Letter from Mara of Samosata to his son Serapion

Not much has reached us, from the first century of Christianity, of extraneous news or reviews relating to the Christian Church, its beginning, its Founder and the first disseminators of the gospel. And even in what has come to light, the truth, under the influence of prejudices, is often presented in a disfigured form. Nevertheless, curiosity is greatly aroused by every new echo from such a distant time. If in this echo, which does not come from the place of the events themselves, not from their closest witnesses, the truth is sometimes heard only halfway, what is unsaid is easy to complete, what is distorted is easy to explain; but, this echo, these incomprehensible or unspoken speeches serve as undoubted evidence of the reality of the events that are spoken about and represent their influence on contemporaries in different, curious reflections. Recently, the English scholar and traveler Curton, among various written monuments he found in the east, published a letter from Mary, the sons of Serapion, to his son Serapion 1. In this letter, among the various instructions of Mara, among his hints about the circumstances of his life, among his complaints about his misfortunes, there is an indication of the latest events of the gospel history, although without the name of Jesus Christ. We do not attribute this monument to the number of Christian testimonies, as the publisher does, and not to the time in which he dates it. And we think that we have reason to deviate from his opinion, taking into account the content of the letter itself and the response of the more discriminating criticism of German scientists 2. Mara begins her letter to her son with approval of his studies in the sciences and an expression of joy about his successes, about which he received information from his teacher Serapionov. Apparently, the son of Mara was sent by his father from his fatherland to one of the Greek cities for education. But, soon stopping talking about this, Mara says that he wrote this letter to his son, in fact, in memory of what he himself experienced in this world. “I experienced human life,” he writes, “I went through the school of education and all these instructions of Greek wisdom collapsed from the time of birth into life.” The last words are dark, the publisher notes, and thinks to see in them a hint of the thought of a revival to a new, spiritual life in Christianity. But this explanation is not confirmed by anything subsequent. Strictly Christian ideas are not visible in the message. There are discussions about the vicissitudes of life, about the fragility of earthly goods; but they are not found in Christian writers either. And if Mara meant to point out other consolations besides human wisdom, then it cannot be satisfactorily explained why he subsequently does not speak about them, but only suggests practicing wisdom. The French orientalist Renan, as the publisher himself notes, gives a completely different meaning to these unclear words: “everything I know, I learned from Greece.” But even if we adhere to the English translation, and admit that the thought of rebirth is occupied by a writer from Christianity, we cannot, however, say that it was dominant in his soul, as should be expected from someone enlightened by the faith of Christ and his own experience, who has learned its power over himself. Maybe Mara was just beginning to see the light. Acquaintance with the truths of Christianity was to complete the formation of his Christian character and thought; but now he was just on the way to it. Just like Clement of Rome (in Clementines), like St. Justin the Philosopher, like Clement of Alexandria, through acquaintance with philosophical teachings, were led to the knowledge of the truth in Christ; so Mara, familiar with Greek education, but not satisfied with it, the circumstances of life, enlightened by the fragility of everything earthly, when he heard about the new Christian teaching, which began to spread even in the city of Edessa, neighboring Samasata, could be captivated by it, but not yet surrendering to it with full faith, explaining it according to his own understanding, he limited himself to assimilating only some of his ideas and used them in a letter to his son, not fully realizing the full depth of their meaning. Then inspiring him to follow the lessons of wisdom, Mara advises her son to strengthen himself in what he has already begun to assimilate, not to be carried away by addiction to either riches or vain glory. At the same time, he also touches on those sorrows that parental love experiences in caring for their children and then says: “I heard about my comrades that when they were sent from Samosata, it saddened them and they said: now we must part with our homes forever, we cannot return to our city, see our fellow citizens and pray to our gods. It would not be indecent to call this day a day of mourning, because grave sorrow visited them all. With tears they remembered their fathers and with a sigh about their mothers; They grieved for their brothers and mourned their brides, whom they were forced to leave. And when we received this news about our former comrades that they were going to Seleucia, then we secretly went out onto the road to them and united our sorrows with their sorrows. Our grief was great then, our tears were intensified by the thought of our losses. There was not one among them who would be able to moderate the sorrow that weighed on them. The love of life struggled with the pangs of death and our calamities shook us. For we saw our brothers and children captured, we remembered our comrades who had either already died or been taken to a country alien to them. And each of us grieved for himself; one sorrow was joined by another; one sorrow followed another.” In this intense description of his disasters, Mara gives us some features by which we can somewhat determine his personality, his time and his position. From his words it is clear that - 1) he came from Samosata, there were his comrades, brothers and relatives there, - but, - 2) at the time when he wrote to his son, he was no longer in the city. 3) His former comrades were carried away from there by some kind of violent coup; prisoners had to go to a foreign country. 4) But Mara himself, apparently, did not voluntarily leave his city; along with their fate, he mourned his own bitter fate; only he had to leave his city before them. 5) When his compatriots were passing to Seleucia, Mara, being at that time near this city or in it itself, of course, out of fear on the part of those watching him, secretly went out to meet the passing captives and mixed his tears with theirs. 6) Mara’s compatriots were pagans, because, leaving their city, they complained that they could no longer worship their gods in it. The city of Samosata was the main city of the small kingdom of Commagene, on the banks of the river. Euphrates. Its kings were from the Seleucid family, who dominated Syria, but during the predominance of the Romans in the east, little by little, however, later than other independent rulers of Syria, they lost their dominion. Lucullus, Pompey, Mark Antony in their time used their treasures, allowing them to be called kings. Emperor Augustus, for the infidelity of King Antiochus of Commagene (in 29 BC), summoned him to Rome and here he took his life; but the descendants of Antiochus, for about another century, retained the paternal throne. The last of them was Antiochus IV, whose fate is described in some detail by his contemporary, who probably knew him personally, the Jewish historian Josephus 3. During the last war of the Romans with the Jews, Antiochus, as an ally of the Roman people, had to lead his troops against Jerusalem, bearing the glorious name of the Macedonians. But when the Jewish war ended, the governor of Syria, Caesennius Petus, under the pretext of Antiochus’ relations with the Parthian king and plans against the rule of the Romans, with the permission of the emperor, suddenly occupied Commagene with his army. Antiochus with his wife and children fled from his capital and, stopping 130 stadia from it, wanted to wait until the injustice of the suspicions against him was explained; but his sons considered it a shame to yield to violence without protection. Then, leaving them to argue with the Romans, Antiochus, with his wife and daughters, fled to Cilicia. Here, in Tarsus, Peta's messenger overtook him and sent him in chains to Rome. But Emperor Vespasian brought him back from the road and, having removed his bonds, assigned him to live in Lacedaemon 4 . This was in 72 A.D. Since then, Commagene has lost its kings. Vespasian forever included it in the Roman Empire. It is not so easy to determine which city is referred to as Seleucia in Mara's letter, because in the ancient world many cities had that name. And, firstly, near Samosata itself there was a fortress named Seleucia 5 . But, of course, she’s not here, of course. According to Mary, this city should already be located at a considerable distance from the homeland of the captives. Two more Seleucia are known; one near the Syrian capital, Antioch, a famous seaside city, through which Antioch was in communication with all the countries lying on the Mediterranean Sea 6. The other is in Cilicia, near Tarsus, where Antiochus of Commagene paused and was detained by the Romans. In relation to Tarsus, this Seleucia was in such a position that those traveling from Syria to Seleucia had to pass by Tarsus. Probably this Seleucia and, of course, in the letter from Mara. So, we must assume that Mara was one of the companions of the last king of Commagene on his disastrous journey. This guess, in addition to being consistent with the above circumstances, is confirmed by what follows, as we will see. But let’s continue the presentation and consideration of the letter. “As for you, my beloved,” writes Mara, “do not be sad that you are forced to move from place to place, for people were born to that end to experience all the accidents of time. Keep in mind that for the wise, every place is equally good and for the virtuous, there are many fathers and mothers in every city. Take yourself as an example. How many people, strangers to you, love you like their own children and how many women accept you and treat you like their beloved children. Truly you are happy in your journey." But, from this calming picture, Mara again moves on to the turmoil in this world and, from considering various situations in life, draws one conclusion: “we are wandering on the wrong path.” In confirmation of this, he cites words he heard from the lips of one sage. “One of the wise once told us: which of his acquisitions can a person rely on? Or which of the things can be said to be durable? About abundance and wealth? But it is stolen. About strongholds? But they are destroyed. About cities? But they are empty. About greatness? But it falls. About glitter? But it fades. About beauty? But she is fading. About laws? But they pass. About poverty? But she is despised. About children? But they die. About friends? But they cheat on us. About honors? But they are accompanied by envy.” “So,” concludes Mara, “let a man rejoice in his power, like Darius, or his happiness, like Polycrates, or his strength, like Achilles, or his wife, like Agamemnon, or his offspring, like Priam, or his art, like Archimedes, or his wisdom, like Socrates, or his learning, like Pythagoras, or his enlightenment, like Paramedes 7; Human life, my son, is not eternal in this world, but virtue and dignity remain forever.” This enumeration of various celebrities glorified by poetry, philosophy and Greek history shows in Mare an equal acquaintance with Greek education. Having shown the transience of external goods and the importance of internal, essential virtues in a person, the enlightened Mara convinces his son to be moderate in his desires, strive more to acquire knowledge than wealth, remember that wisdom and truth cannot be suppressed or taken away, even by the dominion of the strong. “Wise people,” says Mara, “are carried away by the hands of tyrants; their wisdom is captured by cunning and they helplessly suffer the oppression of their convictions. But what benefit did the Athenians gain by killing Socrates, in retribution for which they suffered famine and pestilence? Or what did the people of Samos gain by burning Pythagoras, when the country of Samos was completely covered with sand? Or the Jews by killing their wise King, for at the same time, their kingdom was taken. Justly did God take vengeance on the wisdom of these three. The Athenians died of hunger, the Samians were mercilessly swallowed up by the sea, and the Jews, plundered and expelled from their kingdom, were scattered throughout all countries. Socrates did not die, but continued to live in Plato. Pythagoras did not die either, because of the statue of Juno 8. The wise King did not die for the sake of the laws that He proclaimed.” This is where the indication of the face of Jesus Christ is contained, which is not entirely accurate and complete, but deserves to be paid attention to. A comparison of three examples, the mention of the King of the Jews, along with Socrates and Pythagoras, confirms the above observation that Mara was not yet sufficiently imbued with Christian ideas. Just as he sees the immortality of Pythagoras in the undying reverence for him, so he recognizes the King of the Jews as immortal according to his laws. Mara knows about the violent death suffered by the King of the Jews from the Jews, but for him, even though he was killed, He is alive in his laws. Of course, a believer in Jesus Christ as the Son of God, who died and rose again, would not express himself this way. Mara recognizes Him only in the title of king-legislator. It was a general, political view of the face of Jesus Christ in the unbelieving world of Jews and pagans. The Jews betray Jesus Christ to Pilate, who calls himself the King of the Jews (John 19:21). Throughout the cities, His preachers are accused of doing things contrary to the commandments of Caesar and saying that there would be another King, Jesus (Acts 17:7). The Jews imagined their desired Messiah as nothing other than the king of the earth. The idea of ​​the appearance of a conquering king in the east was widespread in the world of that time, around the time of the last devastation of Jerusalem by the Romans 9 . Under this name of the king, Mara also knows Him. No matter how insufficient Mara’s concept of Jesus Christ may seem, one cannot help but see in a pagan respect for His name. He places the King of the Jews, known to him, on a par with such persons, above whom he knows nothing in history. In the disaster that befell the Jewish people - ruin and dispersion throughout all countries - he sees a worthy punishment of God for the unrighteously killed King of the Jews 10. But, in the passage under consideration, one cannot ignore what is said about Pythagoras, since the publisher mainly bases his guess about the time when Mara lived on this. We do not dwell on the unfair historical testimony that Pythagoras was burned by the Samians; legends about Pythagoras indicate that only the house of the leader of the Pythagorean alliance was burned, and not on the island of Samos, but in Croton, a city in lower Italy. Mara says that as punishment for the death of Pythagoras, Samos was covered with sand. Really oh. Samos was subject to such a disaster. Tertullian writes 11: “in some places even now the world is changing its appearance due to the upheavals of the earth; Delos is no longer between the islands, in the place of Samos - sands and the Sibyl does not lie.” Elsewhere, this is the disaster that befell Delos and several other islands, Tertullian dates back to the time before Tiberius, that is, before the appearance of Jesus Christ 12. The reference to the Sibyl is made in the sense that in the Sibylline books that have come down to us there is a verse that prophetically threatens Samos to be buried under the sands and Delos to disappear.” Καί Σάμος ἄμμος ἔσῃ καί Δῆλος ἄδηλος 13. The editor rightly says that Mara's remark about Samos stands in direct relation to these words of the Sibyl; and on this basis he considers himself right to attribute Mara’s letter to the time when the Sibylline verses were often quoted by Christian writers, that is, to the time of St. Justin the Martyr, Melito of Sardis and Tertullian. – But, this basis is not quite solid for such a conclusion. For it is known that the verses of the Sibylline were also cited in works written before Christ, and the III book of the Sibylline, where the cited verse is located, contains a lot of Jewish stuff dating back to the times of the Ptolemies 14 . So, there will be no chronological inaccuracy if we assign this verse, which bases its predictions on consonances, to a time before St. Justin the martyr, as well as a disaster of this kind itself, according to Tertullian, actually happened before the reign of Tiberius. Not to mention the fact that such a saying as: Σάμος ἄμμος ἔσῃ and so on, could have existed in the form of a walking folk saying even earlier than it was included in the book. Mara's moral message, further, speaks of the misfortunes that people in society suffer from their passions and inspires Serapion to arm himself with patience, generosity and love of wisdom. The instructions are presented in general terms and therefore do not represent anything special. But then, Mara again turns her thoughts to her personal circumstances. “In the old days, when our city stood in all its greatness, you could know that many vile words were spoken against many people. But at the same time, we knew that we were shown a decent amount of love and kindness by many. Time prevented us from carrying out what was decided in our minds. But even here, in prison, we thank God for enjoying the love of many; for we have endeavored to abide in wisdom and peace. But if some forcibly persecute us, then they testify to themselves that they are alien to all good and will accept vengeance and be put to shame. For we have shown our loyalty and that we have no intentions against the empire. But if the Romans, following justice, allow us to return to their country again (let them act like merciful people), then they will earn the name of the just and the country in which they live will enjoy silence. Let them show their greatness by making us free. We are ready to obey the authority that time has appointed for us; but let them not treat us as tyrants treat slaves. And whatever place is assigned for our stay, we have nothing left to desire more than the peaceful death that is destined for us.” Maybe someone might wonder if this is hinting at some kind of persecution against Christians, which does not allow them to freely express their convictions and follow them? In this sense, the English publisher here points to the persecution under Marcus Aurelius and thereby, even more closely, determines the time of the letter. - But a closer examination of this passage reveals that Mara is speaking here only of her political convictions and wants to justify herself against the charges due to which the country of Commagene, as noted above, was subjected to a sudden attack by the Romans. Mara clearly says that he is now in exile and not only in exile, but also in prison. His position corresponds to what Josephus conveys about the king of Commagene, who, even when attacked, did not think of defending himself from Roman weapons. Emperor Vespasian, indeed, ordered to deal leniently with him and removed his bonds. In conclusion, Mara writes: “Now I am thinking about compiling a book for myself from my memories and prudently finishing the path that I am destined to go, carelessly passing the evils and troubles of this world. For I wish to be resolved and pray for it; death means little to me." Having traced Mara's entire letter, we do not find sufficient grounds to attribute it to the pen of a Christian, but we see in the writer some familiarity with the history and ideas of Christianity. It was written shortly after the Jewish War. Mara himself could have been in Judea, along with the troops of his sovereign, and there received some information about the gospel teaching; or he could have heard about it in his own country, from the preachers of the gospel scattered everywhere, who, even earlier, acquired the Churches of the first Christian sovereign in the king of Edessa, Abgar Ukhamo. Cureton, Spicilegium Syriacum, p. 43–48. Londini, 1855. Ewald, in Gott. Gelehrt. Anzeig. 1856, s. 661. Josephi Flavii de Bello ludaico. Lib. II, cap XVIII, § 9; Lib. V. cap. XI. § 3. Lib. VII., cap. VII. § 1–3. Ritter Erdkunde. X. V., s. 878. Ritter. XVII, 2. B. s. 1233. It must be Palalidas, known as much for his courage as for his ingenuity. He is credited with the invention of measures, weights, etc. It goes without saying that a statue was erected to Pythagoras in Rome, as the wisest of the Greeks. Sueton. Vespas., p. 4–5. Tacitus. Histor, 5–13. Joseph Flav. de Bello lud. L. VI, cap. 5, § 4. It may seem strange why Mara says that the Jews, at the same time as they killed their wise King, were subjected to certain disasters; then, as 40 years passed after the death of the Savior until the destruction of Jerusalem. But Mara puts into perspective the speed of retribution, as it seems, in comparison with the disasters that befell Samos, already several centuries later, after the famous insult inflicted on the sage. Hilgenfeld ludische Apocalyptik., s. 64–67, 70. Comparison. Fabr. Bibl. Graec. Ed. Harles, vol. I, p. 826. You might be interested in: