Глава IV. «Арианский яд»

(Ambrose. On the Holy Spirit I, 17) Throughout the formation of Christianity as a world religion, the doctrine, cult, social doctrine, and organization of this religion underwent serious evolution. Having emerged as a sect within the framework of the Jewish religion, Christianity did not immediately become orthodox, but took shape in the struggle of various and very numerous movements and sects, which, as one or another group or theological school predominated, were classified as heresies, although each of such sects put the Holy Scripture as its highest authority and claimed to know the only and true path to salvation. During persecution, in conditions of external danger, Christians, as a rule, consolidated and forgot about differences, although even in the most difficult for “Christianity of the 3rd century. There were clashes between different movements and churches. After 313, when the position of Christianity in the Roman Empire became legal, intra-church disagreements became one of the most important problems. The formation of church-political groupings within Christianity was closely connected with the process of forming dogma and formalizing the church hierarchy, therefore, the most convenient way in the struggle for profitable church departments was to accuse an opponent of apostasy from the “true” faith or to put forward one’s own teaching and interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, which was declared the only true one. In this regard, the 4th century turned out to be especially “fruitful” in heresy: the Christian author Epiphanius lists 60 heresies, his younger contemporary Philastrius-128, Augustine at the beginning of the 5th century, using these data, gave the figure 87, and Theodoret in the middle of the 5th century. still counted 56 heresies. And the most complete official list of heresies is the list of Emperor Theodosius II (reigned from 408 to 450), which included 22 heretical teachings (Code of Theodosius XVI, 5, 65). The presence of disagreements in Christianity could not satisfy either the ruling class of the Roman Empire, or the imperial power, or the church itself. For the church, dogmatic disputes played a detrimental role, because it claimed to know absolute truth, which could remain so only if it was inviolable. The possibility of discussion on religious issues led to free thought, which could question the existing social order and therefore threaten the dominance of the ruling class. The Christianizing Roman state was interested in the unity of the church and sought to find its support in Christianity with a single doctrine. Imperial power in the 4th century. often tried to take on the role of the supreme arbiter in religious-dogmatic disputes, while she sometimes maneuvered between religious and political groupings, sometimes took the point of view of the majority, but always tried to take a politically advantageous position in these disputes. That is why among the emperors of the 4th century. You can meet both orthodox and heretics, but both were equally characterized by the desire to support the ideological monopoly of the church. Central place in the history of Christianity in the 4th century. The struggle against Arianism, the most significant heresy of the era of the first ecumenical councils, is occupied. This struggle went far beyond purely dogmatic disputes, embraced large masses of people and played an important role in the public policy of the Roman Empire. The founder of this heresy was the presbyter of the Alexandrian Church in Egypt, Arius, who first tried to accuse his bishop Alexander of Sabellianism 31, and then he himself came up with a new teaching. This teaching gave rise to the earliest and largest dogmatic trinitarian dispute. The entire controversy revolved around one question - what position in the heavenly hierarchy should Jesus Christ occupy, and the further fate of Christianity as a world religion depended on the solution of this issue. According to the church fathers, who stood at the origins of orthodoxy, the founder of Christianity could not be either a man or a minor deity: he must be as original as God the Father and embody the fullness of the divine and all the concreteness of human nature. Any other status could radically change the essence of his saving mission, and, consequently, the essence of Christianity itself as a religion. The Arians, avoiding hidden tritheism (one god in three essences), tried to preserve the unity of the deity by completely separating the essences, subordinating them to each other and considering God in the absolute sense to be one God the Father. At the same time, in Arianism itself there was no unity regarding the connection between God the Father – God the Son – the World. Depending on the position of God the Son in this triad, there were various varieties of Arianism, the main of which were Anomie, Homius and Omiusian (the terminological differences in the dispute boiled down to different spellings of the Greek words “consubstantial” and “similar in essence”). In the dogmatic content of the Trinitarian dispute there is not the slightest hint of a political, social or any other program. From the point of view of common sense (if such is even possible when analyzing systems that are irrational in their essence), both sides could claim (and did claim!) to sanctify the power of the emperor in the sense in which this was required by the dominant political system, which had taken Christianity as its allies. Thus, Ambrose, polemicizing with the Arians, convinced the emperor that the kingdom of the Trinity is indivisible and therefore invincible (On Faith I, II), that is, undivided power in heaven meant, in the bishop’s opinion, the sole power of the emperor on earth. The Arians, for their part, saw a reflection of individual earthly power in the absolute priority of God the Father and the subordination of the rest of the Trinity to him. On both sides, abstract theological ideas, divorced from real reality, made it possible for the people to believe that various interpretations of dogma to some extent explain their fate to people, and to see in them a reflection of their earthly life. This is perhaps the main reason for the persistence of Arianism. But there were other reasons. Arianism, trying to rationalistically interpret Christian dogmas, relied on traditional ancient philosophical thinking 32. The presence of a powerful philosophical layer in the teachings of the Arians made it popular among intellectuals, especially in the East, literally saturated with Greek philosophy. Another reason is that Arianism was also based on a purely Christian tradition. In addition to the fact that researchers see the ideological origins of Arianism in the Alexandrian or Antiochian theological schools, or in Origenism, it should be taken into account that the Arians, to a greater extent than the Orthodox, relied on the Holy Scripture, which allows for a fairly free interpretation of the Trinitarian formula and in which the formula of the consubstantiality of the Trinity is absent in its pure form. The disagreements and disputes in the church that unfolded after 313 did not suit Emperor Constantine, who granted freedom to Christians not so that they would be plunged into destructive strife, and he took a number of steps in order to reconcile the disputing theologians. However, his modest attempts had no effect, and in order to put an end to the disagreements, on May 20, 325, a council was convened in Nicaea, on the direct orders of Constantine, to which the primates of all the churches of the empire were invited. The council, which went down in history as the First Ecumenical Council, brought together 318 representatives of churches in Asia, Africa and Europe. The emperor himself took an active part in the work of the cathedral. After disputes and debates, the council anathematized the teachings of Arius, condemned the defenders and distributors of this heresy, deprived them of church posts and sent them to prison. At the council, a creed was adopted, which later received the name “Nicene” and became the basis of orthodox Christianity. The conciliar statement of faith reads: “We believe in one God, the Father, Almighty, Creator of everything visible and invisible; - and into one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only begotten, begotten of the Father, that is, from the essence of the Father, God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten, not created, consubstantial with the Father, through whom everything happened, both in heaven and on earth, for the sake of us men and for the sake of our salvation, who descended, became incarnate and became man, suffered and rose again on the third day, ascended to heaven, and the one who comes to judge the living and the dead; - and in the Holy Spirit. Those who say that there was a time when there was no Son, that He did not exist before His birth, and did not come from existence, or who claim that the Son of God had existence from another being or essence; or that He is created, or changeable, or reversible, such are anathematized by the Catholic and Apostolic Church" (Athanasius. Letter to Jovian; Socrates. Ecclesiastical History I, 8; Theodoret. Ecclesiastical History I, 12). The Council of Nicea established 20 canons or rules of conduct for clergy and laity, and also established a single day for the celebration of Easter for Western and Eastern Christians. In special messages at the end of the council, Constantine joined its decisions and thereby gave them the character of state sanction. The emperor threatened anyone who concealed Arian books with the death penalty. However, with the end of the Council of Nicaea, the history of Arianism did not end at all. On the contrary, this was only the beginning of a long and fierce struggle, sometimes even leading to bloodshed. Over the next half century, the Christian Church was torn apart by incessant strife, resulting in accusations and expulsions of bishops, and unrest among parishioners who conflicted with each other and with the authorities. The struggle also affected the highest spheres of the Roman Empire and did not leave aside the emperors themselves, in whose orientation either religious or political motives outweighed, sometimes merging into one whole. When Constantius II became the sole ruler of the empire (353), Arianism became the dominant religion and an instrument of his policy. During his reign, contradictions within Christianity escalated to the extreme. The warring Christian factions attacked each other with a fury that, according to Ammianus Marcellinus (XXII, 5, 4), surpassed the fury of wild animals. All opposition elements gathered under the banner of Orthodoxy, and from this camp came demands for the independence of the church and furious denunciations of Constantius. After the death of this Arian emperor, the general trajectory of Arianism began to decline, although the complete victory of the Niceans was still far away, especially in the East, where the new Arian emperor Valens, who was little inferior in his zeal to Constantius, came to power. At the same time, the degree of spread of Arianism in different regions of the Roman world was not the same. In the west until the middle of the 4th century. many bishops had no idea about Arianism. The pro-Arian policy of Constantius not only contributed to the acquaintance of Westerners with the Arian doctrine, but also led to the expulsion of a number of Orthodox bishops, including the Roman Bishop Liberius. However, the violent methods of planting Arianism, practiced by Constantius, in the West could not but lead to the fact that this type of Christianity became unpopular from the very beginning and did not find widespread support. Although this does not mean that the West did not accept Arianism at all. Thanks to the active work of the Arian bishops Ursacius and Valens, Arianism spread in the Danube provinces, Ulfilas so energetically preached this faith among the barbarians that he was even considered almost worthy of the name Apostle, the bishops Auxentius, who created the stronghold of Arianism in Milan, and Herminius, who occupied the see of Sirmium, enjoyed great influence. Auxentius had been the bishop of Mediolanus since 355, when he was appointed to this post by Constantius instead of the father Dionysius, who was expelled by the emperor. In 369, a council of 93 bishops was held in Rome regarding the activities of Auxentius and the Omians in Venice and Gaul. The council excommunicated Auxentius and his associates from church communion, expressed commitment to the Nicene faith and sent a message to the Illyrian bishops. However, it was not possible to remove Auxentius: using the support of Emperor Valentinian I and, probably, part of the population of the city, he remained in the post of Bishop of Milan until his death in 374. The Roman Council, without the support of the imperial power, turned out to be powerless to shake the position of the Arians in other western provinces of the empire: in Gaul, Venice, Illyricum. True, a council was held in Illyricum, which excommunicated six Arian bishops and approved Roman decrees, but this did not have much effect: Illyricum as a whole remained under the influence of the Omians. As already mentioned, Ambrose was elected bishop of Milan after the death of Auxentius, when the struggle between the Arians and the Orthodox for this post reached its highest intensity. Apparently, both one and the other church group hoped to see in Ambrose a defender of their interests, and he, undoubtedly, was a compromise figure. This situation forced the newly minted Christian and bishop to adhere to very careful tactics at the beginning of his new career. He retains members of the Mediolan clergy in their posts (there is no doubt that under Auxentius all or almost all the priests of the Mediolan church were Arians), but at the same time returns from the east the remains of Dionysius, who died in exile. Ambrose very carefully maintained neutrality at first, so that, as he himself said, “not to cause disturbances in the Church of Milan” (On the duties of clergy I, VIII, 72). But this could not continue indefinitely, and the new bishop had to take a certain dogmatic position. In his dogmatic orientation, Ambrose was guided not so much by the Holy Scripture, which he was still studying, but by an assessment of the balance of religious and political forces, and the general situation at that time in the West was not in favor of Arianism. And the new emperor Gratian showed a certain inclination towards orthodoxy. Around 376, Ambrose came under some kind of pressure from the Arians, probably caused by the fact that the new bishop did not want to openly take their side. After the death of Auxentius, they were led by Mercury, Bishop of Dorostor. It was he who was the Arian candidate for the See of Milan in 374 and after that he remained for some time in Milan, changing his name to Auxentius in honor of the deceased Arian bishop. Obviously, his relationship with Ambrose did not work out right away, and their personal hostility could have affected the general attitude of the new bishop of Mediolan towards Arianism. Soon events occurred in the history of the Late Roman Empire that had a profound impact on Ambrose and all his contemporaries. In the mid-370s, the situation on the Danube border of the empire sharply worsened. Pressed by the Huns and Alans advancing from the east from the Black Sea steppes, the Visigoths, who lived north of the Danube, asked Emperor Valens for permission to settle within the borders of the Roman Empire. In 376 Valens allowed them to settle in Thrace on the condition of serving in the Roman auxiliary troops. However, oppression by Roman officials and artificially caused food difficulties soon led to a Gothic uprising against Rome, which assumed increasingly formidable proportions. The danger turned out to be so serious that Valens was forced to transfer several legions from the east and personally led the army that opposed the rebels. Gratian hurried from Italy with his army to the aid of Valens, having warned his eastern co-ruler in advance not to start battles until his troops arrived. But Valens, poorly educated, irritable, stubborn, selfish and thirsty for military glory, succumbed to the flattering speeches of the courtiers and decided to act independently so as not to share the laurels of victory with Gratian. On August 9, 378, one of the most grandiose battles of late antiquity took place near the Thracian city of Adrianople. This is how Ammianus Marcellinus describes this battle: “Like lightning, the Gothic cavalry appeared from the steep mountains and rushed in a swift attack, sweeping away everything in its path. The clang of weapons was heard from all sides, and arrows flew. Bellona, ​​the goddess of war, in incredible rage, let out a cry of abuse to the destruction of the Romans. The battle flared up like a fire, and horror gripped the warriors when they saw how the spears and arrows of the barbarians pierced several people at once. Finally, both armies collided like ships with their noses locked, and, crowding each other, they began to oscillate, like waves in mutual motion. But when the barbarians poured in en masse, the Roman army was crushed and overturned, as if a giant dam had broken through. The Roman soldiers were squeezed so tightly that it was impossible to even swing and use their swords. From the rising clouds of dust, the sky was no longer visible, which seemed to echo the menacing screams. Arrows that breathed death rushed from everywhere and hit the target because they could not be seen and it was impossible to dodge them. The grappling enemies fell together to the ground, and the plain was completely covered with the prostrate bodies of the dead. Causing horror, the groans of the dying and mortally wounded were heard everywhere. Everything around was covered with black blood, mountains of corpses were piled up everywhere, and the feet of the living trampled dead bodies. The high sun burned the Romans, exhausted by hunger and thirst and burdened with heavy weapons. Finally, under the pressure of the barbarian forces, the Roman battle line fell into complete disarray, and the soldiers turned to the last resort: they ran in all directions. While the Roman soldiers, scattered, retreated to unknown places, Emperor Valens, caught in the midst of all these horrors, fled from the battlefield, barely making his way through the piles of dead bodies. Throwing lightning from their eyes, the barbarians moved behind the Romans, whose blood was already running cold in their veins. The barbarians crushed all resistance and gave no mercy to those who surrendered. The roads were clogged with wounded, and the plain was filled with whole banks of fallen horses mixed with people. These irreparable losses, which cost the Roman Empire so terribly dearly, were brought to an end by a night without a single ray of moonlight. Late in the evening, the emperor, who was among ordinary soldiers, was seriously wounded by an arrow and gave up his ghost; then he was nowhere to be found. There were rumors that Valens’s associates carried him, still alive, to the second floor of some house, but the barbarians surrounded the house and set it on fire: everyone in the house died.” (Ammianus Marcellinus XXXI, 12, 17–13, 12, 19). The Adrianople disaster was a severe shock for the entire Roman world and undoubtedly influenced the consciousness of its inhabitants, influencing their religious preferences. Among those who believed that the reason for the invasion of the Goths, the death of Valens, who ardently patronized Arianism, and the defeat of the Roman army, was a retreat from the true faith, was Ambrose. He speaks unambiguously about this in the treatises “On Faith” (II, 139–140) and “On the Holy Spirit” (I, 17). The death of the Arian Valens, the Arian faith of the barbarians who caused so much trouble to the empire, the worries brought by the Arians to the Milan Church and, finally, the Nicene orientation of the Emperor Gratian, with whom many now pinned hopes for the salvation of the empire - all this contributed to the fact that in the fall of 378, Ambrose, who by this time had become fairly skilled in Christian doctrine and the intricacies of church life, made his final choice in favor of Nicene faith and became its ardent defender. At the request of Gratian, who was traveling to the Arian East, Ambrose began writing his first fundamental dogmatic work, “On Faith.” The first two books of this treatise, written in September–October 378, were devoted to describing the divinity of Jesus Christ in the Nicene spirit. Ambrose set out to prove the coeternity and consubstantiality of the Father and the Son with the help of quotations from the Old and New Testaments and to refute Arian opinions on this matter. However, Ambrose did not limit himself to pure theory. “Your sacred Majesty,” he addressed the Emperor Gratian in the prologue, “going to war, asked me for a book explaining faith, since Your Majesty knows that victories are achieved to a greater extent by the faith of the commander than by the valor of the soldiers” 33 (On Faith, I, 3). The bishop arms the emperor with the Nicene faith, implying that victory over the barbarians, whose faith was Arian, would contribute to the victory of Nicene orthodoxy in the Roman Empire itself: “Go forward under the protection of the shield of faith and armed with the sword of the Holy Spirit, go forward to the victory promised in ancient times and foretold by the prophecies given by God” (On Faith II, 136). Gratian was so satisfied with this treatise of Ambrose that he asked him to write a sequel and develop the theme of the divinity of the Holy Spirit. The bishop responded to the emperor’s new request, and over the next 379, from sermons, he compiled three more books of the treatise “On Faith,” which in their final form were sent to Gratian in 380. However, in connection with the appearance of new Arian works, Ambrose only developed and supplemented the theme of the divinity of Jesus Christ from the first two books. In general, the treatise “On Faith” has always had the highest reputation; it was subsequently often referred to by theologians and was repeatedly quoted. Nevertheless, Ambrose nevertheless complied with the emperor’s request and in 381 he wrote another sequel, “On the Holy Spirit” in three books. In this treatise, Ambrose sets forth, in connection with the doctrine of the Trinity, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, his participation in creation, providence and redemption. He shows that the Holy Spirit is God and that he is of the same nature and substance with the Father and the Son. In this work, Ambrose decided to show off not only his knowledge of Scripture, but also widely used the works of Greek Christian authors - Didymus, Basil the Great and Athanasius - recognized leaders of Nicene orthodoxy. And finally, the cycle of these dogmatic works of Ambrose is completed by another work written at the end of 381-beginning of 382 - “On the Mystery of the Divine Incarnation”, which is a continuation of the two previous treatises and is sometimes designated as the fourth book “On the Holy Spirit” or the ninth book of the whole work: “On Faith” - “On the Holy Spirit” - “On the Incarnation”. The last work, like the two previous ones, is directed against the Arians and followers of Apollinaris 34 and sets out the doctrine of the Trinity, the Son of God and the sacrament of the incarnation, as if summing up the dogmatic teaching of the Mediolan bishop. But let's return to the events that immediately followed the Adrianople disaster. Unlike Ambrose, who made his final choice in favor of the Nicene faith, Emperor Gratian's first reaction was to issue a law on toleration. Undoubtedly, this law was caused by the emperor's fear of possible unrest in conditions of extremely serious external danger to the empire. After the Battle of Adrianople, the Goths, uniting with the tribes of Alans and Huns, moved to Constantinople. Only the cunning and determination of the commander of the Roman army, Julia, saved the eastern capital from defeat and the provinces from ruin. “Having received news of the misfortunes that had occurred in Thrace,” writes Ammianus Marcellinus, “he, regarding all the Goths who had previously been recruited into service in the Roman troops and distributed among different cities and fortifications, gave a secret order to all their commanders (all of them were Romans...) to call them to him at the same time, allegedly to hand over their salaries, and to kill them all. This reasonable order was carried out without delay and without noise, and thanks to this, the eastern provinces were saved from great disasters” (Ammianus Marcellinus XXXI, 16). As for the barbarians who stood under the walls of Constantinople, the impressive appearance of the city's defensive fortifications sobered up the most desperate of them. Lacking siege weapons and deprived of support from those barbarians who were in military service in the Roman army, they did not dare to storm. Meanwhile, Gratian arrived in the East and tried to take control of the situation. However, very soon the young emperor realized that he alone could not manage a huge empire that was in a state close to collapse. Gratian's half-brother Valentinian II could not help him in this, since in 378 he was only 7 years old, and then the choice of the emperor fell on Theodosius, whose military merits were well known in the empire and who was, perhaps, the only person at that time capable of defeating the Goths and other barbarians and establishing order in the eastern part of the state. Theodosius was born around 346 in Spain. His father was a prominent military leader of Valentinian I and was famous for many military exploits in Britain and Gaul. Thanks to his father, Theodosius learned military science and military discipline from early childhood and already in 374 received the position of military commander of Upper Moesia. Here he inflicted several defeats on the barbarians, gained popularity among the people and the love of the soldiers. However, the flip side of his success was envy on the part of mediocre courtiers. And his successful career was unexpectedly interrupted when, as a result of palace intrigues, he fell into disgrace and his father was soon executed. Theodosius, as a form of mercy, was allowed to retire to Spain to his estate and lead a private life there. And at the moment of the greatest danger for the empire, Theodosius was remembered: he was summoned from Spain and on January 19, 379 in Sirmium he was solemnly proclaimed emperor. He was given control of the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire, and he was also entrusted with waging war with the Goths. The new emperor took energetic measures to strengthen the army, announced a new recruitment of all combat-ready men, except for servants and slaves, and already in the same 379 managed to inflict a number of defeats on the barbarians in Thrace and Moesia. Gratian, relying on Theodosius in the east and fearing for the fate of his part of the empire, withdrew his troops to the west. While the emperors carried out great deeds of the empire and fought with the barbarians, church strife did not subside. This is how Basil the Great describes the situation in the church shortly before his death (he died in 379): “... our trials are difficult and long-lasting... this is not about one church, or two: the storm rages from the borders of the Empire to the desert of Thebaid. The dogmas of piety have been transformed, the statutes of the Church have been erased; the passion of domination prevails; and the leadership of the church is offered as a reward for wickedness. Shepherds betray the flock of God and steal the alms of the poor. The strictness of the rules has disappeared, wide freedom to sin has been given... There is no more righteous judgment, everyone walks according to the desire of his heart... Those who acquired power by pleasing people became slaves who showed them mercy. For some, the defense of Orthodoxy turned into a weapon of mutual warfare; hiding their enmity, they give it the appearance of championing piety. Others encourage people to quarrel with each other in order to hide their own vices with common vices. Irreconcilable abuse is maintained. Unbelievers laugh at this, those of little faith waver... The lips of the pious are silenced, every blasphemous tongue is loosed, the sanctuary is desecrated, the sane are running away from houses of prayer as schools of wickedness, and in the deserts with lamentations and tears they lift up their hands to the Lord who is in heaven" 35 . At the beginning of 379, Ambrose had to face strong Arian opposition. The Gothic invasion led to the flight to Italy of a significant number of inhabitants of the Danube provinces. Probably most of the Arian refugees flocked to Mediolanum, which was a stronghold of Western Arianism during the 20 years of Auxentius' bishopric. The leaders of Western Arianism, Ursinus and Valens, were also located here. Around this time, the court of Valentinian II, whose mother Empress Justina adhered to strict Arian views, moved here from Sirmium under threat of danger. In addition, the situation was complicated by the law on religious tolerance issued by Gratian. In this situation, Ambrose was unable to prevent the Arians from occupying one of the city's basilicas. The sources do not provide any details of this episode. The very fact of such a seizure, which most likely occurred on the eve of Easter 379, is not entirely clear. The basis for it, as one can assume, was that Ambrose gradually succeeded in replacing the Arian priests in his church states with Orthodox ones and thus depriving the Arians of the opportunity to worship. In a letter to Bishop Constantius, written on the eve of the capture of the basilica, Ambrose expresses alarm about the spread of Arianism and instructs him not to allow believers close to the Arians, so that they do not infect them with the “false grains” of their teaching (Letter 2, 28). Apparently, at the same time, Ambrose clashed with the Arians over the issue of church property, when the Bishop of Milan melted down church vessels in order to ransom captive Romans from the barbarians (On the duties of clergy II, XV, 70; XXVIII, 136). One way or another, the seizure of the basilica by the Arians clearly infringed on Ambrose’s power as a bishop and dealt a blow to orthodoxy. Under these conditions, Ambrose decides to turn to Gratian for help, who makes a rather wise decision: he orders the prefect to take the basilica from the Arians, but not to give it to the Orthodox, but to confiscate it. Thus, the situation in the largest city in Italy was somewhat defused at a critical moment for the fate of the Roman Empire. However, the confiscated basilica was soon returned to the Orthodox. Ambrose says that this happened suddenly (On the Holy Spirit I, 19–20), but such suddenness is explained not so much by the “enlightenment” of the emperor as a result of the instructions of the bishop, although they played a certain role, but by the change in the political situation and the weakening of the position of Arianism in the east, thanks to the transition to the Nicene faith of Theodosius. The general situation that had developed by the end of the summer of 379 in the Roman Empire, and Ambrose’s persistence in relation to Gratian, led to the publication of a law on August 3, which condemned Arianism, among other heresies. The advantages of the religious unity of the empire from a political point of view were obvious. The accusations of all the troubles of the empire on heretics, and primarily on the Arians, by Ambrose and other orthodox bishops achieved their goal. In addition, the most important episcopal sees, located far from the restless Danube provinces, were presented under these conditions as centers of stability and support for Roman traditions, while the Goths and other barbarians were committed to Arianism. The interests of the Roman Empire at that moment required support for orthodoxy and the fight against Arianism. In 380, Ambrose made an unprecedented attempt to interfere in the election of the Bishop of Sirmium. This church was located not only in another province, but also in another diocese, and Ambrose’s intervention could not be justified by any canon or ancient custom. However, his desire to crush such an important stronghold of the Arians was too great. It was already getting dark when the outskirts of Sirmium appeared in the distance. The few companions of Ambrose - the priests of the Milan clergy, who were in the same cart with their bishop, seemed to doze off, tired of the long and difficult journey. It was still about an hour's drive to the destination, but Ambrose did not fall asleep. The bishop was thinking about what he would have to do tomorrow - on the important day of elections to the Sirmian see - and reproached himself for being late. “However,” Ambrose reassured himself, “I already did everything I could. After all, the news of the death of Herminius, that wicked Arian, who excited the whole of Illyricum with his false sermons, came too late due to the machinations of the Arian Empress Justina for me to have time to notify the other bishops of Italy and the western provinces. She herself is probably already in Sirmium and has prepared her supporters for tomorrow. And then there are these annoying delays along the way.” Here he remembered how long he had to look for a ford across a narrow, but deep and obstinate river due to the fact that some barbarians or robbers, apparently having nothing better to do, burned down the bridge. “Almost two years have passed since Adrianople, and there is still no order in the empire,” Ambrose continued his thoughts. -But Theodosius, we must give him his due, turned out to be exactly the person who should have been put in charge of the eastern provinces. It is unlikely that anyone else would be able to act as decisively as he did. As you can see, our Gratian’s choice turned out to be correct.” Meanwhile, the cart with the priests was already moving through the streets of Sirmium. It was already completely dark, and the driver had difficulty finding the right house in which Anemia, the candidate of the Nicene party for bishop, lived. He came out to meet the arrivals, embraced each of them in a Christian greeting, and began vaguely to talk about the situation in Sirmium. It seemed to Ambrose that he was either out of his mind or drunk, but then the bishop realized that the condition of the candidate for the Sirmian see was explained by nervous overstrain and confusion. From his confused story, Ambrose realized that his worst fears had come true. The Arians ruled the city. The women were especially militant, and Justina, who had arrived the day before, had driven them into a frantic excitement with her speeches. Supporters of the Nicene faith hardly showed up on the streets in the days leading up to the elections, although, judging by Anemia, they were determined. The meeting of priests in Anemia's house was short-lived. Ambrose decided to quickly finish this mini-cathedral so that all its participants could have a good night's sleep before tomorrow's battle for true piety. Just as a commander in battle needs fresh forces, so Ambrose decided not to tire his small Christian army with fruitless conversations. And like a real commander, Ambrose already had a plan for the upcoming battle and knew the weak point of the enemy’s defense. Justina was such a weak and at the same time strong point for the Arians. As the mother of an emperor who did not rule the empire, she had no real power. But as the mother of the emperor bearing this title, she had enormous authority, especially among women. Arianism, which was in opposition to the ruling emperor Gratian, was deliberately chosen by Justina as a means to achieve a political goal - to achieve real power over at least part of the Roman Empire. However, Gratian issued a law confiscating the meeting places of heretics and transferring them to the Orthodox, therefore, the imperial administration of Sirmium should support him, Ambrose, as the defender of the Orthodox faith of the ruling emperor, and not Justina, who defends Arian impiety and does not represent the ruling emperor. With these thoughts, tired Ambrose fell asleep. His sleep was deep and short-lived. Early in the morning, he woke up his entire “headquarters” and, after joint morning prayer and a light breakfast, held a “military council”, at which each of the priests was given clear orders, mainly related to informing the Nicene Christians that they must arrive no later than noon - the usual election time - to the main church of Sirmium and actively support the Orthodox priests. Not counting on the fact that there would be more Nicenes, Ambrose sent his trusted deacon with a note to Mark, whom he had so brilliantly defended at the trial when he was still a lawyer. The note contained a request to Mark to gather veteran friends who, as Ambrose assumed, should have hated the barbarians who shed their blood, and, therefore, were distrustful of the Arians, since it was in the Arian version that the barbarian periphery of the Roman world perceived Christianity. Among the gray-haired veterans who had gone through cruel battles and severe trials and often looked death in the face, there were few Christians, but Ambrose was confident that Mark, who after that sensational trial began to enjoy special authority, would be able to convince his comrades to come to the aid and support them in the fight against the hated barbarians and Arians. Ambrose himself took the familiar route to the prefecture building in order to enlist the support of the local authorities. The streets were still deserted, but Ambrose felt some kind of anxiety, as if hanging in the thick transparent air of the city. Ambrose met with the prefect without hindrance and agreed on everything. The prefect promised to ensure order during the elections and send soldiers to the church. If necessary, he promised to personally speak out in support of the Nicene candidate, although he answered evasively when Ambrose asked whether he himself would attend the elections. Ambrose was not previously acquainted with the prefect, but from a conversation with him he learned that he was well aware of the situation in Milan and the friendship of the bishop with the emperor. Ambrose also learned that the prefect had not been baptized and was cool about Christian strife. “That’s why he himself doesn’t want to attend the elections,” Ambrose guessed. Ambrose's closeness to the emperor opened all doors for him and ensured him strong support from officials. In the prefecture he met several old acquaintances. All of them were emphatically happy to meet him, and it seemed that all these years they had been doing nothing but missing him and waiting for his arrival. “Oh God! How bureaucratic service spoils people! How difficult it is to find in these flattering, servile people even a reflection of that proud greatness and unshakable dignity characteristic of the magistrates of former times. After all, I knew them differently several years ago. I remember we were on good, almost friendly terms and often spent blessed hours talking on lofty topics in local baths. And now: Clodius is completely flabby and can barely carry his fat belly, Albin, it seems, has not yet slept off after yesterday's drinking bout, and Decimus is not interested in anything except money, and I feel sorry for those peasants who come to him as petitioners - he probably robs them completely, although in reality he is unlikely to be able to do anything significant. However, God is their judge. The main thing is that they agreed to help me and talk with local influential people who could have a certain impact on the outcome of the elections. Although I doubt they would have done this if I wasn't close to the emperor. Even old friendship wouldn’t help here.” With these thoughts, Ambrose approached the Sirmium Church. People were already flocking to him from all sides, excitedly discussing the upcoming event. “Today is going to be a fun day,” said a young man in a magnificent robe that identified him as a visiting merchant. “God is just,” responded the short and frail priest, whom Ambrose had never seen before. “He will not allow a bishop to be elected to our see who will slander the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son.” “What difference does it make to you,” the merchant objected. – In my opinion, the main thing is faith in Christ, who promises salvation to everyone who believes in him. – I see that you recently converted to the Christian faith. “Less than a year has passed since I was baptized in Thessalonica. “That’s why you’re reasoning incorrectly, because you haven’t yet been properly taught.” Come see me this evening if you can. I live in that house over there,” he pointed to a nondescript building at the other end of the square. “I am ready to explain to you the true faith.” But now, I ask you, vote for our candidate - Secundian. Sorry, I don't have time right now. Our people have already gathered and are waiting for me. With these words, the speaker trotted off towards the church, from where the voices were sounding louder and louder. Ambrose hurried after him, without meeting anyone he knew. At first he did not attach any importance to this, then he began to worry, but finally he realized that the Arians were simply ahead of him: “The elections begin earlier than usual, and our supporters simply have not had time to gather. I didn't foresee this. Justina and her Arian entourage have outsmarted us. Well, no! I have to wait until our people arrive.” Ambrose looked at the sky and determined by the sun that the Nicenes should be on their way. He decisively entered the church and began to squeeze through the crowd, which consisted mainly of women. From the church pulpit, a local presbyter spoke about the virtues of Secundian. “I believe that the piety, faith and way of life of our Secundian are not in doubt among anyone present.” He is without a doubt worthy to be a bishop and to carry the light of our teaching throughout all the parishes of the Sirmian Church. If there are still those who want to speak, let them say so,” the presbyter finished his speech, confident that the opponents had not yet arrived. “What is there to say for so long?” voices rang out. - Let's vote. The people support us. Be Secundianu a bishop! At that moment, Ambrose finally made his way to the pulpit and asked to speak in a loud voice. Due to his short stature and the unlit place where he prudently took a comfortable position, no one recognized him. He was allowed to speak, and he began his leisurely speech with a discussion about paradise and the life in it of the ancestors of mankind before their fall 36. The beginning of the sermon, filled with high rhetoric and deep meaning, so captivated those present that they seemed to have forgotten why they had gathered here. The first to come to his senses was Auxentius, Ambrose’s rival since the election to the See of Milan. Recognizing the bishop by his voice, he shouted loudly: – Why is our sweet-tongued speaker in the shadows? And what kind of speech is he making here? We have gathered to elect a bishop, so let's talk about the candidate. “That’s right,” they supported Auxentia, “let him speak from the pulpit and to the point.” Ambrose calmly ascended the pulpit and confidently looked around the wary audience: – Why are we talking about only one candidate? – his question sounded like a shot, and at that moment he noticed with satisfaction that his supporters began to appear in the church. -After all, there is a person no less worthy than Secundian. I can even say that his piety is beyond all praise, and he has already shown ability for episcopal service. Now is the time to discuss the candidacy of Anemia, known to you. “But this is Ambrose himself,” echoed through the crowd. Many knew him from his service in the Sirmian prefecture, others heard about his bishopric in Mediolan and that he was close to Emperor Gratian. “You are not mistaken, brothers,” said Auxentius, “this is really Ambrose, and he, without any right, came to another diocese to confuse us with his false speeches and impose on us his candidate from the Nicene party.” But we ourselves know who to choose. We do not need the advice of the visiting Bishop of Milan. The crowd made a threatening noise. Her excitement grew, and the situation became tense to the limit. The situation was almost the same as during the elections in Mediolan in 374, when the governor Ambrose entered the church to calm the raging passions. But if then the crowd fell silent as soon as he spoke, now, on the contrary, his speech sent people into a frenzy. No one was listening to him anymore, and shouting over the roaring sea of ​​people was clearly pointless. From the pulpit he saw that Mark was already entering the church, surrounded by his comrades. The experience of a warrior allowed him to immediately find his bearings in an unfamiliar environment, and he began to energetically make his way through the crowd to the rescue of Ambrose, who had once saved him when he was a lawyer. Several women, in a particularly aggressive mood, shouted insults at the bishop, and one of them, more shameless than the rest, climbed onto the dais and, incited by insane cries, grabbed him by the clothes, intending to drag him to the others, so that, beaten by them, he would be expelled from the church. Ambrose, resisting her furious onslaught, managed to say: “Even if I am not worthy of the post of priest, it is not appropriate for you or your status to lay your hand on any priest.” You should be afraid of God's judgment so that something doesn't happen to you later... He did not have time to finish speaking and, no longer able to restrain the powerful pressure of the hefty Arian, fell down. Ambrose woke up in Anemia's house. The owner himself sat at his bedside and looked servilely at the bishop prostrate before him. Although his bruised head hurt greatly, Ambrose immediately asked Anemia to tell him what happened after he lost consciousness. Anemia poured Ambrose a full cup of aromatic wine from the latest harvest, after draining which the bishop felt that his headache had subsided and began to slowly tell the story. As soon as Ambrose was thrown from the pulpit, Mark finally made his way there and protected his defender from any attacks from the angry crowd. However, seeing the insensitive state of the famous bishop, close to the emperor, the women immediately calmed down. In addition, soldiers sent by the prefect approached the church, and no more riots occurred. When Ambrose was carried out of the church on a stretcher, there were already enough supporters of the Nicene faith in it, and the elections took place without any complications. Anemia received the majority of votes both among the clergy and among the laity. He thanked Ambrose for a long time and insistently and apologized for what had happened as if he had thrown the bishop from the pulpit. The next morning, Ambrose felt much better and ordered his companions to get ready for the return journey. Anemia persuaded him to stay for a couple more days, but Ambrose said that he had already left his bishopric for too long. Just before leaving, Ambrose was informed that the woman who had attacked him in the church had been run over by a horse and died from her bruises. This event excited the whole of Sirmium and inspired reverent respect for Ambrose. The bishop asked the driver to make a short detour and stop at the city cemetery, where the sad procedure of farewell to the deceased was taking place; he accompanied her to the grave, repaying her with mercy for the insult. Ambrose's departure left no one indifferent: some breathed a sigh of relief, getting rid of the fear that he inspired in his opponents; but the majority seriously believed that Sirmium had lost its protector and patron. Gratian's laws against heresies, as well as the defeat of the Arians in the election of the Bishop of Sirmium, forced the Arian leaders Secundian and Palladius to ask Emperor Gratian to convene an ecumenical council (of Western and Eastern bishops), “at which they were going to prove the correctness of their dogmatic views, not without reason counting on the support of the East. Alarmed by the growing opposition to his power on the part of the Arians, the emperor agreed to hold such a council in Illyricum and invite the eastern ones, hoping, with the help of orthodox bishops, to win the Arians to his side. However, Ambrose was not sure that participation in the council of eastern bishops could ensure victory for the Nicenes. Relations between eastern and western bishops, even of the orthodox persuasion, left much to be desired at that time, and Theodosius’s struggle with Arianism was just beginning, and most of the eastern sees were in the hands of the Arians. Ultimately, Ambrose managed to convince Gratian to limit himself to convening a council of only Western bishops, whose composition was undoubtedly selected by the Bishop of Milan. According to A. Paredi's calculations, 35 bishops were present at the council: 2 from Africa, 6 from Gaul, 3 from Illyricum, 13 from Italy and others from various western provinces. It is interesting that the Roman Bishop of Damasus did not participate in the work of this council and did not even send his representatives to it, although he sent 3 of his letters to the council, which were read by Ambrose. Of the Arians, only those who made a request to Gratian arrived at the council: bishops Palladius from Raciaria and Secundian from Singidunum, as well as presbyter Attalus. The council took place in Aquileia. There are disagreements among researchers regarding its dating, but the most compelling reasons exist in favor of the late spring and early summer of 381, that is, just at the time when the Council of Constantinople took place, which later received the status of the Second Ecumenical. Neither the participants in the Council of Aquileia nor the participants in the Council of Constantinople were respectively aware of such significant events in the two parts of the Roman world, although both councils were directed against Arianism. This makes it possible to believe that both councils took place simultaneously. An idea of ​​the course of the council and its results is given by the Acts of the Council of Aquileia, which are the protocols of the polemics that took place there, and the conciliar messages, usually designated by the first word with which they begin. The composition or editing of these conciliar epistles is attributed to Ambrose and is included in collections of his letters. Formally, the chairman of the council was Bishop Valerian, but in fact, Ambrose led its entire course. It is significant that not only not all Orthodox bishops considered this council necessary, but also not all of them believed in the justice of accusing Palladius and Secundian of heresy. Ambrose had to use a rather insidious method in order to expose the accused. He deliberately chose the only letter of Arius, which was in agreement with the Omian provisions - the mildest form of Arianism, and began to read it, while Palladius and Secundian had to refute or confirm some of its provisions. Thanks to such scrupulous research, conversation about the Holy Scriptures and the polemics that unfolded at the council, Palladius, Secundian and Attalus were found guilty of the Arian heresy, condemned and deprived of church communion and the priesthood. The conciliar message of Benedictus contained a special request to the emperors that decrees be issued to expel these heretics. This request clearly illustrates how important it was for Ambrose and his supporters to support the decisions of the council by the imperial authorities, despite the fact that to Palladius’ request to present secular witnesses on both sides, Ambrose responded with a phrase that later became popular in the church: – In matters of faith, priests judge the laity, not the laity the priests! In the conciliar messages, the participants of the Council of Aquileia notified the emperors of the danger from other leaders of Western Arianism - Ursinus and Julian Valens, who refused to participate in the work of the mentioned council. The latter was the teacher of Palladius and the hostility towards him on the part of the orthodox was so great that he did not escape the accusation of even a penchant for idolatry, and not in the Roman pagan version, but with the intention to resemble the Gothic priests, which significantly increased the severity of the accusation. The message says that Ursinus and Valens launched Arian agitation in Mediolan itself, that they are organizing secret meetings and recruiting new adherents. The participants of the Council of Aquileia list the numerous “atrocities” of these heretics, asking the emperors to provide them with security and remove the troublemakers. The outcome of the council in Aquileia meant a temporary victory of the Western Orthodox, led by Ambrose, over the Arians, who, however, contrary to the hasty statement of the Bishop of Milan about the complete victory over Arianism, did not lay down their arms. Palladius expressed his protest against the decisions of the Council of Aquileia in a special essay, where he gave his interpretation of its course, polemicized with certain provisions of Ambrose’s treatise “On Faith” and demanded a grandiose ecumenical council in Rome. In addition, as Peacock reports, two Arians from Gratian’s retinue challenged Ambrose to a debate about faith, which was supposed to take place in one of the basilicas of Milan, but this event, conceived to compromise the bishop of Milan, fell through due to the death of opponents in an overturned cart on the way to the basilica. But still, there was a lull in the fight against Arianism in the West for several years. At the beginning of the 380s, the position of the Arians was greatly shaken in the east. In mid-January 380, Emperor Theodosius, who had successfully fought the Goths, was overtaken by a serious illness while he was in Thessalonica, a city that was destined to play a huge role in his Christian life both then and ten years later. As often happened in those days, Theodosius entrusted his fate to God and decided to be baptized before his strength finally left him. Fortunately for the future destinies of Christianity and Niceneism, Bishop Ascholius was close to the emperor, whom Ambrose called “the stronghold of faith and holiness.” From this Asholius Theodosius received the sacrament of baptism and became the first emperor of the Nicene religion in the east. It is worth mentioning one more episode, reported by church historians, which prompted Theodosius to become a Nicene. When the eldest son of the emperor Arcadius was proclaimed Augustus and co-ruler in 383, a ceremonial reception was held in the palace, during which the subjects had to express obedience and devotion to the monarchs sitting on the throne. During the ceremony, the bishop of the small city of Iconium, Amphilochius, gave due honors to Theodosius, and treated Arcadius with the same familiarity as was customary in treating commoners. Theodosius considered himself offended by such an inappropriate attitude towards his royal son and ordered the immediate expulsion of the impudent bishop. When the guards had already grabbed him, he managed to shout out, carrying out his previously conceived plan: “This, Emperor, is the treatment intended by the King of Heaven for those wicked people who worship the Father, but do not want to recognize the same greatness in his Divine Son.” Theodosius immediately understood the anti-Arian meaning of Amphilochius’s daring act, embraced him in a Christian manner, and since then has not forgotten this lesson. Shortly after his baptism in 380, Theodosius issues his famous edict Cunctos populos. In it, the emperor commands all peoples under his authority to profess the Nicene faith, adopted at the First Ecumenical Council: “We command the followers of this teaching,” the edict says, “to be called Orthodox Christians, but we condemn the rest to bear the ignominy of heretical teaching, and we do not attribute to their meetings the name of churches. In addition to the sentence of divine justice, they will have to suffer severe punishments, which our power, guided by heavenly wisdom, will choose to subject them to” (Code of Theodosius XVI, 1,2). This edict was a stern warning to all who did not adhere to the Nicene dogma. Theodosius, recognizing, as is clear from his subsequent policy, the Nicene faith as an unconditional truth, set as his goal, with the help of state measures, to achieve religious unity in the Roman Empire. The emperor was well aware that religious differences of opinion were one of the main obstacles to achieving inner peace, and in addition to religious feelings, Theodosius was undoubtedly guided by political considerations. After all, Gratian and the majority of Christians in the western part of the empire adhered to the Nicene faith, and in the east Theodosius could rely on supporters of Niceneism in his fight against the barbarian Arians. Having made a triumphal entry into Constantinople at the end of 380, Theodosius began to think about holding a council, which, according to his plan, was supposed to put an end to disagreements in the churches of the eastern part of the empire. In the spring of 381, at the behest of the emperor, 150 bishops gathered in Constantinople and a council was held, which was destined to go down in history as the Second Ecumenical, although the Westerners were not present at it and, as already mentioned, did not even know about it. At first, the council decided on the replacement of church departments, in particular, instead of Gregory of Nazianzus, who voluntarily resigned, Nektarios, who came from a noble senatorial family and was then praetor, a man of advanced years and the most honest life, was elected to the department of Constantinople. Then, after settling the organizational issues, the fathers began a discussion about faith, which ended with the confirmation of the Nicene symbol, expanded by the interpretation of the divinity of the Holy Spirit. It was this symbol that became the basis of Orthodoxy. By a special resolution of the council, heresy, especially Arian heresy, was anathematized. The Council set out several private canon rules relating to the governance of the church. Among these canons there was a rule that gave one of the first official definitions of heresy: “We call heretics those who have long been alienated from the church, and those who pretend to profess the true faith, but have separated and form their own assemblies against our properly appointed bishops”... (Canon 6). Emperor Theodosius was not present at the council, but closely followed its progress and after its completion, he decreed that all bishops deviating from the symbol of Constantinople should be deprived of their episcopacy, and not only should they not be transferred to other places, but that they should be removed from churches, from city walls, and from communities of people. In 382 or 383, Theodosius convened a “council of all heresies” in Constantinople, ordering bishops to gather for it regardless of faith or belonging to any sect. At this council, the emperor forced all the heresiarchs to submit to him a written statement of their teachings and thoughts about the faith. Having accepted such a presentation from each, Theodosius approved the orthodox one, and tore up the rest. As church historians write, the heretics left this council in despondency. Thus, from the very beginning of his reign, Theodosius elevated the protection of the Nicene doctrine and the fight against deviations from it to the rank of state policy. During his reign, he issued a total of 17 laws against heresies, and steadily controlled the course of church councils and appointments to the most important departments. The fight against dissent, even within the same religion, has henceforth become the most important function of the state, and heresies are now beginning to be viewed as state crimes. In 3 82, Theodosius solved another vitally important problem for the Roman Empire - the Gothic problem. Partly thanks to military victories, partly thanks to generous gifts from the Gothic nobility and no less generous promises, Theodosius managed to bring the rebellious Visigoths to obedience and conclude a peace treaty with them. Under this treaty, the Goths were recognized as federates of the Roman Empire and received the right to settle under the control of their tribal leaders, first in Moesia and Thrace, and then in Illyricum on the terms of service in the Roman army. Now the Roman Empire had to be defended from the barbarians by the barbarians themselves. However, this agreement with the Goths had far-reaching consequences. Allowing an entire barbarian union to live according to its own laws and with its own administration marked the beginning of the creation on the territory of the Empire of prototypes of future barbarian kingdoms that determined the appearance of Europe in the early Middle Ages. Sabellius in the 3rd century. taught that God is one essence, one person, and the Trinity is only three names. His disciples called God in heaven the Father, on earth the Son, and in living beings the Holy Spirit. There is an ongoing debate in the literature regarding which of the ancient philosophical systems the Arians followed: Aristotle, Plato or Plotinus. It is noteworthy that 6 years later, in a dispute with the pagans, Ambrose will say the exact opposite. Apollinaris of Laodicea (d. 390) expressed his teaching in 352. At its center was the question of the relationship of the Son of God to humanity. In the inseparable unity of the divine and human nature of Jesus Christ, he saw confirmation of his whole nature - salvation and deification. However, while recognizing the perfect divine nature of Christ, Apollinaris argued that human nature in Christ could not be complete and perfect. This teaching later became the basis of the Monophysite heresy. Quote Based on the book: Bakhmetova A.N. Stories on the history of the Christian church. – M, 1895. – P.18–19. Ambrose's work "On Paradise", according to some researchers, was written before 380 and is based on sermons.