory, but one of the bishops ordained by Saint Jonah himself, Misail of Smolensk, asked for the throne of Kyiv in Constantinople 85 . This division continued, to the misfortune of Little Russia and Lithuania, for more than two hundred years. Already ready to leave this life, Saint Jonah, on the advice of the Grand Duke and with the consent of the other bishops, himself appointed as his successor the eldest of the Archbishops in service, and perhaps in years, Theodosius of Rostov 86 . This was done with the intention that the Russian Church, in such difficult circumstances, would not be left without an Archpastor. In confirmation of this election, Saint Jonah gave Theodosius a blessed charter for the Metropolis, with his signature and seal, and this charter was placed on the throne in the Moscow Dormition Cathedral for the time being. Saint Jonah was forewarned of his death by God. At the same time, to testify to his godly life before people, it was opened to the keymaster of the Assumption Cathedral, Presbyter Jacob. One night, the guard of the Assumption Cathedral noticed extraordinary lighting in the locked church and heard singing. But upon his announcement, the sacristan immediately unlocked the church, entered it, found the candles burning, but did not see anyone here; I just heard a voice: “Go, tell my servant Metropolitan Jonah that, through his prayer to visit his body, for the sake of saving his soul, I allowed a sign to be on his leg with illness. He, having arranged what is necessary for himself and for the flock entrusted to him, will move with thanksgiving from temporary life to eternal life, where there will be a home for all who rejoice.” The embarrassed presbyter did not dare to appear to his Metropolitan with such news: but the next morning the Saint himself called him, convicted him of disobedience to the Divine commandment and predicted the quick death of his wife, then healthy. The illness was revealed: but overcoming the illness, Saint Jonah did not leave the church, joyfully preparing for the blessed outcome. He died at a ripe old age and was buried on March 31, 1461, Tuesday of Holy Week 87. The memory of Saint Jonah remained sacred to the Church. Less than a year after his death, marked by such a gratifying confirmation of his blessed fate, Archbishop Jonah of Novgorod, his spiritual friend and equally holy in his life, commissioned the Serbian monk Pachomius, then living in Russia and who wrote the lives of many Saints of the Russian Church, to compile a canon in honor of St. Jonah the Metropolitan 88. 11 years later, during the construction of the Assumption Cathedral again, its relics were found incorruptible, and their appearance was accompanied by many miracles 89. And in 1547, at the Council in Moscow, widespread celebration was established on the day of his memory 90. His initial education under the supervision of the strict monks of the Simonov Monastery had an influence on the entire life of the saint. Himself unswervingly adhering to the rules of the church and the Christian law in the performance of his duties, he demanded from others the strict fulfillment of their duty. And repeatedly in his trial over violators of this duty, the formidable sentence of God’s judgment was pronounced. According to the story of the biography, the housekeeper of Saint Jonah, Pimen, who was convicted of denying a poor widow a small amount of honey to strengthen her infirmity, on the same day, according to the prediction of the Saint, lost his life. Another servant of Saint Jonah, who was entrusted with distributing alms to the poor, who also refused alms to a poor widow, for hard-heartedness and deceit before the Saint, upon his denunciation, immediately fell into illness and soon died 91 . It is worthy of note that in both cases the severity of the court befell those responsible for the lack of love. The strictness of the Saint in relation to his subordinates is also revealed from other cases known from modern monuments. In 1455, the Archbishop of Rostov, Theodosius, through a misunderstanding, allowed the monks to eat fish on the eve of the Epiphany, which then happened on Sunday, and the laity to eat meat. Saint Jonah, having learned about this, summoned the Archbishop to Moscow, convened other bishops, and at the Council decided to deprive him of the priesthood for an unauthorized violation of church rules. But Grand Duchess Sophia stood up for the Archpastor of Rostov, and the trial was commuted. Theodosius condemned and rejected the innovation and made a solemn promise to henceforth adhere to church rules in everything 92. Bishop Simeon of Polotsk allowed himself to call himself his brother in a letter to his Metropolitan. Saint Jonah denounced his disrespect for his superior. “Judge for yourself,” the high priest wrote to his bishop, “is it proper for me to be written as the brother of His Holiness the Patriarch, when I have been ordained by him? No! But he, out of spiritual love, can, but is not obliged, write to me, his son and pilgrim, as he pleases. So I can call myself your brother in messages, but not you to me” 93. In the region of Prince Mozhaisky, the metropolitan, the tithe and nobles, during their tour, were beaten by the residents of Vyshgorod. Saint Jonah, demanding satisfaction from the prince for this offense, wrote: “I myself am a great ruler. Ask your old boyars, did such disrespect for the Church of God and the former Saints ever happen under your ancestors? You know that the former Grand Duke Vytautas, and the current King, a great sovereign, and, moreover, not of our faith, as well as all the princes and lords of their faith, do us honor. If you do not defend me, then fear retribution from God, and I will defend myself by the law of God. If my tithe is guilty of anything, I will hand him over to you without trial, with my head, as I did before” 94 . Here the demand for justice in relation to the offended merged with another equally fair demand for respect for the sacred rank of the Master of the offended. Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich resorted to Saint Jonah not only in state needs, but also in family matters, and found help. Vasiliev’s young daughter Anna was dying. Almost lifeless they brought her to the Saint’s cell. His prayers returned health and strength to the sick woman 95. In the life of St. Jonah is said to “come from the city of Galich, near the border of the Kazan land, the distance from the Salt of Galicia is like six miles, on the Svyatitsa River.” Although neither Galich nor Solgalich were close to the borders of the Kazan land, it is known that both cities were often attacked by the Kazan Tatars. According to the chronicle of the Soligalich Resurrection Monastery, the invasion of the Kazants on Sol-Galich was mentioned back in 1375. I.G.R.T. IV pr. 327 - In 1129, 1468 and 1557 they attacked Galich and the cities and villages adjacent to it. I.G.R.T.V. pr. 265, 275. etc. Act of Archeogr. Expedition T. II. page 177 – Odnoushevo churchyard exists to this day. This conclusion is based on the following considerations: St. Jonah died in 1461 and was installed as a bishop in 1430. But in those days, the rule was that no one should be installed as a bishop before the age of 40. See Act. Archaeogr. Expedition T. I. p. 472. In Soligalich itself, from the time of V.K. Dimitri Ioannovich Donskoy, the Resurrection Monastery is known, now the parish church in the city. See Act. Archaeogr. Expedition T. II. N. 85. and East. G.R.T. IV. p. 327. In the half of the 17th century, there were up to 18 Galich monasteries. Act of Arch. Exp. T. IV. Art. 125. The Simonov Monastery, since the time of Donskoy, had its own saltworks in Soligalich. East. G.R.T. V pr. 122. Perhaps this circumstance contributed to the relocation of Saint Jonah to Moscow. The Venerable Joseph of Volokolamsk, mentioning in his spiritual testament about St. Jonah and his companions, writes: “Whoever saw the customs of the monastery being changed and the deanery being swept away, not silently, lower in negligence of this, but forbidding and not allowing lawlessness and rebellion to happen, and much sorrow from the then former archimandrites to the primach.” Ch. 10. Rukop. M. D. Academy under N. 171. See Makarov “Notes on the lands of Ryazan in the Readings of the Moscow Historical Society.” 1846 N. 1 Dep. IV – Vozdvizhensky, Histor. Review of Ryazan. Hierarchies. 1820. Art. 46, 87, 120, 122, 135. Bolkhovitinova, Description. Voronezh Province. 1800. art. 11–14. and Dioceses p. 169. East. Review Ryazan Hierarchy. pp. 122 et seq. In a letter to the Nizhny Novgorod Pechersk Monastery, dated March 11, 1433, written in Moscow, Jonah calls himself a Bishop, named the Most Holy Metropolis of Russia, writes that he appointed the monk Paul, sent from the Pechersk Monastery, as an Archimandrite, with the consent of the Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich. Act. East. T. I. N. 37. In the Pskov Chronicle, Gerasim's journey to Constantinople dates back to 1433. East. G.R.T.V. pr. 243 and 292. This is what it is called in the modern signature, on a manuscript written in 1434 in the Kiev-Pechersk Monastery. Description Rukop. Tolstoy 1, 178. Art. 99. I didn’t go to Moscow, because the princes of Rustia are fighting and fighting about the reign of the great Russian land. Years. Pskov. Ed. M. Pogodin. 1837. art. 67. Novgor. Years. 1. under. 1434 Art. 111. Ross's story. Hierarchies. Ed. 2. Part I. p. 276. But it is unfair that Elijah was installed in 1437. In this year, Gerasim was no longer alive. Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich wrote to King Casimir of Poland “our antiquity is from our ancestor, Grand Duke Volodimer, who baptized the Russian land, the election and collection of the Metropolitan - our ancestors of the Grand Dukes of the Russians, and ours to this day, and not the Grand Dukes of Lithuania; whoever loves us will be with us all over Rus'.” Act. Arch. Expedition T. I Art. 58. At that time, relations had already begun between the Greeks and Latins regarding the union of the Churches, ending with the Council of Florence. Svidrigailo praised Gerasim’s zeal for this matter in a letter to Pope Eugene, who accepted this news with extraordinary joy; advised the Metropolitan to establish a private Council of Russian Bishops and, having received authority from them, to act freely, to appear to him, the Pope, with submission, as Gerasim had already intended. – Papal bulls, written on this subject in November 1434 to Svidrigailo and to Gerasim himself, were placed in the composition of Kotzebue: Svidrigailo, Grand Duke of Lithuania, in Russian. translation St. Petersburg 1835. Add. II. pp. 22 and 26. “Having guessed with my mother, the Grand Duchess and with our brethren, with the Russian Grand Dukes and with local princes, and from the Lithuanian land, with the Grand Duke, and with the Saints of our land, sending with our ambassador to Tsar Kaloyan and to Patriarch Joseph of our father Jonah of Ryazan,” the letter says Grand Duke. 1448 Act. Histor. T. I. p. 83. “And that God’s will will provide for Sidor, or he will die, or otherwise, what will happen to him, and you, Jonah, Bishop of Ryazan, are ready to be blessed on that great throne of Kiev and all Rus'”: this is how the Grand Duke repeats this promise in a letter to the Emperor himself. Act. Histor. I. art. 84. St. himself writes the same. Jonah. Art. 95. “And I greatly mourn,” writes Saint Jonah, “that we did not have time to do this”; - and further: “they release Isidore to Rus' and us with him.” Act. Histor. T. I. Art. 95. As can be seen from the count of the Bishops present at this Council, in the charter of the Grand Duke. Act. Histor. T. I. Art. 74. We also see it later, in the letter of the Russian Bishops against Shemyaka, dated December 20. 1447. – ibid page 75. That is why in the charters of the Grand Duke of Moscow and other princes, after the death of Photius until the consecration of Saint Jonah as Metropolitan, the usual introduction is not found: “with the blessing of our father the Metropolitan,” etc., but the charters began like this: “By the grace of God,” etc. Which is also noted by the Historiographer (Hist. G.R.T.V. p. 154.) coll. Collection State gram. T I. gr. 45–50 and 52–74, written in 1443 to 1448 with charters 75–81. 84. 85. written from July 1450 until the death of Saint Jonah. A letter to the Patriarch was written. in the Act. Histor. T. I. N. 39. to the Emperor the same, with the necessary change of some expressions, in Sofiysk. Time 11, 34–39 and in Church. East. Metropolitan Plato. 1, 256. – According to different calculations of years from the enlightenment of Russia with Christianity, shown in both messages, it is believed that the Grand Duke wrote to the Patriarch in 1411, and to the Emperor two years later (see note to volume I of the Act. Histor. on gr. 39.). But from this last message it is not at all clear that it was preceded by any other notification about the affairs of Isidore and other things to the Emperor or Patriarch. This is what Soph testifies. Time II, 39. The testimony of the Chronicle is confirmed by the message of the Grand Duke to the successor of John Palaeologus, Constantine, where he writes “for all this, with desire and machinations, as if to send his ambassadors to the royal city and notifications (about the notification?) of the union of God’s Holy Ecumenical Church, both about Orthodoxy, and about the appointment of a Metropolitan. And for many years I sought and desired this, but did not achieve this” Act. East. T. I. Art. 494. Metropolitan Jonah himself, after his installation, wrote to Kyiv: “until now, there has been no Metropolitan in the Holy Russian Metropolis; there was no one to send to, the Tsar is not like that, and neither is the Patriarch like that.” “Summon the Bishop of Ryazan Jonah to Moscow.” Soph. Time II, 53. Information. Saint Jonah did not live in Moscow, but probably in Ryazan. Hegumen Tryphon of Kirill was then taken to Moscow to become rector of the Spassky Monastery, and then in 1462 he was elevated to the archbishop's throne in Rostov. - In the life of the Venerable Kirill of Beloezersk, written by Pachomius Serbin, it is said: “Tryphon, who for the sake of his virtue was the Archbishop of the city of Rostov, is a wise man in monastic and worldly." The time of his transfer to Moscow can be concluded from the fact that on April 6, 1448, Cassian had already been installed as Abbot at the Cyril Monastery. Act. Archaeogr. Expedition t. 1. gr. 40. About the Venerable Martinian, who was then transferred to the Igumen of the Trinity Sergius Monastery, see Histor. Description of the Holy Trinity Sergius Lavra. All the circumstances of the unfortunate case are described in detail in the Sofia Vremennik. However, they did not agree to go to the Grand Duke in Moscow until the Metropolitan was there, not considering themselves completely safe without the guarantee of the High Hierarch. In the contractual letter of Ioann Andreevich Mozhaisky, Shemyakin’s accomplice, it is precisely said: “But the Great Prince will favor us, do not order him to go to him until (that is, until) our father, the Metropolitan, is in our land.” Sob. State gram. Vol. I. No. 67. The contractual document between Shemyaka and Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich is written in the message of the Russian clergy to Demetrius. Act. Histor. T. I. N. 40. The agreement was concluded “six book months” before this message. page 81. Act. East. T. I. Art. 79. The message was written on December 29. 1447. “And he desecrated our holy stoles with his inappropriate, godless speeches; But we hope that you yourself know what those holy petrahilis are? imagination is the torment of our Lord Jesus Christ, hedgehog at the salvation of His crucifixion... And our petrakhils cannot be polluted in any way by your speeches, but only you destroy your own soul.” In conclusion, the Saints wrote: “Put before God and before His Most Pure Mother of God, and before your elder brother, before the Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich, pure repentance. And we, out of our duty, beat our Master for you, and our Master listened to our word, and wants to reward you for his brother, and keep you in brotherhood and love in the old way, and you have a period of time to take care of everything, after baptism, two weeks. And if you don’t correct yourself, it won’t be we who will inflict it on you, but you will impose an ecclesiastical, spiritual burden on yourself, you will be a stranger from God and from the Church of God, and also from our dimension, hierarchical and priestly, there will be no blessing on you either in this age or in the future.” Message from Metropolitan Jonah to the Prince of Kyiv. Act. East. T. 1. Art. 94. In another letter to Bishop Misail of Smolensk, Saint Jonah writes: “The Great Prince, having heard and experienced the Tsar of Tsargrad well and was so embarrassed about him, that they swung towards the Roman Church, and others, we are instructed and strengthened by God, did not unite with them, and the excitement between them was great, like the Holy Churches of God on Many days are closed and without the singing of stasha.” – ibid page 111. 1 right In the district letter of Metropolitan Jonah to the Lithuanian Bishops, this rule is given in this form: “the three Bishops must, without any notification, ordain the Great Saint.” Act. Historical T. I, p. 113. In the same district epistle of St. Jonah it is said, “look for the fourth rule, like that of the first Council in Nicaea.” This is the rule we have given. The manner of installation of the Metropolitan is described in the chronicle as follows: “the offering of the Divine service is performed, and an honorable amphora (Omophorion) is placed on his (Jonah’s) shoulders and the great staff of the Metropolitan is given in his hand, and thus with fear of God he performs the holy service and blesses the nations.” Soph. Time I, 39. Russian Time M. 1820. Part 2. Art. 23, 24. Reasoning about er. and split. in Russian Church p. 275, etc. 268. Ak. East. Vol. I Ave. 40. This message has come to us in two lists, of which one is more complete than the other and differs from the other in some expressions (In Ak. Ist. vol. I. N 41. and 262.). The latter says that 21 years have passed since the death of Metropolitan Photius (July 8, 1431). On this basis, this act, written in July, was attributed by the publishers to 1452: whereas it could have been written in 1451, after July 8. And the first one dates back to 1448, probably after the death of Emperor John Palaiologos. But Constantine did not suddenly take the throne of Constantinople after the death of his brother. Therefore, the message addressed to him should be written later than this year. And since the second act, placed under N. 262, says nothing about Vasily’s previous relations with the Emperor, and it is incredible that the Grand Duke wrote twice about the same thing, congratulated the Emperor twice on his accession to the throne, and so on; then it would be fairer to recognize both lists as two different reviews of the same message, or to assume that the intention to send the message in its original form was not fulfilled. In one of the lists of this letter that has reached us, it is noted: “the messenger from the Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich to the Constantine Tsar Constantine, about Metropolitan Jonah, did not go” (i.e. the letter was not sent). Act. Histor. Vol. I. p. 425. In 1448, the Grand Duke was again forced to arm himself against Shchemyaki. Prince Galitsky sought salvation only in an agreement, or a “cursed” letter, which is partly given in Soph. Time II, 60 and in grams. Metropolitan Ions. Act. East. N. 43. Act. East. Vol. I. N. 43. The time of this letter is determined both by an extract from the last letter given by Shemyak to the Grand Duke in Kostroma in 1448 (See Soph. Time. II, 60.), and by the fact that at the beginning Saint Jonah writes about his appointment to the Metropolis. “And now they have made me Metropolitan.” About Shemyak: “Of course, how he finished off his brother the eldest Grand Duke with his brow, kissed the life-giving cross, and wrote a letter on himself, by his own will.” Soph. Time II, 60. under 1449 Know, brother, he wrote to Euthymius, how many of our parcels there were from our humble soul to you, so that you, according to your holy duty, would take care of this, so that you would speak to Veliky Novgorod and spiritually punish it, so that you take care of it; and how many ambassadors we sent to you about this with our speeches and letters, both to our children and to the great Novgorod. Last written 29 Sep. 1452 Act. Arch. Expedition vol. 1. N. 372. In his spiritual testament, Metropolitan Photius wrote, among other things: “I have united His Church in peace, according to ancient splendor, to God who loves mankind.” Soph. BP II. 5. That is why Saint Jonah, issuing his charter to the governor of Kyiv (1449–1460), entrusted him with all rights, as was the case under Photius. Act. Histor. I, 96. Part IV. See Bandtke East. State Polish II, 42. Zubritsky Critical-historical. the story of temporary affairs of Chervonnaya, or Galician Rus'. M. 1845 art. 351 et seq. Acts related to history. West. Russia. Vol. I. N. 50. And in the Act. Archaeographer. Expedition T. 1. N 49 contains the message of St. Jonah, in which he approves with his blessing the agreement concluded between Casimir and the Grand Duke of Moscow. At the same time, St. Jonah asks to favorably accept everything that Deacon Vasily, sent by him, says on behalf of the Metropolitan. The king set a time for this when he returned from Poland. Act. East. vol. I, art. 96. Probably, this refers to his departure to the Piotrkiv Sejm, appointed at the end of 1449. In 1450 he returned to Lithuania again. At the beginning of 1451, there was a General Diet of Lithuania in Vilna, at which the king himself was present. Dlugoss. Hist. Polon L. XIII, ap. 1449–1451. Act. East. Vol. I, N. 47, etc. 30. Behind Alexander was the sister of Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich. Metropolitan Photius is called the godfather of the Prince of Kyiv, probably because he baptized the Prince’s children; one of the Alexandrov children, Simeon, came to Moscow in 1450, as it is said in our chronicles: “Prince Simeon Aleshkovich (Olelkovich) was with his woman, Grand Duchess Sophia, and with the Grand Duke, his uncle.” Is. G.R. t. V. pr. 386 under 1451. Upon Isidore’s return from Florence, Alexander confirmed for him the rights of the former Metropolitans in Kyiv with a letter, probably not yet knowing well about his deviation from Orthodoxy. Ak. East. vol. I, N. 259. Now he showed himself completely disposed towards Orthodoxy. In a letter to him, Saint Jonah wrote: “I also bless you, my son, for may the Church of God receive its ancient splendor, and may the most holy Metropolis of Kiev and All Rus' unite as before into one, and may the work of our humility be fulfilled by God’s grace and your nobility’s care and haste and perseverance.” At the beginning of 1451, he was already there. This can be seen from the signature of the letter given by Saint Jonah to the governorship of Kiev. It says here “this sheet was given to Novgorod, Fevruaria 1, Indicta 14.” The indication of time refers to 1451, and the place to Lithuania (see pr. 31. Ak. Ist.) It was printed in its original form in Ak. East. vol. I, no. 43 according to two lists. I. G. R. t. V. pr. 311. Daniel’s renunciation of the union accepted through Isidore, given on October 28, 1451, is placed, and in the Act. East. (Vol. I. N. 52.) a letter of authorization for him. Moreover, he was granted the right “to ordain the governors of Kyiv and Novgorod to deacons and to priests.” Protropi is a letter of approval issued by the governor to the one who has been awarded the holy rank. See complaint. approx. Metropolitan Jonah to the governorship of the Kyiv Metropolis, namely in Kyiv, Vilna, Novgorodka and Grodno, in Act. East. vol. I. N. 46. Another, later one, for governorship only in Kyiv, in the same place p. 97. It is “in the Galich Metropolis,” as stated in the embassy order of Metropolitan Jonah to King Casimir Ak. East. vol. I, N. 260. Saint Jonah recalls here the king’s promise to return these churches and houses to the throne of Kyiv “you wanted in your other pilgrimage and dominion of the Galich Metropolis, God's churches and church houses, to that your pilgrimage of Kyiv and the Church of St. Sophia and to the Kyiv table, to give according to the old times, and you ordered us to bestow upon you in that State." Saint Jonah calls Casimir the Autocrat of the great two dominions, i.e. Polish and Lithuanian (ibid., Art. 96.). Churches and houses classified as part of the former Galich Metropolis, apparently, went to the regions of Poland proper (Critical-Historical story of Zubritsky about Chervonnaya Rus, p. 313. About the Galich Metropolis, see Description of the Kiev-Soph. Cathedral, p. 92 and appendix N. 8. Acts related to Western Rus'. vol. I, N. 53 and note 44.) To consider this matter, Casimir ordered to report this to him when he himself was in those areas. Two petitions attached to the same order, one to the king, the other to Pan Mikhail, Chancellor of Lithuania, apparently relate to the same matter. In all of southwestern Rus' there were then 9 dioceses. This is precisely what is mentioned at the Council of 1416, during the election of Gregory Tsamblak. So much was calculated in the papal bull of 1458, addressed to the King of Poland, regarding Gregory, Isidorov's successor. The names of the dioceses are as follows: Bryansk and Chernigov, Polotsk, Smolensk, Turov, Lutsk, Vladimir, Peremyshl or Chernensk, Helm and Galich. But in the acts of St. Only the first six are mentioned. Ak. East. vol. I, N 100 and 272. Degree. Book II, 84. “I bequeathed to ask God that from now on the Ordinary Tsars will not be able to overcome the Russian Power, and the Great Princes will not have to go to the Horde to worship the Tsars, but let them reign autocratically in this Fatherland, in the Russian Land.” Collection state gram. vol. I, NN. 75–81, 84, 85. Act. East. vol. I, N. 51. “I bless you that you spoke about this to my son the Grand Duke, Boris Alexandrovich, and beat him with his brow, and pestered him firmly, according to his holy duty, so that my son, the Grand Duke Boris Alexandrovich, sent his governor to the Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich.” Pskov. years. 1837 p. 80. (Ш) Act. East. Vol. I. N. 264. (y) The name of this Boyar of Moscow is found in the relations of Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich with Novgorod in 1456. Then he was sent to Novgorod to accept the penalty imposed on him. Act. Archaeogr. Expedition vol. I, no. 59. Act. East. vol. I, N. 263. The charter was preserved in a passage from which neither the name of the Patriarch to whom it was written, nor the prince who sent the ambassador, nor even the Metropolitan who wrote it is visible. But according to the content of this passage, it is likely that it can be attributed to Saint Jonah and dated back to the time after the fall of Constantinople. This reservation, we want to demand a blessing from your shrine, also from everyone, whoever will be the Patriarch in the patriarchate, observing the Church of Christ and holding true, great Orthodoxy, and the name of the ambassador Ivan Volodimerovich (see the previous one), force us to attribute this letter to the time of Grand Duke Vasily Vasilyevich and Saint Jonah. But one cannot think, as the publishers of Historical Acts believe, that it was sent along with the Grand Duke’s letter to Emperor Constantine Paleologus (N. 262), and did not go along with it. For in that letter it is directly stated that in Moscow they do not know whether there is an Orthodox Patriarch in Constantinople. And from the passage it is clear that the Patriarch himself wrote to the Metropolitan. So this document was written later than that one, which forces us to attribute it to the time after the fall of Constantinople. This is mentioned in the news about the beginning of the Patriarchate in Russia. Additional to Histor. Act. Vol. II, N. 16. Art. 182, and hence in the preface to the Pilot's Book, ed. Part. Nikon. Act. Archaeogr. Expedition I, art. 58. Grand Duke John Vasilyevich writes: “my father, even before the queen, was sent away early, having only heard about that Gregory who was coming from Rome not according to our old days, and had not yet come to the Lithuanian land, and he sent to the king so that he would not accept that Gregory from Rome to himself.” Act. East. vol. I, N. 270. Message of Metropolitan Jonah to Archimandrite Kallistos, named for the Polotsk bishopric: “I wanted to be a great man in the house of the Most Holy Theotokos, in St. Sophia, and with the great ruler and with the great king, since he was in his fatherland, in the Lithuanian land; but due to my old age and my weakness then I could not go to him.” About the letters sent with the abbots, Saint Jonah writes to the Archbishop of Novgorod: “let us send to the Lithuanian land, to your brethren, to the God-loving bishop of the Lithuanian land, and to the Christian princes and lords and to all Orthodox Christianity, honest people and spiritual Trinity Abbot Vassian, the honest monastery of the Sergius Monastery, and the Cyril Monastery the honorable elder Hegumen Cassian, with the blessing of our humility, and with speeches and writings, for the strengthening of Orthodox Christianity.” Act. East. vol. I, N. 65 p. 117. Of these writings, one has come down to us - to the lords and boyars. Act. East. vol. I, no. 45. This is mentioned by St. Jonah to the Bishops of Smolensk and Chernigov. Act. East. vol. I, no. 62 and 273. Act. East. vol. I, art. 110 and 504. Act. Histor. vol. I, no. 63, p. 114. They are mentioned in the letter of St. Jonah to the Archbishop of Novgorod. Act. East. vol. I, no. 65, p. 118. The Papal Bull, in a very obscure translation, was published in Sof. Time II, 40–42. About time, see East. G.R. t. V, pr. 311. Ak. East. vol. I, N. 271. The Epistle to the Bishop of Tver, apparently, was written after the Council. Here, among the Bishops who were then in Moscow, only one Archbishop of Rostov is mentioned, and nothing is said about the other Archbishop, Novgorod. That is why it was written by St. Jonah sent a special message to the Novgorod Archbishop about all matters. N. 65. St. Jonah Arch. Novgorodsky was delivered in February. 1459 Isa. G.R. t. V, pr. 386 under this year. Ak. East. Vol. I, N. 61. This memorable act has not reached us completely: it does not contain the names of the obligated Bishops. But from another letter of this Council to the Lithuanian Bishops (N. 272) it is clear that it was attended by: Theodosius, Archbishop of Rostov, and Bishops. Philip of Suzdal, Geronty of Kolomna (all three were later Metropolitans of Moscow one after another), Vassian of Sarai and Jonah of Perm. Act. East. vol. I, N. 272. The letter was written to the Bishops of Chernigov, Polotsk, Smolensk, Turov and Lutsk. The signature of the certificate is dated December 13th. Track. The council took place at the end of 1459. Ibid. N. 66. The charter was written by Dekemvri on the 20th day, Indicta 8, i.e. 1459 Act. East. vol. I, art. 114 and 119. “If you don’t, you will remember your confession in your appointment: we should write and send it to you, and you would know that.” Ak. vol. I, no. 271. Act. East. vol. I, N. 68 and 274. Gennady was elevated to the place of Elijah, at the beginning of 1461. Soph. Time II, 43. Casimir's letter was brought by the royal clerk Jakub da Ivashinets. Act. East. vol. I, art. 505. This embassy is mentioned only in the last letters of St. Jonas, written at the end of 1460 or at the beginning of 1461. Act. Arch. Exp. t-I, art. 58. Act. East. vol. I, N. 273 and 62. The first says that the same letters were sent to other Lithuanian Bishops. Page 111. Is. G.R. t. VI, pr. 629. under 1465. The chronicles say “Euphemius, Bishop of Bryansk and Chernigov, came running to Moscow, leaving his Bishopric, and gave him Suzdal, and Kaluga, and Tarusa.” Perhaps the letter from Metropolitan serves as a response to his message. Jonah, or his successor, who, at will, invites him to move to the estate of V. Prince of Moscow. Act. West. Ross. vol. I, no. 13. Grand Duke John Vasilyevich (in 1465–1470) wrote to Novgorod “The king took him (Giropia) to himself, through sending our father and Russian churches to him, he gave up what was in his fatherland, and took away from our father Jonah the Metropolitan through his leaf and through our antiquity.” Ak. Ar. Ex. vol. 1, art. 58. Even earlier, M. Theodosius also wrote to Nogorod “the hearing is so complete that the king accepted him (Gregory), and gave him the capital of Kiev, and in “this power of God’s Holy Church and all the church’s justifications” Ak. East. vol. I, no. 275. About Misail, from the family of the Pestrutsky princes, in East. Jer. Ross. ed. II, book. I, art. 99 and 316. In the Gustino Chronicle it is said about him that he was dedicated by Patriarch Simeon Trapezonchik (Collected Russian let. vol. III, art. 358.). Simeon of Trapezunga was the fifth Patriarch in Constantinople, after the capture of this city by the Turks. Martini Crus. Turcogr L. II p 125. Cathedral. gram. Bishop Gennady of Tver. Act. East. vol. I, no. 69. The circumstances of the death of Saint Jonah are described in the life of his degrees. book II, 86–88. Vel. The prince was not in the capital at that time; he was in Vladimir and was preparing for a campaign against Kazan. As Pachomius himself testifies in the life of St. Euphemia, Arch. Novgorodsky. Rukop. Collection of the Trinity Sergius Lavra N. 9. Act. Arch. Exp. vol. I, no. 213. Degree. book vol. II, art. 83, 86. Soph. Bp. II, Art. 65, under 1458. But this time indication is incorrect. Confession of Theodosius in Ak. East. vol. I, no. 57. Act. Histor. vol. I, no. 268. Degree. book Part II, p. 80. Anna Vasilievna was later married to Prince Vasily Ioannovich of Ryazan.