Глава VIII. «Скорблю о тебе, любимейший сын мой Грациан; ты дал нам много доказательств своего благочестия»

(Ambrose. On the death of Valentinian, 80) After Gratian, as a result of the energetic efforts of Ambrose, refused the pagan delegation of the Senate, some kind of discord probably occurred between the bishop and the emperor. Our sources remain completely silent on this matter, and we know nothing about any contacts between Ambrose and Gratian from the beginning of 383. Perhaps the young emperor was too carried away by hunting and communicating with barbarians, which did not at all arouse the delight of the patriotic-minded and indifferent to secular entertainments of the bishop. Ammianus Marcellinus and Aurelius Victor testify to these hobbies of Gratian. Moreover, Ammianus even finds it possible to compare Gratian with Commodus, whom biographers called more of a gladiator than an emperor and, in turn, compared with such odious figures as Tiberius and Caligula: “How Commodus, who took the habit of killing wild animals with throwing weapons in the presence of spectators, fell into inhuman delight if he managed to immediately kill a hundred lions released into the arena amphitheater, and each arrow struck the first time, so Gratian delightedly killed toothy animals with arrows in pens fenced with fences... Gratian did not attach importance to many serious matters, and this at a time when even if power were in the hands of Marcus Aurelius, he would hardly have been able to cope with the grave disasters of the state, without having equal assistants and reasonable advisers" (Ammianus Marcellinus, History XXXI, 10, 18). Aurelius Victor complements this characteristic: “Gracian neglected military affairs and preferred small detachments of Alans to the old Roman army, whom he hired into his service for very big money, and was so keen on communicating with the barbarians and almost making friends with them that sometimes he even appeared before the people in barbarian clothes, which aroused hatred among the soldiers” (Extracts, 47). There is no information about Ambrose’s activities in the first half of 383. The Arians calmed down for a while and did not disturb the Church of Milan; the pagans did not dare to appeal again to the emperor, who did not even want to listen to them. Most likely, Ambrose was involved in current affairs: he decided on issues of church life, gave sermons, wrote commentaries on the books of the Bible (it is these works of the bishop that are most difficult to date, and it is easiest to attribute them to those periods of Ambrose’s life that were not filled with vigorous practical activity). Meanwhile, internal peace in the Western part of the Roman Empire was again disturbed. At the beginning of 383, Magnus Maximus was proclaimed emperor by rebel troops in distant Britain. Like Theodosius, he was from Spain and participated with him in military campaigns. Perhaps Maxim was jealous of the rapid rise of his fellow countryman and colleague. Maxim was an energetic and very ambitious person. The sources do not reveal the name of his father, nor the family from which he came, nor even the position he held in Britain. The literature most often states that he was viceroy of Britain, although it is believed that he was removed from this post by Gratian, and it was this fact that caused the usurpation. Be that as it may, Maximus was popular among the soldiers, and he managed to turn their discontent with Gratian to his advantage. His personal qualities ensured him quick and widespread support from the population of the western provinces. Having violated the oath of allegiance to the rightful emperor, Maxim could no longer confine himself to Britain alone and, using the support of troops who encouraged his ambitious ambitions, prepared and carried out an invasion of Gaul, where he was enthusiastically received by the population and the Gallic army, which did not offer him any resistance. In general, it turned out that the usurper Maximus was not only not accused of treason against the emperor, but was greeted as a liberator from Gratian, who had betrayed the army and the people. Gratian learned about the usurper's landing in Gaul in the early summer of 383, however, apparently, at first, he did not pay serious attention to what had happened and headed to Raetia in order to begin another campaign against the Alamanni, who were constantly annoying the Empire. Along the way, the emperor nevertheless considered a more serious threat from Maxim and moved with the army towards him. Both parts of the Roman army, split by civil war, met somewhere near Parisia (modern Paris), but neither side dared to start a battle. The confrontation lasted 5 days, but delay and indecision turned out to be disastrous for Gratian: during this time, the emperor’s army melted away before his eyes - one after another, entire units went into the service of the successful usurper. But, perhaps, the most severe blow for Gratian was the desertion of Merobod, one of his main military leaders, who held the honorary post of consul in that ill-fated year. Abandoned by everyone, Gratian, accompanied by only 300 horsemen of his personal guard, fled from the field of the failed battle, pursued by the usurper’s troops. However, he never managed to reach Italy, where he hoped to find salvation. In Lugudun (modern Lyon), the 24-year-old emperor was overtaken by the military leader Maxim Andragathius and killed on August 25, 383. The popular version of this tragic event, transmitted among others by V. Bryusov, says that the last words of the emperor were: “Ambrose! Ambrose! Where are you?" The corpse of the murdered Gratian was delivered to the usurper so that he could verify the death of the rightful emperor. However, Maxim did not interred him, but began to keep him, delaying the funeral for political and diplomatic reasons. The news of Gratian's death greatly shocked Ambrose, although he did not immediately give vent to his feelings. Later, the bishop repeatedly recalled this emperor as a true son of the church, who acted for its good: “So, the church mourns its beloved son... You received a blow on one cheek, the church, when you lost Gratian... In the death of faithful emperors there is a certain reproach to the church: such an untimely death of pious rulers darkens its beauty. I grieve for you, my beloved son Gratian, you have given us many proofs of your piety. You rushed to me in the midst of your troubles, you called me in extreme circumstances, regretting most of all my sadness about your affairs” (Ambrose. On the death of Valentinian 6.80). Ambrose is completely sincere in these words, and his assessment of Gratian is quite fair. The religious policy of this emperor turned out to be the line that separated the Christianizing Roman Empire from the Christian Roman Empire. Having won such an easy victory over Gratian, Maxim found support for his power among the Gallo-Roman nobility, who were dissatisfied with Gratian’s patronage of the barbarians. Supporters of the overthrown emperor were eliminated from the political arena and found refuge from the persecution of the usurper either in Milan, like Manlius Theodorus, the former prefect of Gaul, or in the church, like Leucadius and Narses, who resorted to the patronage of Martin of Tours. To strengthen his prestige, Maxim, soon after the victory, was baptized by an Orthodox bishop and established his residence in Trier. Britain, Spain and Gaul came under his rule. What goals did Maxim pursue when he decided to undertake such a risky undertaking as the usurpation of power, and such a cruel and always condemned by public opinion act as the murder of the legitimate emperor? What motivated him? The thirst for power that blinded and deprived many of their sanity both before and after him? Resentment at the injustice done to his career? Or was he drawn into this by the fateful course of events and the will of the people around him? Or maybe Maxim pursued some special goals and was driven by the feeling of patriotism characteristic of true Romans, concern for the good of Rome and the power of the Empire? Of this entire list, the last one seems most likely. Maxim wanted to create a strong military regime in the western part of the Roman Empire in the style of Valentinian I, under which the best and most of his military career took place. According to the usurper, it was precisely this regime of power that his colleague in the east created, and it is possible that Maxim, taking into account the experience accumulated by that time of Theodosius and his legal position, did not exclude his subordination to him as the senior Augustus. There is even an opinion that there was a conspiracy between Maximus and Theodosius to overthrow Gratian, and that Theodosius agreed to such a conspiracy because he could not forgive Gratian for the execution of his father. However, the version of the conspiracy does not find any confirmation in the sources and seems doubtful due to the fact that Theodosius owed his current position to Gratian. The further course of events does not support this version either. Since Maximus was counting primarily on the support of Theodosius, immediately after he settled in Trier, an embassy was sent to the east. Upon arrival in Constantinople, the ambassadors, on behalf of Maximus, offered Theodosius peace and alliance or war. The Eastern Emperor got off with an evasive answer, which allowed historians (for example, Zosimus) to later talk about Theodosius recognizing Maximus, although the same Zosimus reports that Theodosius immediately began preparations for war. CHAPTER IX "...BECAUSE OF MY EMBASSY HE WASN'T ABLE TO INVAD ITALY..." (Ambrose. Letter XX, 23) After the death of Gratian, formally, imperial power in the west passed to 12-year-old Valentinian II, who was under the tutelage of his mother, Empress Justina. The court was at that time in Mediolanus, and both those close to the murdered Emperor Gratian and the courtiers who had served their father, Valentinian I, remained loyal to the boy emperor and his mother. This party of courtiers and representatives of the Roman-Italian nobility, loyal to the legitimate authority, was headed by none other than Petronius Probus, who at that time held the post of prefect for the 4th time. praetoria. Support for Valentinian II and Justina was also provided by Arian-minded elements in Italy and the western provinces, especially the Danube. Maxim was counting on an easy victory in Italy, but the support provided to young Valentinian II by precisely those people whose help the usurper hoped for in creating a new regime of power puzzled him and forced him to refrain from an unprepared campaign. Moreover, the embassy sent to Theodosius in Constantinople has not yet returned. However, the threat of a usurper invading Italy and dethroning Valentinian II was too real for the active and energetic Empress Justina to sit idly by. But she really needed a suitable person who could go to the usurper in Trier and make peace with him. But who could successfully complete such a difficult mission? Justina thought for a long time, went through all sorts of candidates, weighed different options, puzzling over how to preserve the throne for her only son. It would be possible to send Probus to Trier, but he is old, and besides, he is also a pagan, and Maxim has just converted to Christianity, and differences in faith could serve as a failure for the mission. Symmachus? He is in the prime of his strength and talent, an excellent orator and a good politician, his authority among the aristocracy is very great, but he is also a pagan and is so committed to ancient traditions that, remembering Scipio, Augustus and Trajan, in his temper he can say too much and provoke an ambitious usurper to new military exploits. Master of the Infantry Bawton is clearly not suitable either, although he is trustworthy. But he is not only a pagan, but also a barbarian, and no matter how great his services to the Empire were, it was his sympathy for the barbarians that destroyed Gratian. Finally, Macedonia. We are good: both an orator and a Christian, and roughly serves at court, but even under Gratian he provided patronage to heretics, who eventually fell into the hands of Maxim, and how the usurper will decide their fate is still unknown. And the more Justina thought, the shorter the list of candidates remained to carry out the responsible mission. However, the name of one person always remained on this list, for whom the empress had obvious antipathy and hostility. This man has more than once frustrated her plans, entered into confrontation with her, infringed on her interests and undermined her authority. And yet, the extremely precarious position on the throne of her son and the sword of Damocles of the usurper’s invasion of Italy eventually forced Justina to give up her personal religious Arian beliefs, feminine feelings and the pride of the empress and choose Ambrose. Justina staged a pompous presentation of her son-emperor to the Bishop of Mediolanus, and after that she turned to him with an unexpected request - to carry out a diplomatic mission to Trier to make peace with Maxim. Ambrose really could not have been more suitable for this responsible mission. His popularity as a bishop by that time in the West was already very great, and his name was known far beyond the borders of Italy. During the reign of Gratian, he gained significant authority not only in the church, but also in the world of politics. The religious factor also played a big role: the faith of Ambrose and Maximus coincided, and Justina assumed that Ambrose’s mission would not give the usurper an excuse to invade Italy under the guise of a zealot of orthodoxy. An assignment of this kind did not correspond to the usual functions of a bishop and had no precedent in history. Apparently, Ambrose agreed to this mission not without hesitation. His attitude towards Maxim in front of the embassy could hardly have been favorable. Although the usurper had accepted baptism and declared himself a supporter of orthodoxy, the bishop could not approve of the murder of the legitimate emperor, to whom he owed so much, whatever the motive. As has already been shown, Ambrose had a negative attitude towards Justina, who caused a lot of concern both to the church and to him personally. However, as a bishop and as a statesman, Ambrose put the interests of the world at the forefront, and he was guided not so much by his personal feelings, likes and dislikes, but by moral, political and religious considerations. From a moral point of view, he felt responsible for the life of the still very young emperor and did not want to strengthen the power of the usurper - the murderer of the legitimate emperor; from a political point of view, as the heir to the Roman aristocracy and, being loyal to the legitimate government, he did not want to see the empire torn apart by civil war; finally, from a religious point of view, or rather, a religious-political one, Ambrose, if this embassy was successful, could count on strengthening his influence on Valentinian II to the detriment of the influence of Justina and her Arian entourage; on the other hand, an alliance with the orthodox Maximus promised the suppression of heresies and paganism in all the western provinces of the Roman Empire. Ambrose proceeded from the highest interests of the state and the Church and viewed political activity as another pastoral responsibility. On the way to Trier near Moguntiak (now Mainz), the embassy of Ambrose 45 encountered the embassy of the Comite Victor, sent by the usurper to Mediolan for the purpose of peace negotiations. When Ambrose arrived at Trier, Maximus received him in the consistory, surrounded by his courtiers, and not privately, and the bishop was forced, in the interests of negotiations, to humble his ambitions and pay no attention to the arrogant tone of the usurper. In all likelihood, Maxim had no intention of depriving Valentinian II of his life and title; on the contrary, he was the first to offer peace, but at the same time set the condition that the young emperor should arrive in Trier, “like a son to his father.” It is not difficult to guess that Maximus’ goal was, under the guise of “fatherly” guardianship, to establish his power over the entire western part of the Roman Empire. Of course, Ambrose guessed the usurper’s intentions and yes,” this is the answer to this proposal: “It is not right for a boy and his mother to enter the Alps in the harsh winter... Our embassy was sent to ask for peace, and not to promise his arrival.” Maxim believed that his position was quite strong, and did not rush into a final decision: “Let’s wait to see what Victor will bring in response,” he told Ambrose. The bishop had no choice but to remain in Trier at the mercy of the “arrogant soldier,” that is, in fact, in the position of a hostage. Victor returned from Milan without Valentinian II's consent to come to Trier. After this, Ambrose was allowed to return home. On the way back, he met a new embassy from Mediolan, which confirmed that Valentinian II did not intend to go to Trier. Returning to Italy, Ambrose found the Alpine passes well protected and rightly considered his mission completed. Although the bishop failed to conclude an official peace with the usurper (this was done by a second embassy, ​​the composition and details of which are unknown to us), it was thanks to his mission that the troops of Valentinian II managed to occupy the mountain passes, strengthen the borders of Italy and thereby the invasion of Maximus) was prevented. The main thing is that Ambrose gained time, and in those conditions this turned out to be a decisive factor. Thus, the first experience in history of using a Christian bishop as an official ambassador of state power turned out to be very successful. Information about Ambrose's embassy to Maximus is contained in a letter from 24 bishops, which was addressed to Valentinian P.