Two editions of the works of St. Isaac the Syrian

In recent decades, one can observe the appearance of a large number of works related to the literary and theological heritage of St. Isaac the Syrian - a saint who, during his lifetime, stood out among other representatives of the Church of the East and in subsequent times turned out to be one of the most influential ascetic authors not only in the tradition of Syrian Christianity, but also far beyond its borders, reaching the limits of the Christian ecumen. The spiritual experience of the saint turned out to be so inimitable and unique that even in an imperfect translation, which at times very vaguely corresponded to the Syriac original, it still influenced the reader. To see the dynamics of scientific study of the heritage of St. Isaac, let us briefly list the main publications. Thanks to the scientific and missionary efforts of P. Bejan, an edition of the Syriac text of the First Collection appeared in 1909, which formed the basis for the 1923 English translation by the Dutch orientalist A. Wensink. The following decades were not marked by any significant achievements in the study of Isaac's legacy. Only half a century later there was a revival of interest in the monk, expressed in the appearance of partial translations of the First Collection into Italian and English. The second collection was published (though only half) in 1995 by S. Brock and served as the basis for translation into six languages. It is symptomatic that the next monograph after the study of J.-B. Chabot's 1892 book on the corpus and teachings of Isaac did not appear until 2002, followed by a book by P. Hagman in 2008 and a number of dissertations. The number of works directly devoted to Isaac or those where his texts are given special attention is indicative: so, if in the period from the end of the 19th century (when, in fact, the critical study of Isaac’s legacy began) and until the 80s. In the 20th century, only about two and a half dozen publications appeared; in the 80s alone there were 18, in the 90s – 32, and in the 2000s – 55! We owe much of the revival (for this is the only way to characterize the qualitative change that occurred in the 80-90s in assessing the significance of Isaac’s legacy) of interest in the works of the Syrian Abba to the English scientist Sebastian Brock, thanks to whom not only the Second Collection was found, but also a comprehensive analysis of both the texts and the teachings of St. Isaac 1. So, over the past three decades, intensive work has been carried out to develop the legacy of Isaac. Of course, no study of the theology of a particular author is possible without the presence of critically published texts, for only a critical edition makes it possible to eliminate the distortions that have penetrated into the text in the process of its handwritten transmission over the centuries. Unfortunately, in this regard, the situation with the corps of St. Until recently, Isaac's story could not be considered at all satisfactory. There was no critical edition of the First Collection, the Second Collection was only half published, and no work had been done to identify the numerous texts attributed to Isaac in the Syriac manuscripts. Regarding ancient translations, the situation is even more deplorable: there is no critical edition of any of the versions (Greek, Georgian, Arabic, Ethiopian). It would not be an exaggeration to say that with the appearance of the two publications that are the subject of this review, a decisive step forward was made, which takes the study of Isaac’s legacy to a different qualitative level. Namely, the Belgian researcher Marcellus Pirard prepared a critical edition of the Greek translation of the First Collection, and the famous Italian syrologist Sabino Chiala published the Third Collection, accompanying it with an Italian translation. Both editions are executed at a high philological level and give reason to hope that in the not too distant future the entire existing corpus of Isaac, whether in the Syriac original or in ancient translations, will become available in reliable editions. The publication of the Greek translation, represented in more than a hundred manuscripts, is a striking example of the fact that even such an extensive manuscript tradition can be critically studied in order to then form the basis of an edition of the text. Although such work may take years or even decades, in this case the end certainly justifies the means, especially since in the case of a large number of handwritten witnesses to the Isaac corpus in Syriac and Arabic, the likelihood of discovering new texts by the author is very significant. An example of this is the Third edition of which was prepared by S. Kyala. The unique list of the Third Collection became known in the 80s during the study of eastern collections of Syriac manuscripts. Although this text was available to specialists working on the legacy of Isaac, the credit for its full introduction into scientific circulation belongs to S. Kyala. So, once again I would like to note that the publications in question serve as a clear example of the fact that both the already known texts of Isaac and those still lying in hiding can and should be published. Only in this way can one master the legacy of one of the most significant saints of the Christian world, which still conceals many unknowns. The appearance of such publications gives hope that they will inspire domestic specialists to prepare a high-quality Russian translation of the First and Third Collections, so that the voice of such a significant saint for the Slavic world becomes even more audible. We remind the reader that only some treatises from the First Collection are available in Russian translation from the Syriac 2, while the published part of the Second Collection was translated by Metropolitan. Hilarion (Alfeev) 3. Isacco di Ninive. Terza Collezione/Ed. Sabino Chiala. (CSCO; 637–638, Syr. 246–647). Leuven: Peeters, 2011. xliv † 139; xlii † 173. The publication of the Syriac text of the Third Collection may serve as an illustrative example of how fruitful work can be with unstudied collections of Syriac manuscripts. Sabino Kyala, a monk of the Bose Monastery, is known for his numerous publications on Syriac monastic writing and, in particular, St. Isaac. Thus, S. Kyal's monograph From Hermitic Asceticism to Infinite Mercy (2002) is the first of its kind synthetic presentation of Isaac's legacy, including his biography, central elements of teaching, information about the corpus, its translations and subsequent reception. One of the last publications of the Italian researcher is the publication of two surviving treatises, accompanied in the manuscript tradition by a postscript indicating their belonging to the Fifth Collection (Kjala, however, doubts the authenticity of the texts he published). Returning to the edition of the Third Collection, it can be noted that it is carried out in accordance with the standard practice of the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium series, namely: in the first volume there is an edition of the (Syriac) text, while the translation (in our case, Italian) is published in the second. The publication of the Syriac text is preceded by an analysis of the manuscript tradition, as well as a statement of the principles underlying the publication (c. VII-XLII). Speaking of the manuscript witnesses of the Third Collection, it should be noted that, in addition to the only complete list of text, Kyala was able to successfully identify individual treatises, and even fragments, in four more manuscripts; In addition, the text of the tenth treatise, which is controversial regarding the authenticity (see below), was found in an additional seven lists. In addition, the first three treatises were also found in Arabic translation. The only complete list of the Third Collection was until recently kept in the library of the Syrochaldean Church in Tehran (unfortunately, its whereabouts are currently unknown). The collection of manuscripts of this library became known to European scientists only in the 70s of the last century. Through the efforts of two outstanding researchers of the Christian East, Bernard Houtier and Michel van Esbroeck, a large number of Syriac manuscripts were captured on film in 1985. In addition, the late Chaldean Archbishop of Tehran Yohannan Issai (1914–1999) quite favorably received scholars interested in working with a particular manuscript. So, a copy of the Tehran manuscript became available to a number of scientists back in the 80s. For example, it was used by Sebastian Brock in preparing for the publication of the Second Collection (one treatise from the Second Collection is present in the Third), as well as by an Italian specialist on St. Isaac Paolo Bettiolo, who back in 1990 published a translation of the fifth treatise from the Third Collection. Thus we owe to Sabino Chiala the critical edition of the Syriac text, the complete Italian translation, as well as the study of the authenticity of the collection. Manuscript number 5 of the Chaldean Church Library in Tehran was transcribed approximately 1900–1903. in the village of Corrana (in modern Iranian Azerbaijan) and, according to the indication given in the title, contains the “Third Collection of Mar Isaac”. The manuscript in question includes seventeen treatises, three of which are already known from the First (treatises 22 and 40 in the Bejan edition) and Second (treatise 25) collections of Isaac. As mentioned above, in addition to the Tehran list, there are several other (East and West Syrian) manuscripts in which individual treatises of the Third Collection have been discovered. These manuscripts are much older than the Tehran copy and date back to the 9th-15th centuries. Noteworthy is the fact that one of the treatises of the newly discovered collection (number 7) was discovered in a Syrochalcedonian manuscript of the 9th century. (known as Codex syriacus primus). The presence of the text in this manuscript is important evidence of familiarity with the Third Collection in the Orthodox community. Data from the manuscript tradition of the Third Collection clearly indicate that the text, despite the obvious lag in popularity compared, for example, with the First Collection, was nevertheless known not only in the East Syriac tradition, but also beyond its borders. In addition to the Western Syrian and Syrochalcedonian witnesses to the text, it can be pointed out that the Arabic translation of the two treatises was actively copied in the Coptic monasteries of Egypt (as part of the so-called four-volume Arabic collection of St. Isaac) and continues to be relevant and in demand to this day. The publication of fourteen treatises (the text of three previously known treatises is omitted) is based on the Tehran manuscript, the text of which was verified with all discovered (more ancient) witnesses to the text. Despite the fact that the text of only six treatises (and even then, as a rule, only in fragments) can be compared with the ancient lists, even such limited material is very important both for collating the text and for assessing the quality of the Tehran list. In fact, it turns out that the text of the Tehran list is quite problematic and requires a very careful attitude. It is difficult to find a page in the publication that does not contain either emendations or the replacement of a certain place in accordance with the reading of a particular manuscript. In addition to the rather poor quality of the text of the Tehran list, the publisher’s work was complicated by the fact that in a number of places the text on the black and white photocopy was simply unreadable. Despite these difficulties, it must be admitted that S. Kyala coped with his task excellently. Of course, it should be expected that future researchers may not agree with the emendations proposed by the Italian researcher, but it is unlikely that today anyone could publish this text significantly better. The publication is accompanied by two devices. One contains alternative readings and suggested emendations, the other identifies the text of Scripture and patristic sources. Here we can point out some of them: the Epistles of Ammon (CPG. 2380), the Epistles of Basil the Great (CPG. 2900), the “Homily on Prayer” (CPG. 2452), the Gnosticus (CPG. 2431) and Practicus (CPG. 2430) of Evagrius of Pontus, the “Epistle on the Sacrament of True Communion in the New Life” by John Hermit 4, “The Life of Paul of Thebes” by Jerome of Stridon (CPG. 3636, BHO. 913–914 60), “To those who think to be justified by works” and “On the spiritual law” by Mark the Ascetic, “Pearls” (CPG. 6068) by Nilus of Ancyra, “History of the monks in Egypt” (CPG. 5620), exegetical works (CPG. 3840, 3843, 3846, 3847) of Theodore of Mopsuestia. To facilitate the use of the Syriac text, the volume is accompanied (pp. 115–137) by an index of biblical quotations and allusions, an index of identified sources, two lists of Greek and Latin loanwords, and a list of all nouns, adjectives, and proper names. The Italian translation in the second volume is preceded (pp. V-XLI) by a discussion of issues related to the corpus of St. Isaac (consisting, according to a number of ancient sources, of five “volumes”) and the authenticity of the Third Collection. At the end of the preface is a very useful glossary of terms used by Isaac. S. Kyal's position regarding the authenticity of the Third Collection is clear: it belongs entirely to Isaac. The scientist comes to this conclusion based on the following circumstances: - evidence from early sources that Isaac owned five Assemblies; – the presence in West Syrian and Syrochalcedonian manuscripts of texts from the Third Collection with an explicit attribution to Isaac; – the presence in the Third Collection of treatises from the First and Second Collections; – the existence of an Arabic translation of three treatises with attribution to Isaac; – identity of style in all three collections; – numerous lexical and terminological parallels (in particular, when describing spiritual realities and prayer); – similarity in all three collections of quotations from the Bible and patristic texts; – development of those themes that are fundamental in the theology of Isaac: the boundless mercy and love of God, sin and salvation, hermit life, prayer as the experience of the presence of God in the depths of the human heart. It is the last argument, according to S. Kyal, that is decisive for recognizing the authenticity of the entire collection, although its appearance as a separate volume should most likely be considered the result of subsequent editorial activity. At the same time, the Italian researcher admits that the composition of the Third Collection could have undergone certain modifications within the framework of its manuscript tradition. The only treatise, the discussion of the authenticity of which S. Kyala pays special attention to, is the tenth, which is found in a number of manuscripts with attribution to Ephraim Nisivinsky, but differs significantly from other texts by Ephraim, primarily in its poetic form. Not being the work of Ephraim (as previously shown by researchers), it cannot belong to Isaac of Nineveh and, most likely, dates back to the corpus of a little-known author of the 5th century. Isaac of Antioch. However, according to S. Kyala, this text could have been borrowed by Isaac, who made a slight adaptation of it, which subsequently led to the inclusion of this text in the original works of the latter. The authenticity of the newly discovered collection certainly needs further verification. As a recent study by M. G. Kalinin and E. V. Barsky shows, a comparative study of the use and interpretation of key concepts as they are used in each of the three collections can be very promising in this direction 5 . S. Kyal's opinion about the authenticity of the Third Collection is supported by numerous notes demonstrating lexico-thematic parallels within the same collection, as well as with the First and Second Collections. In addition, the annotations contain comments of a philological and theological nature, indications of parallels and possible borrowings from patristic sources and, of course, identified quotations. The translation volume, like the edition of the Syriac text, concludes with useful indexes (pp. 157–171) of quotations and allusions to Scripture, the sources cited by Isaac, and the most significant concepts. Concluding the review of the publication, it should be noted that the text is also available in a French translation by the Catholic monk A. Louf 6 . Two treatises have recently been translated into Russian 7 . And finally, an English translation by Mary Hansbury should appear soon. So, thanks to the efforts of S. Kyal, today we have a reliable edition of the newly discovered collection of fourteen texts of St. Isaac. Of course, questions of the authenticity of a particular treatise can be discussed in the future, especially since the publisher himself considers some texts to be quite problematic. Nevertheless, any future research will certainly rely on the publication prepared by the Italian researcher, as well as the diverse philological tools that everyone will certainly use with gratitude. Ἀββ ᾶ Ἰ σαὰκ τοῦ Σύρου. Λόγοι ἀσκητικοί Κριτικὴ ἔκδοσι: Πιράρ (Μάρκελλος). Ἅ γιον Ὄ ρος, Ἱ ερὰ Μονὴ Ἰ βήρων, 2012. 888 σ. Greek translation of the First Meeting of St. Isaac was performed by the monks of the Lavra of St. Savva the Sanctified, Patricius and Abraham, called in the manuscript tradition “philosophers and hesychasts.” The translation work of the two monks was most likely carried out sometime at the beginning of the 9th century. This date is determined by two circumstances. Firstly, the corpus of texts translated into Greek contained, in addition to the works of Isaac himself, also the works of two more Syrian authors, Philoxenus of Mabbug and John of Daljat. Since the latter was active in the eighth century, the translation could not have been carried out before the end of the eighth century. Secondly, the oldest manuscript containing treatises in Greek translation dates back to the 9th century (Paris. suppl. gr. 693). It should be noted that this period in the history of the Lavra is marked by intense translation activity. The quality of the translation suggests that the translators, in the words of M. Pirard, “thought in Semitic but wrote in Greek,” 8 which largely explains the obscurity of the Greek text, which was noted by St. Filaret (Drozdov), and S.I. Sobolevsky characterized it as follows: “[...] How unclear this text is, the meaning of which sometimes has to be guessed rather than translated” 9. In addition, the quality of the Greek translation depends on the fact that Abraham and Patricius copied the Syriac text, without paying due attention to the subtleties of word usage and the requirements of Greek grammar, which, coupled with the suggestive style of Isaac’s writing, could not but lead to the creation of a difficult-to-understand text. Despite all that has been said, we must pay tribute to the skill of the two translators, who managed to create a fairly accurate version of Isaac's text in their own way. As is known, the composition and order of the treatises of the First Collection varies in different traditions. In the East Syrian edition in Bejan's edition, the collection consists of 82 treatises. In the West Syrian edition, some treatises are missing, and their sequence has also been changed (it should, however, be noted that there is significant variability in the manuscripts). In addition to those treatises that are missing in the West Syriac edition, the Greek translation does not contain several more, so that in total there are fourteen treatises missing (19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 26, 29, 31, 49, 54, 56, 71, 75, 76 according to the Bejan edition). The general sequence of treatises in the Greek translation, although close to the East Syriac edition, still contains quite significant differences in the location of certain treatises, partially corresponding to the sequence of treatises in the West Syriac edition. The Greek translation differs from the Syriac original not only in the composition and sequence of treatises, but also in the fact that the text of some treatises is presented in the form of works independent from each other: 3 (Theotokis 82, 83, 44, 45 / Sobolevsky 3–6), 18 (Theotokis 75–79 / Sobolevsky 10–14), 20 (Theotokis 31, 32 / Sobolevsky 15–16), 28 (Theotokis 42, 55 / Sobolevsky 71), 33 (Theotokis 85, 47 / Sobolevsky 21–22), 34 (Theotokis 51–54 / Sobolevsky 60), 36 (Theotokis 26–27 / Sobolevsky 75–77), 45 (Theotokis 39, 40 / Sobolevsky 86–87), 47 (Theotokis 58, 60 / Sobolevsky 89–90), 48 (Theotokis 62–65 / Sobolevsky 25–28), 50 (Theotokis 33, 3 / Sobolevsky 30–31). A similar phenomenon can already be observed in the lists of the West Syrian edition, but it is not possible to find a complete correspondence. In addition, the Greek text contains many partial lacunae, 10 which is explained by the possible corruption of the Syriac original, as well as the reluctance of the translators to reproduce certain fragments, in particular because of the judgments contained in them. A characteristic feature of the Greek translation is that it contains five unauthentic texts (Epistle to Patricius by Philoxenus of Mabbug, homilies 1, 4 and 20, as well as Epistle 18 of John of Daliat), which most likely were present in the same Syriac manuscript that was available to the translators, without indication of the original authorship. Thus, these features definitely indicate that the translation of the collection of Isaac, created by Patricius and Abraham, differed significantly from the original text both in its composition and in the sequence and form of the treatises presented in it. In subsequent centuries, the Greek text underwent additional editorial changes, as a result of which the text moved even further away from the Syriac original. To top off all the troubles, the 1770 edition of Nikephoros Theotokis does not rely in the sequence of treatises on any of the known manuscripts and is of an arbitrary nature. This publication was carried out primarily on the basis of the manuscript Constantinopolitanus, Magnae Scholae 37 (XIV century), which, as M. Pirard’s analysis shows, is not a high-quality copy. In addition, the publication is far from the principles underlying the critical edition of texts. Thus, the publisher allowed himself to introduce arbitrary emendations where the text seemed incorrect or incomprehensible to him. With the advent of the Bejan edition (as well as modern translations), it became apparent that the Greek translation differed significantly from the Syriac original, and as a result, efforts began to make the Greek text closer to the Syriac. This can be observed, for example, already in the Russian translation of S.I. Sobolevsky (through a reference to the German translation of selected treatises) and in the English translation by Dana Miller (through the use of both the East Syrian edition of Bejan’s edition and the West Syrian edition of several manuscripts) 11 . In both cases, the original Syriac text primarily helped to clarify the "obscure" parts of the Greek translation. Thus, turning to the Syriac original became inevitable for the publisher of the critical text of the Greek translation, M. Pirard, who is a researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies (Centre d’études orientales) of the Catholic University of Louvain (l’Université catholique de Louvain). The publication of the Greek text is preceded by a lengthy introduction (pp. 17–208), consisting of two parts. The first part (pp. 35–99) is devoted to the biography of Isaac based on known sources, the use of patristic sources (the main authorities are Evagrius of Pontus and Theodore of Mopsuestia) and the characteristic way of quoting them (not verbatim reproduction, but embedding in one’s own text 12), the original Syriac text, its two main editions, as well as ancient translations, features of the Greek translation, ascetic and mystical terminology used by the venerable. The second part (pp. 101–195) of the preface is a detailed analysis of the manuscript tradition of the Greek translation. Since the Belgian scholar's most significant contribution lies in the study of the Greek manuscript tradition, as well as the relationship between the Greek translation and the Syriac original, it is worth summarizing the results of many years of painstaking research. The text of the Greek translation has reached two editions. The extensive edition (recensio major) contains the entire corpus and is represented by the largest number of lists (more than 90). It is curious that with the exception of the Paris list mentioned earlier, the surviving lists date from the 13th century and later. For four centuries (10th-13th centuries), the dominant form of distribution of the corpus text was a short edition (recensio brevior), attested by more than 30 copies. A characteristic feature of the short edition is its composition, limited to 37 treatises. Despite the abundance of handwritten witnesses to the text (M. Pirard studied about 120 manuscripts), there is no reason to assume that, in addition to the translation of the 9th century, there were any other attempts to translate or at least improve the existing translation based on the Syriac original. The Greek translation was made using the Melkite copy of the Syriac text. Following the generally accepted classification, M. Pirard attributes the text of the Melkite lists of the First Collection to the West Syrian recension (Syroc), which differs significantly from the authentic text of the East Syrian recension (Syror). It should be noted that today the question of the actual relationship of the Melkite lists to the West Syrian (Syro-Jacobite) and East Syrian lists is unresolved and, therefore, clarifying the justification of classifying them as the West Syrian edition should be recognized as the most important task of studying the Syrian corpus of St. Isaac, since the work of collating the Syrian lists has not yet been carried out 13. Considering the history of Greek translation, it is quite natural that it is the Melkite copies that demonstrate a special closeness to the Greek text (the publisher used the manuscripts Sin. syr. 24, Paris. syr. 378, Sin. syr. 56, Vatic. syr. 125). Nevertheless, the Western Syrian lists involved in the work (Vatic. syr. 124, Vatic. syr. 562) show their relationship with the text represented by the lists of Melkite origin. A comparison of the surviving lists of the Greek translation with each other made it possible to carry out an elimination, as a result of which nine of the most reliable lists (of which two were originally parts of one code) were left, which formed the basis of the critical edition. All of them belong to a lengthy edition and date back to the 9th-14th centuries. Studying the history of the text gives us the right to assert that the text presented in these lists corresponds to the maximum possible extent to the text that was created by Patricius and Abraham. However, the publisher’s merit is not limited to this. Full work on the Greek translation is impossible without referring to the Syriac original. A detailed comparative study of the Syriac text and the Greek translation has made it possible to clarify numerous unclear, contradictory and complex passages. Thus, the Greek translation, created at the turn of the 8th-9th centuries and remarkable for its literal adherence to the Syriac original, in this edition was - albeit in a somewhat artificial form mediated by the critical apparatus - improved and brought closer to the Syriac original. Let us now touch upon the organization of the publication apparatus, thanks to which the reader can easily track the sources used by the saint. Isaac, navigate the discrepancies and control the text with the help of the Syriac original. To achieve these goals, the publisher decided to use a triple critical apparatus, which, admittedly, does not look cumbersome and is very convenient to use. The first apparatus contains references to biblical and patristic sources. The second apparatus (usually the most extensive) represents the existing discrepancies in the lists used (it should be borne in mind that not all lists used are complete). And finally, the third apparatus provides the “key” to understanding obscure and complex passages in the Greek text. It primarily contains the following two types of data. Firstly, in the event of a textual discrepancy between the West Syriac and East Syriac editions, the publisher provides both the West Syriac version (which was available to the translators) and the East Syriac reading, supplementing it with the corresponding Greek equivalent. Since most often the discrepancies between the two editions of the text are explained by distortions that have crept into the text, it is precisely the appeal to the East Syrian edition that makes it possible to restore the unclear places of the Greek text. Second, in the case of an inaccurate translation of the Syriac text, the publisher provides the original Syriac phrase as well as its literal Greek translation. Acquaintance with the third apparatus raises the question of how fully it represents the discrepancies found in the Greek text with the Syriac original. To check, the author of the review checked the 63rd treatise in the edition of M. Pirard (49th translated by S.I. Sobolevsky) with the original East Syriac text (77th treatise in the edition of P. Bejan, B) and with one of the Melkite copies (manuscript Vatic. syr. 125, V). We identified the following discrepancies (a comparison of our results with the apparatus of M. Pirard is made below): I. Three gaps have been discovered in the Greek text, which are also found in the Melkite list: a) 63, 31–32 small in body, but also ) V ] ͐͠ ͛͡͠ ͫ͒ͪ %: ͐ ͕͒͐͟͢͢͝ ͚͕͒͘͠ ͬͫͥ͡ ͬ͗͘͢͝͡ ͗͢͠͝ ͐͐͠ ͐ͦ (you must understand and believe this not only in relation to babies, but also ) B b) 63, 142–143 φρουρεῖ αὐτόν (grace reflects from him very miraculously and preserves him) V] केमें पर्ट्ट्ट प॥ ̇ ຯࢢोࢡ ॠ ࢢি૫ ࡯ࢯ দએ ࡡਝ ࢢॐ ̇ ࢢઐ ࠀ ͗͘͢͢͡ %: (grace reflects from him very miraculously, as well as from what may happen by chance, while he does not even realize how many times the soul and body could suffer. And it protects him from them) B c) 63, 264–267 διαλυομένου, κατὰ τῶν κυμάτων τῶν φοβερῶν τῆς θαλάσσης διαβαίνουσι καὶ ἐν ὁδοῖς τραχέσι πορευθῆναι κατατολμῶσι , καὶ ὅ λως οὐ λέγουσιν (those who desire what is in this transitory age swim over terrible waves, dare to travel along difficult paths - and they do not speak at all) V ] ͕͐͢͝͠͝ %: ͕ͨ͒ͬ͗͘͡ ͕ͥ͐͠͡͡ ͗ࢢ͐ ͥͬͪ͐͘͘͠ ͕͚ͬ͒͡͠ ͫ͛͐͘͘͢͢͠͠ ͕ͫͬͪͪ͐͡ ͓͓ͬͪͪ͢͡͡͝ ͥॠ %: ͓͐͠͠ %: ͥͣͩͩ͐ ͕͐͝͡͡ ̇ ͦͣͥ͢͝ ͐ͪ͘͘͘͠ %: ͚͚ͬ͐ %: ͕͚ͬ͐͝͠ ̇ ͕ͫ͢͝͝ ... ࡯ࠠ %: ॥ࡏࠐ ࠨࢨ ࡡࣣຒઝࢡ ॥ ૫પ %: ਒ଯ %: ࢢ𝝚ຬ ࡡ॥ࢢ %: ... ͓ͪͬ͘͢ ͣͥͪ͠͡ ͓ͪ͘͠͡ ͐͠ ͪͥ͢͡͡͝ (those who desire what is in this age, perishable wealth and transient power. They swim over heavy waves, dare to travel along terrible paths, endure a long journey filled with labors and hardships, and for the sake of fulfilling their desires endure other painful things - and they do not hesitate at all) B As can be easily seen, there are no theologically charged passages in these omissions. Most likely, these gaps reflect the form of the text in which it was available in the Melkite environment. In all three cases, the East Syrian edition certainly preserved the more authentic readings. II. The other three lacunae, on the contrary, are not attested by the Melkite list: a) 63, 6–7 Ἐν ἁ πλότητι πορεύθητι (Do you want to acquire this, that is, the sacrament of life? Walk in simplicity) ਨຒ ࢯ ࠯ࢢ ढ़ࢡ ࠯ࡡ३ࢢ ૝ଏௗࢡ ࡡ॥ࢢ̇ দ૫👑👑👇👑👑👑👑👑👑👑👑👑👇 (Do you want to acquire this, that is, the source of life? From the beginning, join simplicity. Walk in simplicity) B, V b) 63, 44–45 ἱκέτευσον (Pray for this without laziness, ask for this with fervor)] ࠿দ ࠏ ࡡࢢ ਨ࠿ %: ॒ࡡ॥ ̇ ॥ढ़ ࡝ࡡ ் (Pray for this without laziness and cry out for this with tears, ask for this with fervor) B, V c) 63, 237–238 ὅ τι οὐ καταφρονεῖ τις τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐρανῶν (what if anyone neglects the kingdom of heaven ) ] ͕͒ͣ͢͝ ̣͢͡ ͥͬ͐͡͠ ͕ͬ͐͘͟͠͡͠ ̇ ( what if someone neglects to enter the kingdom of heaven ) B , V Since in all three cases the lacunae are attested by both the Melkite list and the East Syriac edition, their origin may be due to a difference in the list used by the translators, or, more likely, to the decision (or inattention) of the translators themselves III. In seven cases, discrepancies were identified that are supported by the text of the Melkite list: a) 63, 4 φύλακος ] ͢ປપ ( custodian ) V ] ࢢຘປપ ( (save) B b) 63, 6 ὁμιλίαι ] ͥ͢͢͝ې ( communication ) V ] ͥ͐͢͢͡͡͝ ( source ) B (c) 63, 80 मेंप पे मे मे मे मे मे मे मे में में में में में में में में में क्टें d) 63, 138–140 ἡνίκα οὐκ ἐφρόντισε (For how else would the necessities be prepared for him without labor, when he did not care about them? ) ] कठ ॥ ࠠ ਨদ (For how else would he be prepared for what he needed without labor, when he didn’t even care about it?) V ... गर्टा कर्मा मे में में में में में में में में में में में म्टे (How is this? It’s as if someone said that what he needed was ready for him without labor, when he didn’t care about it) B e) 63, 144–147 αὐτῷ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς αὐτοῦ , ὅ τι πῶς προσήγγισεν αὐτῷ ἡ ἀπώλεια αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀβλαβὴς διέμεινεν (so that no harm comes close to them from anything, and lets him see with his own eyes how close his death was to him and how he remained unharmed) कॠ ढमोपम मे मा में में मे मा में में में में म्टे ... (so that no harm comes close to them from anything, and lets him see with his own eyes how close his destruction was to him) V कॠ ࢯ௪ ࠏરࢢ ࢢढ़ࢡै ॥ࢫ ॥॒ક ࠠ પઓ પનપપપપપપક ᡡᚚᘘᝑᐡạ်််််််််််််််် นลททททททททททททททททททททท byททททททททท byทททททททท by ӕ ͚ ͝ ͘ ͗ ͝ ͕ ͩ ͪ ͒ %: ͗ ͘ ͐ ͘ ͦ ͨ ͗͝ ͐ ͗͠ ͐ (so that harm does not come close to them from anything and at the same time allows him to feel with his bodily eyes what happened, the cause of his (possible) death, showing him the help of God, effectively (accomplished) in this with mercy and the near end of his life, and how God delivered him 14) B f) 63, 182–183 (for the wonderful love of God for man is known) to person) V ͬ ͡ ͝ ͗ ͐ ͝ ͬ ͓ͪ͝ ͕ͬͥ͡͡͝ ͕ͥͪ͗͘͢͢ ͕͐͗͐͠ ͕ͬ͘͠ ͒ͪͫ͐͢ (God's help to man is miraculously known) B g) 63, 195 ὁ ἅ γιος Ἰ ωάννης (St. John) ] ͕ͩͫ͐͝ ͚͘͢͢͢͝ ( St. John ) V ] ͓͐ͪͣ͘͝ ͕ͩͩͫ͐͝ ( St. Evagrius ) B These discrepancies in the Greek text reproduce the text attested by the Melkite list. Their origin is to be found in the history of the Syriac manuscript transmission, and it is very likely that corruptions crept into the text after the text was borrowed from the East Syriac tradition (in example f there is also an inaccurate translation into Greek). Example g differs from the others in its arbitrary nature: the name Evagrius was deliberately smoothed out, being a nomen odiosum in the Chalcedonian environment. IV. In four cases the discrepancies are not supported by Syriac tradition: a) 63, 58–60 ῇ ὁράσει τ ῇ ὑπερβαλλούσ ῃ τῶν αἰσθήσεων βλέπειν (not to listen to the vision of terrible things and not to look at the vision that surpasses the senses)] ธภ ࢢચ ૐ %: ͕͕ͨ͒ͬ͑͐͘ %: ͕͚ͬ͐͝͠ ͐ ͐͠ ͒ ͚ͪ͘ ͡ ͕͡͡ ͕ ͥ͡͠͝ ̣͢͡ ͪ ͪ %: ͓ͫ͐ (do not listen to the vision of terrible things, but to the vision of what surpasses the senses) B, V b) 63, 81–82 κατὰ τὸν λέγοντα (according to the word of the one who spoke) ] ͬ͗͘͡͠ ͕ͪ͢͡ ͐͠ ͕͓ͬ͐͡͡͠͠ (and the word of our Lord is not mistaken) B, V c) 63, 261–262 μακαριότητος (the repose of the spiritual (beings) of that bliss) ] ͘ठढ %: ͕॥ પ %: ບࢴ ̇ ࠗ ।्र्ट्ट् ) V ] ͚͐͘͢͠͝ ͪ %: ͚͐͘͢͢ ̇ ͗͘͠͝ ͛͒ͬͬ͐͘͘͢ %: (spiritual pleasures and that bliss) BD d) 63, 279–281 , ἐξ ὧ ν ἡ χαύνωσις ἐν παντί (from which negligence, laziness and fear are born, and from them - relaxation in everything) ] ࠬ࢘ି ̇ ͕͗͢͡ ͪͦͬ͐͘͝ ͕͒͟͟ (generating negligence and fear, and from them - relaxation in everything) B , V In this case, we are dealing with variants associated either with a distorted list of the Syriac text available to translators (which is unlikely), or with distortions that have crept into the Greek text itself, or with the peculiarities of the translation technique of Patricius and Abraham. V. Finally, several passages of the Greek text have been discovered that do not accurately convey the Syriac original: a) 63, 75–76 spiritual knowledge) ] ͐ ͦ ͠ ͐ ͕ ͢ ͪ ͓ ͫ ͒ ͪ ͘ ͚ ͢ ͘ ͑ ͐ ͡ ͫ ͟ ͚ (impossible to feel the spiritual ) V ] ͐ ͦ ͐͠ ͕ ͓ͪͫ͢ ͒ ͪ %: ͚ͬ͐͘͢͝ ͚ͫ͟͡͡ (impossible feel spiritual ) B b) 63, 111 δεήθητι (pray) ] ͐ ͬ ͓ ͘ ͣ ( take refuge ) B , V c) 63, 149–150 incomprehensible ) ] ͕͚ͫ͒͐͘͘ %: ͥͣͩ͝ ͕ͬͪͬ͐͘͟͢͠͡ %: (and thoughts difficult to comprehend ) B , V d) 63, 196 he says, “virtue is met by difficulties) ] ͕ͥ͐͡ ͗͝ ͠͡ ͕͗͐ ͚ͨͬ͐͘͠͝ %: ͕ͣ͟͢͡ ̇ ͥ͗͠͝ %: ͥͣͩͬ͐ (Usually," he says, "difficulties oppose this force) B , V e) 63, 301 οἱ ἀθληταὶ καὶ οἱ μάρτυρες (ascetics and martyrs) ] ͚͚ͨ͐͢͢͝ %: ͕͕ͣͣ͗͐ %: (glorious martyrs) B, V If the goal is to bring the Greek text as close as possible to the Syriac, it would be highly desirable that all these differences be taken into account in the critical apparatus of the edition. However, a comparison of our list of discrepancies with that present in Pirard’s edition shows that his sample is rather limited. Thus, none of the gaps of the two identified types (I and II) are indicated at all. Of the seven discrepancies depending on the Melkite type of text (III), only four are taken into account (b, d, f, g). Of the four discrepancies not confirmed by the Melkite text (IV), two are indicated (b, d). At the same time, all those places that can be better understood through reference to the Syriac original (V) are carefully documented. Thus, based on the analysis of one treatise, we can conclude that the Syriac publication apparatus is not exhaustive and, which is especially regrettable, does not take into account gaps. Obviously, the publisher decided to limit the apparatus mainly to those discrepancies that allow a better understanding of the Greek text itself. Thus, the discerning reader, seeking to get closer to the thought of Isaac through the Greek text, will still be forced to use the Syriac original. We will also give a few randomly selected examples of how turning to the Syriac text helps improve the Greek translation (in most cases we are dealing with an incorrect rendering of the Syriac original). (a) (1, 14–15 Pirard) The beginning of the path of life is to always learn with your mind the words of God and spend your life in poverty. ͪͫ ͚͚͐ͪ͐͘ %: ͕͚͐͝ ͥ͘͢͢͠͡͝ ͗͐͘͢͢ %: ͒͡͠͝ ͐͗͐͠ ͕ͪͫ͐͘͘ ͕ͣ͒ͪͬ͐͘͢͡͡͡͝ The beginning of the path of life is to learn with the mind the words of God and [this is also] an exercise in patience (Bedjan 1909, p. 4, lines 6–7). The discrepancy between “poverty and patience” is explained by the distortion of sir. msaybrānūtā ("patience") into meskēnūtā ("poverty"). b) ἀκολούθησον τῇ ἐλεημοσύν ῃ, ἥ τις ὅ ταν εὑρεθ ῇ ἔνδον σου εἰκονίζεται ἐν σοὶ ἐκεῖνο τὸ κάλλος τὸ ἅ γιον ἐν ᾧ ὡ μοιώθης (1, 174–175 Pirard) Follow mercy. When it is found in you, then that holy beauty to which you have become like will be depicted in you. ภ࡯ચࢯଏ ษদ ͒࡯ પ ࠯ ࡯࣒ ࢢ૫ି ࠯ ࡡࢢ ࡡଏଏਝ Follow mercy. After all, if something similar to him is found in you, then holy beauty will be depicted (Bedjan 1909, p. 8, lines 14–15). c) Καλῶς εἴρηκέ τις , ὅ τι ὁ φόβος τοῦ θανάτου λυπεῖ ἄνδρα (1, 210–211 Pirard) Someone beautifully said that the fear of death saddens a man who is condemned by his conscience. ธ૫দ ࡯પ ࢢ૫ ॥झ३ ࠯ ࡡଏ ࠠપપપપપક Someone beautifully said that the fear of death saddens the carnal man (Bedjan 1909, p. 10, lines 4–5). d) Π ᾶ σα εἰκ ώ ν , ἐκ προϋποκειμένης εἰκόνος ἀνιμ ᾶ ται · ἀδύνατον δέ τινα παραστῆσαι εἰκόνα , μὴ προθεαθέντος τοῦ ὁμοιώματος (3, 34–35 Pirard) For every image is removed from the image that is presented. It is impossible to imagine any image without a similarity seen before. ͟͠ ͨ͐͠͡ ͕͢͝ ͕ͬ͐͘͡ ͕ͬͦ͐͢͟͟͡ ͬͨͪ͐͡͡͝ ͒͗ ͨ͘͠͡͡͡࡬຺ຣ ͕͠͡͡ ͕͐͠ ... Every image bears the semblance of a prototype. And a visible image cannot depict the likeness of what is invisible (Bedjan 1909, p. 22, lines 1–3). e) Ῥ ίζα τῆς πολιτείας , ἡ ψαλμωδία · ὅ μως τοῦτο γνῶθι , ὅ τι τῆς στιχολογίας μετὰ τοῦ μετεωρισμοῦ , τὰ ἔργα τοῦ σώματος πλέον ὠ φελοῦσι (54, 16–18 Pirard). Psalmody is the root of life. However, know also that physical deeds are much more useful than poetry, performed with the soaring of the mind. ॥३ય ઐ ࡯ઐ પ ॥ %: বࡐ ॥ গ ࠿॥ࡡࠐ ࡡ Psalmody is the root of monastic life. However, know also that words with a soaring mind are much more useful than bodily actions (Bedjan 1909, p. 447, lines 7–9). In this case, it can be observed that the Greek text contains a statement opposite to that of the original, while the text of the two editions of the Syriac text is identical! So, working with a very complex text represented by more than a hundred copies, M. Pirard masterfully balances between the Scylla of submission to the authority of the Greek text and the Charybdis of artificially approximating the Greek text to the Syriac original. Despite the obvious desire to “correct” the Greek translation, Pirard clearly separates two layers: the Greek text, which (with all its shortcomings) was created by Patricius and Abraham, and the text that was available to the translators. We find the first in the main text of the publication, and the second is taught in the critical apparatus. What the edition does not contain are the many (mostly stylistic) improvements that are attested in the later Greek copies. The publisher's understanding of the significance of the Greek translation in the form in which it was available to many generations of his readers is manifested in another circumstance. The publication is not limited only to the authentic texts of St. Isaac, but fully corresponds to the corpus that was created by the translators. Following the sixty-eight words (pp. 211–797) is an appendix (pp. 798–861) containing five inauthentic texts added by translators to the collection of Isaac the Syrian. In conclusion, the text of a laudatory word in honor of St. Isaac (pp. 863–879), originally published by Theotokis. Minor shortcomings noted by the reviewer include typos when typing Syrian text on the device. In addition, the publication does not contain indexes (sources, Holy Scripture), which would certainly make it easier to work with the text (only proper names found in the text are given on pp. 884–887). For ease of use of the new edition, the pagination of Theotokis' edition is given in the margins. In addition, on p. 881–883 contains a concordance of the treatises of the First Collection in the following versions: West Syriac edition, East Syriac edition, Theotokis edition and English translation by D. Miller 15. It should be especially noted that from now on the Greek text must be quoted in accordance with the method introduced by M. Pirard, namely according to the formula. So, we should pay tribute to the efforts of M. Pirard and gratefully acknowledge that he managed to cope with two difficult tasks with equal success. Firstly, the scientist was able to get as close as possible to the text that was created by the monks Patricius and Abraham, and secondly, to clarify the Greek text where its understanding was difficult either by the peculiarities and inaccuracies of the translation, or by distortions of the Syriac text in the manuscript used by the translators. The latest period of study of the Isaac corpus is covered in more detail in the article: Kessel G. M. A brief overview of the study of Isaac’s written heritage in 1995–2014. // Mar Ishak of Nineveh. First collection (treatises I-VI) / Ed. A. V. Muravyov (forthcoming). Averintsev S.S. From the shores of the Bosphorus to the shores of the Euphrates. Moscow, 1987. pp. 288–294 [fragments from treatises 46, 76 and 77]; Hilarion (Alfeev), hieromon. On spiritual perfection // Church and Time. 1988. No. 4 (7). pp. 179–191 [treatises 19, 20, 21, 55]; Mar Ishak of Nineveh. First collection (treatises I-VI)... Isaac the Syrian, St. About Divine mysteries and spiritual life / Transl. Metropolitan Hilarion (Alfeev). M., 1998. The book went through 6 reprints (7th edition, revised: St. Petersburg, 2013). On the text, see: Kessel G., Pinggéra K. A Bibliography of Syriac Ascetic and Mystical Literature (Eastern Christian Studies; 11). Leuven, 2011. P. 144 [no. 6]. Barsky E.V., Kalinin M.G. Do not be like children: Adam in the Third Volume of Isaac the Syrian // Miscellanea Orientalia Christiana. Eastern Christian Diversity / Ed. N. N. Seleznev, Yu. N. Arzhanov. M., 2014. pp. 26–44; Barsky E.V., Kalinin M.G. Adam in the 3rd volume of St. Isaac the Syrian // Venerable Isaac the Syrian and his spiritual heritage. M., 2014. pp. 162–172. [Louf A.] Isaac le Syrien. O_Euvres spirituelles – III, d’après un manuscrit récemment découvert. Abbaye Sainte-Marie du Mont, 2009. (Spiritualité orientale; 88). Kessel G. Isaac of Nineveh. Two treatises from the newly discovered collection // Miscellanea Orientalia Christiana. pp. 45–57. Pirard M. Critical edition of the Greek translation of the “Ascetic Words” of St. Isaac the Syrian // St. Isaac the Syrian and his spiritual heritage... pp. 80–88, here: p. 84. Creations like the saints of our father Abba Isaac the Syrian. Ascetic words. Third edition, revised. Sergiev Posad, 1911. C. XII. They are given in the English translation of the Greek version by D. Miller (The Ascetical Homilies of Saint Isaac the Syrian. Boston, 1984). Miller gives a number of examples of how difficult passages in the Greek text are resolved by referring to the Syriac original (The Ascetical Homilies of Saint Isaac the Syrian... P. LXXXVI-LXXXIX). This explains the widespread phenomenon in the Isaac corpus where, in the case of lost texts, it is difficult to determine the end of a quotation. For preliminary observations on the relationship between the two branches of the West Syrian edition, see: Kessel G. Sinai syr. 24 as an Important Witness to the Reception History of Some Syriac Ascetic Texts // Sur les pas des Araméens chrétiens. Mélanges off erts à Alain Desreumaux / Ed. F. Briquel Chatonnet, M. Debie. P., 2010. (Cahiers d’études syriaques; 1). P. 207–218; Kessel G. M. Manuscript tradition of the first collection of the Syrian corps of St. Isaac the Syrian. Preliminary observations // Mar Ishak of Nineveh. First collection (treatises I-VI)... The text of this passage is not very clear. Useful tables of correspondence between the Russian translation of S.I. Sobolevsky and the editions of Bejan, Theotokis and Pirard are now available in the book: St. Isaac the Syrian and his spiritual heritage... P. 413–420. See also the previously performed comparison of the Russian translation with the edition of Theotokis: BV. 2012. Issue. 4. pp. 412–421. The author expresses deep gratitude to A.G. Dunaev, who not only encouraged us to write this double review, but also helped us significantly improve the text during the work with advice and comments. However, only the author is responsible for any errors and omissions.