Life of Saint Basil the Great, Archbishop of Caesarea

Information about the life and deeds of St. Basil the Great is borrowed a) from St. Basil’s own writings, and especially from his letters, b) from the laudatory words of St. Basil of Saints Gregory the Theologian and Gregory of Nyssa, and c) from other modern and nearby monuments. Ancestors of St. Basil the Great's father and mother belonged to respectable families in two adjacent regions of the Roman Empire: Pontus and Cappadacia. Many of them were known for their civil and military merits and were famous for their eloquence. But above all was the glory of the martyr’s crown, with which some of them adorned themselves during the last cruel persecution of the Church of Christ 1 . Vasily's maternal grandfather was deprived of his property and life for the name of Christ 2. His paternal grandfather and grandmother Macrina had to hide from persecutors in the forests and mountains for seven years and also lost all their property, which, by order of the emperor, was transferred to the treasury 3 . The mother of St. Basil the Great, Emmelia, who came from Cappadacia, was left an orphan in her youth and wanted to devote her whole life to God as a virgin; but, due to the homelessness of her situation, she chose married life, without forgetting the blessed destiny of a virgin - worrying without amusement about the Lord, how to please the Lord (1 Cor. 7:34). Devotion to the Lord and attentiveness to His holy inspirations, readiness to make all kinds of donations for the benefit of the Holy Church and needy brethren, raising children in the spirit of Christian piety, clearly testified that her soul was constantly burning for the Lord. The father of Basil the Great, Vasily, originally from Pontus, was famous for his eloquence in courts and in schools of the Pontic region; and at home he helped his pious wife in the Christian upbringing of their children 4 . God blessed their marriage. They had ten children; one of them probably died in infancy. Among the others were four sons: Basil, Naucratius, Gregory and Peter, and five daughters, of whom Macrina, after the death of her intended groom, devoted herself forever to a celibate life, and, being the eldest among her brothers and sisters, guided them in piety 5 . Basil the Great was born in Caesarea, the main city of Cappadacia 6, around 330 7. He was the son of his father’s prayers, and to the same prayers he owed his life a second time when, in infancy, a serious illness threatened him with death. At night, in a dream, the Lord Jesus Christ said to the grieving father the same thing that he once did to the courtier in Capernaum: go, your son is alive (John 4:50). And the baby recovered 8. Vasily spent the first years of his life with his grandmother, Macrina, in rural solitude, near Neocaesarea, using her pious instructions. Macrina still observed in her heart the lessons of St. Gregory of Neocaesarea, which were continuously preserved in the memory of his Church 9. Subsequently, St. Basil, having himself entered the line of church ministry, under the then troubled circumstances, considered it a special happiness for himself to be such a close heir to the sound teaching of this God-enlightened Shepherd. From Macrina, St. Basil returned to his parental home. Here his mother's lessons completed the education of his heart, and his father began to engage him in sciences 10. But if mental education could not yet be perfect, due to the very age of the youth and the limitations of home education, then for moral education it was almost impossible to wish for anything better than the supervision and guidance of a mother who was flaming with love for God. The brother of St. Basil the Great, St. Gregory of Nyssa, who himself came from the same home school, depicted how his sister Macrina was brought up. Of course, the same rules, to their extent, applied to the education of other children of pious parents. “The mother cared,” he writes, about her daughter’s education, but not about that external education that ordinary children receive from poetic works. She considered it shameful and completely indecent for a gentle and well-bred soul to study female passions in tragedies, or to become acquainted with shamelessness in comedies, and in some way to defile oneself with immodest stories about women. The young daughter studied what her mother found intelligible to her from the inspired Scriptures, especially the Wisdom of Solomon, and even more what serves to form our moral life (probably Proverbs). She was also familiar with the book of Psalms, and in her time had read her share of them. Whether she got up from her bed, took up her studies, rested before and after dinner, went to bed, stood in prayer, everywhere she had the psalter with her, like a good companion. Who never leaves her friend's side" 11. With such an upbringing, the family of Vasily and Emmelia became a true breeding ground for saints and faithful servants of the Church on earth, and blessed heirs of the kingdom of Christ in heaven. The parents of St. Basil then lived in Neocaesarea. But for the further education of the young man, for whom rich spiritual gifts could promise a happy future, they decided to send him to the best schools that were then known. Despite all their piety, they were not prejudiced against education, for which a young man who had not yet received baptism had to go to pagan teachers. Apparently, his mental and moral strength had already become so strong that his parents could be trustworthy regarding him. Basil first went to Caesarea, the place of his homeland and his future ministry. The Church of Caesarea has long been famous for the education of its Archpastors 13 . St. Gregory the Theologian, who laid the foundation for his education here, calls Caesarea the capital of enlightenment 14. Vasily himself subsequently acquired this advantage over other cities. That she was rich and learned people 15. Here he studied eloquence, and with his talents, his successes, his way of life, he gained general respect from his mentors and from the most famous citizens of Caesarea, became known to the then bishop Dianus and enjoyed his favor 16. Then already, says St. Gregory, “he was a rhetorician among rhetoricians even before the sophist’s chair, a philosopher among philosophers even before listening to philosophical propositions, and most importantly, a priest for Christians even before the priesthood” 17. Here Basil met St. Gregory of Nazianzus, who, like him, sought enlightenment in Caesarea: but bonds of friendship united them more closely later. But the curious young man, not satisfied with the lessons of Caesarea, went to the capital of the Empire, Constantinople, to listen there to the best teachers in philosophy and eloquence, and here he probably studied with the famous sophist of that time, Libanius 18. And to complete his education, Vasily decided to go to Athens. He, just like his friend Gregory, wanted to assimilate for himself all the best that could be learned in the schools of that time. Vasily arrived here with great expectations: what did he find here? True, he was greeted here with respect; his comrades at previous schools, especially Gregory, had already predisposed general attention in his favor with their reviews of the extraordinary power of his eloquence. Gregory saved him from the humiliating rituals with which the rowdy young men accepted those new to their partnership. Gregory protected him from attacks of envy when, offended by his excellent opinion of Vasily, the newcomers from Armenia deliberately introduced him into a dispute in which they hoped to defeat him; and through this he acquired a friend forever in Vasily. It is also true that Athens, the fatherland of Plato and Demosthenes, was then famous for its education and the best mentors over all other cities and attracted crowds of inquisitive young men from everywhere; The Sophists of Athens divided the peoples of the Empire among themselves, as masters in the art of speech 19. With all this, we know that Vasily was dissatisfied with Athens from the first time. In fact, he encountered a lot that was upsetting not only for the heart, deeply convinced of the dignity of Christianity, but also for the mind, which was looking for one truth. Athens, both in the time of the Apostle Paul and then even more than other cities in Greece, was tied to its ancient gods. The city is filled with idols; in the schools, most of the teachers, adhering to paganism, tried to support superstition, presenting their work in connection with the cause of education 20. Although for Gregory and Vasily such networks were not dangerous: but with full conviction of the superiority of Christian wisdom over all human wisdom and art, could they not experience in their souls those feelings with which the soul of Paul was filled in the same city? His spirit was irritated in him, seeing the idol full of the city (Acts 17:16). But also. Athenian mentors in these times were animated in their works not by love of science, but by greed and vanity. Gregory says that the sophists not only in Athens, but also in other cities of Greece had their friends, through whom each attracted young men to his school, believing in this all his glory. The very art of speech, due to the lack of important objects for the defenders of dying paganism, for those deprived of civil independence, for ambitious people who sought only the applause of the people, was humiliated to empty grandeur. Could the nobility and love of truth of the young friends of the Cappadocians be reconciled with this? Gregory, knowing Athens more than his friend, helped him in this ministry. He convinced Vasily not to judge people or teaching by first impressions. When later the friends explained to one another their assumptions regarding the subsequent life, and found that they had one desire - for the highest spiritual wisdom, one goal of education - to sacrifice everything to the gospel; Then they could better arrange all their studies, so as not to miss what they need and not to study what is unnecessary, to determine their relationship with other comrades and their way of life in a city dangerous for morals. They studied Grammar, which then had a broader meaning than now 21, Rhetoric, Astronomy, Philosophy, Music and even Medicine. But the main attention was paid to eloquence, and their mentors in this were the most famous sophists of that time: Imerius and Proeresius 22. The latter was a Christian, originally from Armenia 23. Devoting the entire time of their stay in Athens to the sciences, Vasily and Gregory refused close acquaintance with all other comrades, with the exception of a few chosen ones. The most sincere and tender love connected them with each other; their union was based on the unity of pure, holy aspirations. Success on the one hand and jealousy on the other never disturbed their world. However, his friend always conceded primacy to Vasily. United by such close friendship, they lived together for God; no worldly pleasures, festivals, or spectacles entertained them; in the whole city they knew only two streets: one to the school, the other to the church of God, where they listened to Christian instructions, not yet having the right to participate in the sacraments. Thus, God-loving friends knew how to use the most disadvantages of their position to their advantage. In the midst of a city that still worshiped idols, they only became more firmly established in their love for the one true knowledge of God and the reverence for God revealed by Jesus Christ 24 . In Athens, Vasily and Gregory saw the future persecutor of the Faith of Christ and their personal enemy - Julian (in 355). Having stayed here for about four or five years, Vasily, despite the convictions of his peers and mentors, despite the grief of separation from his friend Gregory, left Athens. Hastening to his fatherland, he also wanted to take advantage of the stay of the philosopher Eustathius in Caesarea. Probably a student of Iamblichov, famous for his eloquence. But his desire was not fulfilled 25 Vasily lost his father long ago. His brother Navraty, by his disposition to the ascetic life. He left the world and lived in the desert, on the banks of the Iris. His mother Emmelia lived with his sister Macrina, and both together devoted all their time to God-pleasing works. At first it seemed to my sister that Athenian learning gave birth to an excessive opinion of itself in Vasily 26 . He did not want to take on the title that his father held, although Caesarea and Neokesarea, after the first experiments of his eloquence, continuously invited him to their schools 27. But in fact, the Providence of God intended him to serve another ministry, and Vasily’s renunciation of the proposed position was based on other motives, which were guided by Gregory in similar circumstances. “We did not have,” says his friend, “the disposition to live for spectacle and display.” Soon Vasily received St. baptism from Bishop Diania of Caesarea. How little his soul was occupied with a high opinion of his knowledge, this was revealed from his intention to devote himself to a solitary life. Ascetic. He only wanted to get acquainted with the great examples for which Egypt, Palestine and other countries of the East were then famous. And just as he did not spare any labor for his mental education, he was not afraid to undertake a new distant journey to complete his spiritual education, despite the fact that his exhausted body already carried within itself the seeds of illness 28 . In general, how Vasily talked about himself at that time and in what spirit he undertook this journey, he himself depicted in one of his letters. “I spent many years,” he writes, “in vanity and lost almost all of my youth in vain labors, visiting schools to acquire knowledge in that wisdom, which God recognized as violence. But when, finally, as if rising from a deep sleep, I looked at the wonderful light of the Gospel, and saw the uselessness of the wisdom of the princes of this age who were dying: then I shed many tears over my pitiful life, and wished to find a leader who would introduce me to the knowledge of the dogmas of piety. My first concern was to somehow correct my character, damaged by many years of treatment with the wicked. Therefore, when, having unraveled the Gospel, I found in it that the best path to perfection is to sell one’s property and distribute it to the poor brethren, to renounce all worldly worries and not to be carried away by addiction to anything earthly; Then I wished to find a man from the brethren who would himself choose such a way of life, in order to swim with him into the abyss of this short-term life. I found many such men in Alexandria, many in other places in Egypt; I saw such men in Palestine, Kelesyria and Mesopotamia, I was surprised at their abstinence in food, tirelessness in prayers... In fact, they showed that they carried in their body the death of Jesus: and I wanted to be an imitator of these people as much as I could.” Indeed, at that time there was the most flourishing state of monasticism in Egypt. Although the Great Anthony had already departed to the Lord, the deserts of Egypt were filled with thousands of his disciples and imitators. Among them were then Pachomius in Thebaid, two Macarii, Paphnutius, Pior, Isidore the presbyter of Scete and others. In Kelesyria, although late enlightened by Christianity, there were their own ascetics, all the more famous because, in addition to internal warfare, they waged another continuous struggle with the remnants of former paganism. In Mesopotamia, especially in the cities of Niziwi, hosts of monastics presented a strange sight to the world, which only called wandering ascetics, eating only the past, as grazing 29 . However, Vasily did not stay anywhere 30. As much as the examples of the holy hermits captivated his soul, so much did the discord and disagreement that then outraged the Church due to the strengthening of the Arians, protected by Constantius 31, force him to rush to his native country, which alone then preserved peace between the eastern regions along with strict Orthodoxy. Returning to his fatherland, St. Basil first wanted to settle in solitude with his friend Gregory, whose father’s advanced years did not allow him to stray far from his parents’ home. But probably at the request of his mother and sister, he decided to stay in Pontus, and chose a secluded place on the banks of the Irisa River, on the opposite side of which his mother and sister lived in the monastery they founded - on land that formerly belonged to Vasilyeva's grandmother Macrina 32. Having thus reassured his mother, he intended to compensate for the deprivation of his friend with mutual visits 33 . The chosen place was rich in water and forest and capable of growing all kinds of fruits, and most importantly, it was completely calm. Not a single traveler broke the silence, with the exception of the trapper. Because of these conveniences, it was so pleasant for Vasily that he intended to end the days of his life here 34. Here, abandoning everything, he imitated the exploits of those great men whom he saw in Egypt and Syria; he had nothing except one undergarment and another outer garment; his thirst was quenched by water alone; His sleep was very brief, and then on bare ground. This is how Vasily’s friend describes Vasily’s way of life, who himself at times enjoyed these consolations of the desert with him 35 . But Vasily did not want to live for himself alone, since in general he preferred the hermit life to a cenobitic life. In the community, he reasoned, it is more convenient for a monk to be a fulfiller of the commandment of love, which does not seek one’s own; here everyone, with the admonition of more experienced people, is more likely to notice their shortcomings and take care of correcting them; here there are more opportunities to acquire various virtues; here the gifts of the Holy Spirit, given to everyone, become common property 36. Until now, in Pontus and Cappadacia, although there were monks living in places, they were mostly one, two or three, and even then not many 37 . Vasily wanted to gather the separated ascetics into one well-ordered society, and soon had the consolation of seeing his desire come true. Gregory, at his invitation 38, having visited the newly founded monastery, found in it the unanimity of the brethren, guided to piety by Vasily himself, and together with him he worked on drawing up rules for their life 39 . Having devoted himself to solitude in order to achieve the highest moral perfection, St. Basil at the same time devoted himself with all zeal to improving his theological education. The study of Holy Scripture, with the help of ancient interpreters, and the study of the writings of the fathers took the place of previous worldly teachings. Visits from friend Gregory did not interrupt the studies, but helped them to progress successfully. With him, he extracted from the writings of Origen, a great teacher in his works, but not always pure and firm in his teaching, an explanation of some passages of Holy Scripture - which is known under the name Philocalia or Philokalia 40. In general, using the writings of Origen when explaining Holy Scripture 41, St. Basil avoided his excessive inclination towards allegorical explanation 42, carefully verifying his way of thinking with the sound teaching of other Fathers of the Church 43. Vasily did not know the Hebrew language in which the books of the Old Testament were written; but when he could, he used more accurate translations and explanations closest to the Hebrew text 44. As for the Greek translation of the books of the Old Testament, there are indications that Basil himself was engaged in comparing its lists, as well as the text of the books of the New Testament 45. His philological responses to heretics suggest his philological study of the Holy Scriptures 46 . Basil's writings show that he was familiar with the works of St. Clement of Rome, St. Irene, St. Dionysius of Alexandria, St. Gregory of Neocaesarea and others 47. With all the excitement of minds at that time, preserving the original instructions in the faith, St. Basil, with the expansion of his theological knowledge, only became more and more established in the Orthodox teaching, instilled in him during his upbringing; and subsequently, reviewing the field of his work, he considered himself to have the right to boast about the Lord, that he never held false opinions about God, never changed his previous thoughts about God, did not relearn. “But like a seed,” writes St. Vasily, - although it grows and becomes big from a small one, it remains the same in itself, does not change in kind, but through growth only reaches perfection, so, I think, in me, along with the advancement of age, the same teaching grew, and the present did not take the place of what was accepted at the beginning" 48 . Now let's look at St. Basil's social activities in favor of the Church. In approaching this review, we consider it necessary to briefly present the current state of Orthodoxy, of which he was a champion. The Church suffered then from the Arians; they managed to attract Emperor Constantius to their side and, by deception and violence, occupy many episcopal thrones. In Alexandria, the Arian George was introduced to the place of the exiled champion of Orthodoxy, St. Athanasius; in Antioch - also the Arian Eudoxius. The main defenders and teachers of Arianism were Aetius and his disciple Eunomius, who openly preached that the Son of God is essentially different from the Father (ἑτεροουσιος). Between the Orthodox and the Arians in the middle are the so-called semi-Arians; They did not confess with the Orthodox that the Son of God is consubstantial with the Father, but with the Arians they did not allow Him to be distinguished from the essence of the Father, recognizing Him as co-essential (ὁμοιουσιος) with the Father. Some of them actually held this opinion out of error, others accepted it only in order to, by abandoning the expression persecuted by the Arians, get rid of their persecution. At the head of this society were Basil of Ancyra and George of Laodicea. - Both of them, that is, the Arians and Semi-Arians, confirmed their confession with symbols, the first at the Council of Sirmium (357), the latter at the Council of Ancyra (358). 49 In order to stop disputes and establish unanimity in the Faith, Constantius in the year 359 decided to establish an Ecumenical Council. But the Arian bishops, fearing the union of the Semi-Arians with the Orthodox, convinced Constantius to divide one Council into two. That the Eastern should gather in Seleucia of Isauria, and the Western in Rimini, an Italian city, and that both would present their conclusions to the Emperor through trusted Bishops. In Rimini, the majority of Orthodox Bishops decided to invariably adhere to the Symbol set forth by the Ecumenical Council of Nicaea. In Seleucia, where there were only 50 Orthodox Christians, the Semi-Arians, although they agreed to accept the Nicene Symbol, but with the exception of the word “Consubstantial”; and the Arians at the same time wrote their confession 51. With those elected from the majority of those present at the Council of Seleucia, St. Basil 52, who was then a reader of the Church of Caesarea, arrived in Constantinople (in 360). He probably joined the Bishops at their invitation: in him they hoped to find a strong opponent to the common enemies of the Orthodox and Semi-Arians, the Arians, and they were not deceived. He argued with heretics not only in Constantinople, but also in its environs - in Chalcedon and Heraclea, never betraying the truth. He himself subsequently pointed out to his accusers his real debates. As proof of his teaching 53 . It is known what consequences this Council had 54. All Orthodox Bishops sent from the Seleucia Council were declared deposed under various pretexts; from all other Bishops, Eastern and Western, Constantius, at the suggestion of Arian, demanded the approval of the symbol in which the Son of God was called only similar to the Father according to the Scriptures. This filled the Church with terrible turmoil. Which also affected St. Basil. Bishop Dianius of Caesarea, following the example of others, agreed to sign the Arian symbol. After that, Vasily could not remain in the same relationship with his bishop: he decided to leave Caesarea and retire to his friend Gregory, who mourned such a mistake of his father. And in order to protect his brethren in Pontus from the infection of wickedness. In an extensive letter to the monks, he set out a defense of the true teaching of the Faith about the Son of God 55. But this jealousy was not alien to love for those who err. When Dianius, before his death, wished to be reconciled with Basil, and calling him, the Lord testified before him that he confirmed the scripture brought to him from Constantinople, in the simplicity of his heart, without thinking the least about the rejection of the Faith. Set forth by the Holy Fathers in Nicaea, then Basil willingly resumed communication with his Aripastor 56 . But he himself again withdrew from Caesarea, seeking peace in the peaceful refuge of his monks in Pontus 57. There, taking care of the pacification of the Church of Christ, as much as his then condition allowed, he extracted from Holy Scripture the rules necessary for every Christian, and especially for Shepherds - rules. Whose oblivion was the cause of all the turmoil in the Church 58 . Meanwhile, a new menacing cloud was gathering over the Church. Constantius died (November 3, 361), Julian became the owner of the Empire, who had long been planning to establish the former idolatry in the place of Christianity: Caesarea of ​​Cappadacia, known for its zeal for Christianity, soon experienced the full brunt of his anger. Indignant at both the newly elected Bishop Eusebius, who left secular service for the church, and at the destruction of the last pagan temple in Caesarea, already during the reign of the apostate, he imposed a heavy penalty on the city, deprived it even of the name of Caesarea, put the zealous destroyer of idols Eupsychius to torture, ordered church property to be transferred to the treasury, and forced the clergy to carry out the duties of military service 59 . Having forbidden Christian youth to study in Greek schools, he looked with special hatred at those men who, having received a complete Greek education, were ready to serve the Church with the power of words and science, such as Basil and Gregory. But it was not now that Julian was preparing to sacrifice them to his wickedness, and at the end of his campaign against Persia 60 Basil looked at this storm with trust in the Providence of God: he encouraged those who, like him, contributed to the defense of the Faith of Christ with their writings, and assured that the plans of the apostate would soon be destroyed 61 . Indeed, Julian did not return from the campaign (killed on June 27, 363). And Vasily, together with Gregory, celebrated the victory of Christianity over the unsuccessful attempts of impiety 62. Soon a vast field of service opened up for Vasily. The newly installed Bishop of Caesarea, in order to preserve the Orthodoxy of his flock amid the new attacks of Arianism under Emperor Valens (from March 29, 364), needed an active assistant. Eusebius was elected to the throne of Caesarea from among the catechumens: hitherto he had been concerned only with civil affairs; therefore, in order to fight cunning enemies in a field little known to him, in order, as the place itself demanded, to contribute to the common efforts of the Orthodox to establish peace in the Church, he needed a wise leader. In these circumstances, Eusebius turned his gaze to Basil, who until the village had been a reader of the Church of Caesarea, not long before this he showed himself to be a strong defender of Orthodoxy in refuting the apology of Eunomius. This was, as can be seen from the words of Vasily himself, the first experience of his writings of this kind. He stalks his opponent at every turn. Destroys his intricate reasoning, exposes their contradiction to the sound teaching of the Gospel 63. By placing this lamp on the candlestick of the Church (about 364), Eusebius wanted its light to be useful to everyone in the Church. But Vasily himself, having fallen in love with solitude, reluctantly accepted higher service and sought reinforcement in friendly love. St. Gregory, who had recently himself been appointed presbyter of the Nazianian Church, consoled his grieving friend and urged him to complacently bear the burden imposed, pointing out in particular that the wickedness of the pagan heretics, which had been silenced for a while, again began to rebel against Orthodoxy 64 . Having accepted the priesthood, St. Basil devoted all his time to the work of this ministry, so that he refused to correspond with his former friends 65 . Caring for the monks he had gathered, preaching the word of God and other pastoral concerns did not allow him to be distracted by extraneous activities. Such jealousy should have aroused in the Bishop all respect for the tireless employee. Who, moreover, never thought of appropriating alien rights to himself. But Eusebius, says St. Gregory, was subject to human weakness in Basil’s reasoning, and soon began to show his dislike towards him. Perhaps the very virtues of Vasily, the love of his flock for him, gave birth to some envy in a man who had recently received baptism. This cooling of love between the Bishop and the presbyter became noticeable to outsiders. The monks took the side of their abbot and attracted many from the common people and the upper class to themselves. Division was about to open in the Church of Caesarea. Preventing such troubles, Vasily, on the advice of his friend Gregory, withdrew with him into his silent desert 66. Only the dangers and needs of the Church disposed Vasily to again part with his beloved solitude. And the same friendship that rescued him from the danger of confusion took upon itself to destroy all displeasure between him and Eusebius, who soon felt for himself what he had lost in Basil 67. With his letters 68 and personal influence on the Bishop of Caesarea, Gregory persuaded him to reconcile with Basil, and Basil, by presenting a danger to the Church, convinced him to return to Caesarea, as he promised before the Church of Nazianza, to the consolation of all who knew his friend 69. Emperor Valens was expected in Caesarea (in July 365) 70. Patronizing the Arians, he led with him the Arian bishops in order to introduce evil teaching in those Churches where hitherto they had resisted it. The inexperience of the Bishop and the absence of a strong defender of Orthodoxy gave Valens hope for success in Caesarea. But Vasily’s timely return frustrated these hopes. As soon as he appeared, everything suddenly took on a different look. - “He is reconciled, says St. Gregory, gives advice, puts the army (spiritual) in order, destroys the obstacles encountered, stumbling blocks and everything that the opponents relied on to raise their battle against us” 71 . His friend Gregory also helped him, humbly accepting for himself the place of Barnabas under Paul. Thus, Valens' plans were destroyed. At the same time, the news received from Constantinople about Procopius's rebellion forced the Emperor to turn his attention to other matters. Having pacified the Church, Vasily was free to devote himself to the affairs of his ministry. And he was tireless. One of his most important activities was preaching the word of God. Unfortunately, time has preserved very little of his teachings for us 72. And perhaps this happened, among other things, because most of his words and conversations were not written by himself, 73 but, when it happened, were written down by cursive writers during the preaching itself. He often preached not only every day, but also twice a day, morning and evening 74. Sometimes, after preaching in one church, he came to preach in another 75. Sometimes the incidents of yesterday gave the subject matter to the word of the present day 76 . Sometimes, during the sermon itself, he remembered, or received hints from his listeners, that he had not hidden anything else that had been omitted before 77 . Sometimes the word unexpectedly multiplied in the mouth of the preacher and forced him to postpone the completion of the teaching until another day, because St. Basil, in his own expression, could not by nature tolerate anything unfinished 78 . – For teachings so frequent and often very extensive, always filled with the deep power of edification, obviously, the natural gift of speech, formed by the art of rhetoric, was not enough, but the help of the One who gives His messengers lips and wisdom was needed. “Basily,” we will cite the words of Gregory, “experienced all the depths of the Spirit, and from these depths he drew what was necessary to form morals, teach high speech, distract from the present and move into the future” 79 . In his teachings, Vasily focused not so much on speculative subjects of Christian teaching, but rather on active ones. Vividly and convincingly for the mind and heart, he revealed the beauty of Christian virtues and exposed the vileness of vices; offered incentives to strive for the former, to move away from the latter. And he showed everyone the path to achieving perfection, since he himself was an experienced ascetic. His very interpretations are aimed at the spiritual edification of his listeners. Whether he explains the history of the creation of the world, he sets himself the goal, firstly, to show that “the world is a school for the knowledge of God 80,” and through this to arouse in his listeners reverence for the wisdom and goodness of the Creator, revealed in His creations, small and great, beautiful, diverse, countless. Secondly, he wants to show how nature always teaches a person good moral living. The way of life, properties, habits of four-legged animals, birds, fish, reptiles, everything - even the old one-day-old things - gives him the opportunity to learn edifying lessons for the master of the earth - man. – Whether he explains the book of Psalms, which, in his words, combines in itself everything that is useful in others, and prophecies, history, and edification, he mainly applies the sayings of the Psalmist to the life, to the activities of a Christian 81 . St. Basil was not alien to the other needs of his flock. He not only fed Caesarea with spiritual food, but was also a merciful feeder for her during a severe famine. One year there was neither snow nor rain in winter, then spring followed, also dry. The springs either dried up or became scarce, the crops did not sprout, and in the summer the sky was cloudless. Farmers were left without bread. Cappadacia was remote from the sea: therefore no supply from other countries could be expected. The cruel rich, instead of helping the poor, buying up the bread that was left, constantly raised its prices. St. Basil, himself at that time suffering from illness, burdened with still new grief - on the occasion of the death of his mother, Emmelia, 82, did not, however, leave his flock without consolation. He used most of the property left after his mother to help the poor, without depriving even the children of the Jews of his mercy. 83 Then, by the power of the word, supported by example, he opened the granaries of the rich for the poor, proving to them that the reason the earth dried up was because love dried up 84 . “But there is a lot,” says St. Gregory, “and other evidence of Vasily’s care and concern for the Church; These are: Vasily’s courage before the bosses, both in general before everyone, and before the most powerful in the city; his decisions of disputes, not taken without trust, but after uttering through his lips, through use turned into law; his intercession for those in need, mostly in spiritual matters, and sometimes in physical needs.” Thus, we see in the Presbyter of Cappadocia both an intercessor in church matters before the secular authorities, and an intercessor of the poor, and a judge-conciliator. Later 85, these titles were divided between different persons, and the right of court, as a rule, belonged to the Bishops, who were granted by Constantine the Great to consider and decide litigation in civil cases, if only both litigants elect a Bishop as their judge 86. Evidence of participation in the situation of those oppressed by powerful people is also provided by many of Vasily’s letters written at this time to various persons 87 . In addition to these, the activities are extensive and complex, in a crowded city, according to St. Gregory. They testified to Vasily’s care: “Feeding the poor, welcoming strangers. Care for virgins, written and unwritten rules for monastics.” The reception of strangers and the feeding of the poor were in those days under the care of the Church, and for this purpose, hospices and almshouses were established in large cities 88 . Vasily, out of love for distressed humanity and out of duty as a Presbyter, took a very active part in all this. During his administration of the flock of Caesarea, charitable institutions were opened for the poor in other cities and villages of his district 89. - At the same time, he did not abandon the care of the monasteries that he founded in Pontus. And just as he himself, living in the city, did not put off desert exploits 90, so in the same city he established hostels for others 91; outlined for them a model of a perfect life in a special letter 92 and, on the issues of the brethren, proposed wise decisions established on the word of God 93 . Finally, among the presbyteral works of Basil the Great, St. Gregory includes “Ordinations of Prayers, Decoration of Altars.” Among the first, he probably also means the liturgy, known under the name of the Liturgy of Vasily 94: for St. Gregory does not mention it between the works of Vasiliev’s episcopal ministry. Having examined such a variety of activities, partly connected with presbyteral service, but for the most part freely transferred to Vasily by the Bishop, we can understand what Gregory’s words mean: “With the time of the Bishop’s reconciliation with Vasily, the church government passed to Vasily, although he occupied second place in the department: for for the favor he showed, he received power in return.” We will be even more convinced of this if we consider the influence of Presbyter Basil on the external relations of the Church of Cappadocia. A precious heritage was preserved - Orthodoxy; during the reign of the Arian people under Constantius, the Church of Cappadocia under Basil made all the more lively efforts to unite with other Orthodox forces to overthrow the illegal rule of Arianism. In Alexandria, with the return of the great champion of the Church, St. Athanasius, Orthodoxy was re-established, and measures were taken to reconcile those who differed, more due to misunderstandings than due to stubbornness. Basil had written relations with St. Athanasius 95. Another famous Church in the East - Antioch, despite the establishment of Arians within its borders, did not want to have any communication with the Arian bishop appointed to govern it: it had an Orthodox pastor from St. Meletia, who, although he was elected to the throne of Antioch (in 360) by the then dominant Arians, but from the first sermon after dedication proved himself to be a defender of the pure faith, and rather agreed to endure exile than to renounce her. Vasily had friendly relations with the meek Meletius. – But there was no visible communication between these Orthodox pastors of the Churches of Alexandria and Antioch. During the Imp. Jovinian, when St. Athanasius was in Antioch, Meletius, under the influence of ill-intentioned people, even deliberately avoided all relations with Athanasius 96. To the greater misfortune of the Church of Antioch, due to the thoughtless jealousy of the Western Bishops, a new Orthodox Bishop, Paulinus, was installed in Antioch (362). - In the West, with favorable relations with the Church of the Imp. Valentinian, the Orthodox Faith for the most part remained intact. But Western Christians forgot their fellow believers in the East and did not provide them with beneficial assistance in the unhappy struggle. This was the state of affairs of the Orthodox! Meanwhile, those who remained in the middle between Orthodoxy and Arianism, the so-called semi-Arians, began to seek an alliance with them: because Valens did not tolerate anyone except Arians. So, to unite these rejected brethren to the Church and strengthen their union with the Church, to unite the Orthodox Archpastors divided among themselves by mutual misunderstandings and distrust, to establish an alliance between East and West in order to overthrow Arianism - this was Vasily’s strongest, most sincere desire. He began to strive for this while still a presbyter; his reconciliatory activities were revealed more extensively and successfully when he became a Bishop. But he was not destined to complete the work he started. And he had to convey his desires, his plans, to his friend Gregory. Upon the accession of Emperor Valentinian to the throne, the semi-Arian bishops of Hellesnont and Bionnius, together with the Orthodox, gathered at the Council in Lampascus to destroy the Arian decrees approved at the Council of Constantinople (360) and restore the bishops they had deposed. Basil was not at the Council of Lampsacia, but he advised his friend Eutsathius and the other bishops with him with his firm reasoning about the dogma, which was subject to controversy 97. After the persecution that followed (in 363) by Valens against the Orthodox and Semi-Arians, the Eastern Bishops elected from among themselves three envoys to the West, who were instructed to enter into communion with the then Pope Liverius, sign the Symbol of Nicaea and ask for help from the Western Emperor. Basil's friends were chosen for this purpose: Eustathius of Sebastia, Silouan of Tarsus and Theophilus of Castaval 98 - and the very thought of uniting with the West, for the establishment of peace, had long been in the soul of Basil, as he wrote at the beginning of his bishopric 99. Although the messengers were not able to see the Emperor, communication with the Roman Church was open and joyfully accepted at the Council of Tyana, which was presided over by the Bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius 100. Of course, Vasily was also with him, as his constant collaborator in Church affairs. Further orders of the Orthodox bishops were stopped by Valens, who forbade them to gather at the Council of Tarsus. Nevertheless, Vasily did not abandon his concern for establishing peace, willingly drawing close to everyone who was ready to promote the reconciliation of the Churches and looking for people capable of doing this. In place of Basil, Bishop of Ancyra, unjustly removed by the Arians, Athanasius was elevated, who showed obvious dislike for the Presbyter of Caesarea and, before everyone, reproached him for allegedly “writing and composing something harmful.” Vasily. Forgetting the personal insult, he looked for an opportunity to sincerely explain himself to him 101, managed to attract him to himself, and when he soon died (in 368), he wrote to the orphaned Church: “Who will we entrust the care of the Church to now? In whom will we find a companion in sorrow, a partner in joy?” 102. – Around the same time, Bishop Musonius of Neocaesarea died; with commendable joy he preserved everything in his Church in its ancient form, as it had been for two hundred years or more, but did not show any zeal for the then common cause of the Eastern Bishops - the reconciliation of the Churches. Despite this, Basil, without any prejudice, appreciated the merits of the deceased Shepherd, and only wrote to the Neo-Caesareans so that they should use all their attention in electing a Bishop zealous for the common cause, because either a greater rapprochement with them of the Church of Caesarea or complete separation from them would depend on their choice 103 . – So Vasily cared for the good of the entire Church, while still a Presbyter, entrusting all his worries and sorrows to his friend, St. Eusebius of Samosata. Sick, almost dying, he wrote: “The churches are in the same almost bad condition as my body” 104. Soon having lost his zealous collaborator in Silouan, the Bishop of Tarsus, in whose place the Arians chose from among their own, he notified his friend with deep grief: “Tarsus is also leaving us, and it is all the more unfortunate that the city, which, according to its position, could serve to unite the Isaurians, Cilicians, Cappadocians and Syrians, perished from the recklessness of two or three people, while you hesitate, consult, look at each other 105.” Among these works, more episcopal than presbyterian, God's Providence called Basil to actual episcopal service. Eusebius, Archbishop of Caesarea, after an eight-year reign, died in the arms of Basil (in 370). Vasily was not chosen in his place. It happened this way. At the same time, Vasily became extremely ill 106 and called his friend Gregory to him to talk with him, as he thought, for the last time. Gregory immediately went to him: but on the way, having learned that on the occasion of the death of Eusebius, Bishops were gathering in Caesarea to elect his successor, he found it too untimely to appear now in Caesarea and was rightly afraid of suspicions that he was called to promote the election of his friend. It seemed to him that Vasily, according to their common desires, should have evaded this lot. Having explained all this in a letter to his friend, he returned back 107. Meanwhile, Gregory's father, the Bishop of Nazianium, received an invitation from the Bishops gathered in Xeria and from the clergy of Caesarea to come to Caesarea. But from the letter of the Bishops it was already clear that this invitation did not come from a sincere desire: they feared the influence of the universally respected Bishop of Nazian in favor of the Presbyter of Caesarea - Basil, with whom Gregory had long been on friendly terms. The inhabitants of Caesarea also hesitated in their views regarding the election. The mob, whose gross vices Vasily often exposed, the rich, whom he repeatedly reproached for hardness of heart, the strong people, before whom he always insisted on justice - all these people. Unfortunately, they had their own reasons for not wanting Vasily to be Bishop. This is not how the Bishop of Nazia reasoned: “I cannot,” he answered the Bishops, choose anyone over my most honest son, co-presbyter Vasily. Who among those known to us will we find more experienced than him in life, stronger in words? Who is more adorned with virtue in all respects than he? Point out the disease? But you are not electing a fighter, but a teacher” 108. At the same time, Gregory inspired the inhabitants of Caesarea, the clergy and monks, noble persons and people, to act with all attention and impartiality in such an important matter as the choice of the Bishop, and especially for such a Church as Caesarea, which until now, despite all the unrest in the whole world, has preserved the purity of Orthodoxy and the grace of unanimity. In the same terms as in the letter to the Bishops, he pointed out the merits of Vasily, assuring that no one could stand stronger against the widespread heretical opinions than Vasily. “If you agree to this,” Gregory added, if our choice, as sensible and correct (because we choose together with God), prevails: then I am with you and will remain; I will say more - I already lay my hand and trust in the Spirit. If you agree to something other than this, if you decide such matters out of friendship and kinship, and again the hand of the mob will shake the strictness of the rules (as was the case with the election of the deceased Eusebius); then I’ll stay to myself” 109. - Then Gregory invited me to Caesarea to participate in this matter. Friend of Vasiliev Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata. Without calling the chosen one by name, Gregory wrote to him only: “We mean the man whom you also know; and I am sure that if we are worthy to receive what we want, then we will have great boldness with God, and we will show great benefit to the people who called us.” 110 Eusebius was not slow in fulfilling the elder’s demand 111. With all this, there was not enough one more vote in favor of Vasily so that the desire of those who cared for the good of the Church would be fulfilled. Then Gregory decided to go to Caesarea. The old man, depressed by years and illnesses, was carried on a stretcher. But he neglected everything in order to finish what he had just begun; He wanted to die on the way rather than let things get upset because of him. Finally, he reached Caesarea, shamed his opponents, decided with his voice the election of Basil, made his dedication and himself was strengthened by the Spirit with which he anointed the newly elected 112. In truth, this was a triumph for the hundred-year-old elder, a triumph for Vasiliev’s friend, for the Church of Caesarea, for the entire Church of the Ecumenical! Here we must review the field of Vasiliev’s episcopal ministry. There were more churches in Cappadacia than in any other region 113. Basil had up to fifty Horpiscopes 114 in his diocese, who facilitated the supervision and management of the rural clergy. But in addition to his diocese, the Archbishop of Caesarea, with the rights of Metropolitan, also ruled the dioceses of the entire region of Cappadocia 115. Moreover, as Exarch of northeastern Asia Minor, he was in charge of many other areas. Or metropolises. Galatia 116, Pontus 117, and Little Armenia 118 depended on him; even in great Armenia he ordained the foremost Bishop 119. Vasily surveyed the first three regions from time to time and gathered their Bishops for Councils. In the villages of Cappadocia there were also pagans from among the idolaters (Magnusei); but their adherence to their belief deprived them of any hope of their conversion to the true faith 120. Anointed by the Spirit, the Holy Archbishop of Caesarea revealed in himself that he was just as endowed with the gift of government (1 Cor. 12:28) as he was rich in the word of wisdom and understanding about the same Dus (v. 8). In the midst of the most difficult circumstances, he showed such firmness that testified to the extraordinary greatness of his spirit. Prudent caution and deliberate determination were revealed in all his orders. His decisions were so wise and fair that they became rules for those around him and for posterity. But just as he did not refuse to those in need of resolving their perplexities, he himself did not consider it a humiliation for himself to enter into conferences about significant matters with experienced men and those acting in the Spirit of Christ. He loved to give his measure to everything 121: but zeal for the good of the Church prompted him to sacrifice everything to her, and his whole life, exhausted by bodily illnesses, many spiritual sorrows and feats of spiritual wisdom, was dedicated to God and His holy Church. Upon his accession to the throne of Caesarea, one of Basil’s first concerns was to attract to himself those Bishops who did not agree to his election. This was all the more necessary because, having waited until Gregory of Nazian and Eusebius of Samosata had left Caesarea, they again appeared in Caesarea, caused much grief to the newly installed Archbishop and caused division in the Church of Cappadocia 122: for the harmful influence of unkind people spread to entire cities and regions. Even one of Vasily’s relatives. Bishop Gregory did not want to have contact with him 123. Not knowing how to reproach St. Basil and justify their displeasure with him, some accused him of being excessively strict in his attitude towards those who deviated from Orthodoxy, others called him too lenient towards the wrong-minded. The first slandered him, as if he and his Bishop Diania, when he, through negligence, signed a heretical confession of faith, cursed him. Others, apparently, were not happy with his rapprochement with those who did not agree with the expression adopted in the Nicene Symbol: consubstantial, and they wanted to know more precisely his teaching about the Holy Spirit. Finding his behavior in relation to Denmark irreproachable, St. Basil with deep sorrow heard from Bishop Vosporius about the slander of the haters, revealed in a letter to him 124 the whole truth of the matter, and testifying by the slanderers themselves that he remained in communion with Dianius until the end of his life, demanded from them evidence of where, when, in front of whom he cursed his Bishop? In another letter to some nuns, he depicted that therefore people who do not reject the doctrine of the consubstantiality of the Son of God with the Father deserve some leniency. But those who doubt the accuracy of the expression; however, at the same time, he also explained that not following the Fathers and not putting their decisions above one’s own opinion is a matter worthy of condemnation, as a matter of pride; showed the full importance of this saying: Consubstantial, and briefly revealed his teaching about the Holy Spirit 125. Destroying the web of lies with the power of truth, accepting with gratitude due expressions of dependence from subordinate Bishops 126 and benevolent greetings from strangers 127, Vasily did not want, however, to attract anyone to himself by servility or any ungrateful actions. He did not want to act by cunning, but gradually conquered his opponents with his benevolence, wise management, intelligence and virtues 128. This was especially revealed when his brother, Gregory, later Bishop of Nyssa, wanting to reconcile him with his uncle, Bishop Gregory, delivered a letter to Vasily, allegedly written by his uncle himself as a sign of reconciliation. Vasily accepted this with great joy and showed the letter to his friends. But it soon became clear that the letter was a forgery. Vasily was greatly upset by the deception. Despite the fact that through the servant Grigoriev, another, then a third letter from the same uncle, also forged, was delivered to Vasily. Then Vasily found it necessary to forcefully explain to his brother how unseemly such measures were and how inappropriate his simplicity was in such a matter. “If venerable Bishops,” he wrote to Gregory. They really agree to accept me; then they should have notified us of the appointed place and time and invited us through their people. Just as I do not refuse to get close to my uncle, I will not tolerate not having a decent invitation to do so” 129. Finally, Vasily decided to write to his uncle, full of love and readiness for reconciliation, a letter in which, humbly recognizing his long silence as a punishment for his sins, he asked to return his former love to him. “If there is any consolation for me in Christ,” he wrote, “if there is communion of the spirit; if there is mercy and compassion: fulfill my request, end my sorrows with this, make some kind of beginning for more joyful things in the future, leading yourself for the better, and not following others in what should not be done. As long as division gives way to slander, suspicions will inevitably grow worse and worse. If it is not proper for those (other Bishops) to despise me, then most of all it is not proper for your honesty. For if I am wrong in any way. I’ll be better when you make me understand: and this cannot be without a date. If I am not guilty of anything, then why do you hate me?... So, with your arrival, or a letter, or inviting me to your place, or in any way you want, you will comfort my soul” 130. This letter did not remain without effect, caused a favorable response, and led to a rapprochement first with Gregory 131, then with other ill-wishers of Vasily. “Everyone,” says St. Gregory, “brought his apology to Basil, and as much as he had previously shown enmity, now so much favor and success in virtue, in which alone he found the strongest justification for himself” 132. Indeed, the zealous Archpastor of Christ demanded virtue, strict virtue from their fellow shepherds. Having learned that some of the Bishops take money from those ordained, covering up their lawless deed by taking this money after the ordination. And not before the dedication, Vasily strictly confirmed the removal from this sin, threatening, otherwise, removal from the altar, on which pure sacrifices should be offered with clean hands 133. In the same way, St. Basil tried to exterminate other unrest that had crept in. Some priests chose from the clergy whomever they wanted, often unworthy people, thereby trying to protect their friends or relatives from military service; and therefore it was difficult to choose worthy ministers of the Church even for higher degrees. This was due to the inattention of the Chorebishops, who were supposed to oversee the choice of worthy clerks and verify its correctness. Resuming the ancient order, Vasily demanded from all Chorebishops that lists of all village clerks be delivered to him, with evidence of who was produced by whom and what life they lived; moreover, he ordered that all those previously accepted be subjected again to a test in consideration of their dignity, and those unworthy be converted into the number of laity; but those worthy should not be counted among the clergy without the approval of the Archbishop himself 134. These orders show that the care of the Archpastor extended to everyone, from the first altar server to the last. Let us point out his third order, which also dates back to the beginning of his episcopal reign. In accordance with church rules, he confirmed to clergy not to have strangers with them. Under any pretext. He wrote to the seventy-year-old presbyter 135: “I don’t think that in such years I lived with a woman out of passion; and it was not because of some lawless matter that I made this determination. But because he was taught by the Apostle not to cause his brother to stumble (Rom. 14:13).” With such care from Basil for the clergy of his Church, the clergy of Caesarea rose to such an extent that outside bishops and cities asked Basil for his presbyters for their churches. Or for appointment to episcopal departments 136. When the internal affairs of the Church of Caesarea little by little began to come into order, Basil hastened to resume his previous concerns about the pacification of the Universal Church 137 . The importance of the episcopal rank, the significance of the Caesarea throne now opened up more ways for him and together placed on him a new responsibility to work in this matter. The persecution of the Orthodox, after Emperor Valens tamed the rebellion, intensified day by day and involuntarily forced them to seek outside help 138. At first thinking of limiting himself to the means that were open for this purpose in the East, St. Basil approached his friends at the Court 139 to find out whether through them it was possible to beg from the Emperor the freedom of those imprisoned, probably Meletius and others. But they answered that in the present state of affairs, we must thank God for the fact that the state of Orthodoxy is not worse 140. Then St. Basil turned his gaze to the Western Bishops. Not long before that, they managed to overthrow the strong defenders of Arianism: Bishops Valens and Ursatius (in 368), even Auxentius, Bishop. Milano (in 370). Therefore, Vasily thought that if the Westerners wanted to show the same amount of jealousy in relation to the Eastern Churches, they could win over their Emperor in favor of Orthodoxy in the East and through him influence Valens. Similar to how before (in 348) Constantius managed to win over St. Athanasius through the Western Emperor Constance. In order to attract Western Bishops to participate in this matter, Basil found it necessary to turn to St. Athanasius of Alexandria, for whom his works in favor of Orthodoxy acquired universal respect, both in the East and in the West. Informing him of his plan, like a son to his father, the Archbishop of Caesarea most convincingly asked him to cooperate. “For a long time now,” wrote Vasily, “from my mediocre understanding of affairs, I see that there is only one way left to help our Churches - an agreement with the Western Bishops. If they wanted to show the same zeal towards us as they showed towards one or two infected false teachings in the West; then, perhaps, there would be some benefit for common affairs: since the Emperors would respect the fair demand of so many, and the people of each would unquestioningly follow them.” “Who,” continued Vasily, “who is more capable than your prudence to bring this to fruition? Who can see the needs of the Church more insightfully? Who can use useful measures more skillfully? Who is more compassionate towards the misfortunes of the brothers? Who is as respected in the West as you, venerable elder?” Thus calling on St. Athanasius for complicity, Basil asked him to send from himself to the West people strong in sound teaching, to depict to them the disasters oppressing the East, and to instruct them how to act. As for the state of the Antiochian Church, whose flock was divided between two Bishops - Meletius, who was in exile, and Paulinus, Basil believed that the Archbishop of Alexandria could put its affairs in order on his own. “It is only necessary,” he wrote, “to show leniency to some and to calm others down. Meanwhile, the restoration of calm in Antioch may have a beneficial effect on the affairs of the entire East.” 141 But believing that he had not yet clearly revealed the needs of the Church of Antioch, Basil, in a second letter with the same messenger, Deacon Dorotheus of Antioch, reported that the whole East wants to see Meletius again governing the Church: because he is not reproachable in faith, and in life he cannot be compared with anyone. 142 Although St. Athanasius did not renounce participation in the beneficial enterprise of the Archbishop of Caesarea, the experienced elder found it necessary to make sure in advance of the general disposition of the Eastern Bishops towards such an agreement, which should be based on unanimity in faith. He knew that even after the first embassy to Rome, when they began to discuss the Faith, suddenly thirty-four Bishops of the province of Asia refused to allow the expression: Consubstantial in the symbol. 143 Knowing, moreover, the disposition of the Westerners towards Meletius’s colleague. Pavlina, St. Athanasius was at a loss and decided on his own the matter of the Church of Antioch in favor of Meletius. He sent his presbyter Peter ahead to Caesarea. For a personal conference with Vasily and for the reconciliation of dissenting minds. Vasily received the good envoy with joy. Measures to reach an agreement between the other Bishops were for the most part not without success. Vasily encouraged those who were slow to join the general union by presenting the increasing danger of their separated position 144. The Eastern Bishops only demanded that the Western, in order to eliminate all doubts, agree to condemn the false teaching of Markel, Bishop. Ancyra, who, although he defended the Orthodox teaching together with Athanasius at the Council of Nicea and was himself defended by Westerners from the Arians at the Council of Sardis, but subsequently with his writings gave rise to accusations of Sabellianism: for, according to St. Basil, he argued that the Only Begotten Word, neither before His departure from the Father, nor upon His return to the Father, has a hypostatic being. After mutual consultations 145, Basil, considering the circumstances, considered it best to ask the Pope to secretly send experienced and meek people to the East to admonish those who remained stubborn, and deliver accurate information about everything that was done in the West to eliminate the consequences of the unfortunate Council of Rome 146. Everything forced us to act as carefully as possible: for the Arian bishop, famous for his learning, Euippius, had already appeared in Caesarea, and they were afraid of the arrival of bishops from Armenia and Cilicia who were also like-minded with him 147 . At the same time, St. Basil asked Athanasius to admonish Deacon Dorotheus, who was being sent to the West, with his prayers and letters, introducing to him several people capable of such matters on his own behalf; Moreover, he urgently explained why it was necessary to condemn Marcellus’ false teaching. “Through this,” he wrote, “those who are sensible will sooner unite with your holiness, and those who practice the right faith will be revealed to everyone. We will know those who are like-minded with us 148.” While Vasily entered into relations with the distant West to pacify the Church, the danger of division near him, between the most Orthodox, opened up. Friend of truth - Vasily was ready to lay down his soul for it; but in accordance with the teaching of the same truth, he did not consider it permissible to expose himself to danger when it was possible to avoid them without harm to the truth. Not long before, the Doukhoboric doctrine developed from the false Arian teachings, and insolent debates about the Divinity of the Son of God were replaced by no less heated debates about the Divinity of the Holy Spirit. This new false teaching was shared not only by the Arians, but also by many of the semi-Arians. On other occasions, Vasily repeatedly, both publicly and privately with his friends, confessed the Holy Spirit as God, took upon himself terrible spells that if he did not honor the Spirit as consubstantial and equal in honor with the Father and the Son, then he would be deprived of the Holy Spirit. But now, caring about the joining of the semi-Arians to Orthodoxy, he considered it necessary, proving from Scripture and by the power of inferences that the Holy Spirit is God, to delay the use of this saying for the time being, asking the Spirit himself and the sincere champions of the Spirit not to be upset by his prudence. In such strength he preached in church on the feast of St. Eupsychius (September 7), surrounded by Arians (probably Euippius and his accomplices). Wise caution was all the more necessary at this time because his enemies had already agreed, for one word about the Holy Spirit: God, to expel Basil from Caesarea and take possession of his throne 149. But this caution did not please the immoderate zealots of Orthodoxy. One of the Nazian monks who was present at this sermon, returning to his city, on the occasion of a conversation about Vasily and Gregory, at a feast, began clearly. In the presence of Gregory himself, blame his Archbishop for evasiveness, and his friend for pandering. “Let them be extolled for other virtues,” said the unreasonable judge, and I do not argue about that; but I will not concede to them the most important thing. In vain they praise Vasily for Orthodoxy, in vain also Gregory: one betrays the Faith with his words, the other by holding on to it.” Such a harsh and completely unfair review was accepted by other interlocutors and even some of the Nazian monks close to Basil, no matter how much Gregory tried to protect his friend with modern circumstances and the terrible consequences for the Church if the wishes of the heretics come true. Confused Gregory, whom Basil allowed to defend the truth more freely and openly, informing him about the Nazian incident, asked for guidance on how to teach about the Holy Spirit after that, what expressions to adhere to, what to avoid 150. Vasily received this news with grief; did not want to defend himself against slander in betraying Orthodoxy, blaming the restless monk for inventing what he had not heard, and interpreting what he did not understand; instead of all the instructions, he called Gregory to him, promising to soon prove his loyalty to the truth through experience 151. But Vasily defended St. before the monks. Athanasius soon heard about their displeasure against their Archbishop. “I am sure,” he wrote to one monk, “that Vasily seems weak to the weak, but may gain the weak; and our beloved brethren, looking at the purpose of his truth and adaptation to circumstances, should glorify the Lord for giving Cappadocia such a Bishop as any country would like to have.” 152 Circumstances really threatened Vasily with even greater danger. They were waiting for Valens himself at Caesarea; Euippius was only a harbinger of his arrival. Rumors were heard about disasters suffered by the Orthodox in Bithynia and Galatia. Vasily was preparing to present to the slanderers a refutation of their accusations of treason against Orthodoxy. The least he expected for himself was exile and imprisonment. 153 Preparing to fight a strong enemy, Vasily surrounded himself with people capable of counteracting him with the weapons of word and truth. Therefore, he called Gregory to him, to whom he offered eldership among the presbyters and second place after himself in Caesarea 154. The consecration of another Gregory, Vasiliev’s brother, to the rank of Bishop dates back to the same time. And before, Vasily invited him to participate in the works of episcopal service 155. And now, urgently, against his own will, in agreement with the other Bishops, he was appointed Shepherd of the city of Nissa in the Cappadocia region 156. He himself had previously instructed his brother in the subjects of dispute between heretics and Orthodox 157: now he wanted to see him as a champion of Orthodoxy against heretics. But probably at the same time that Basil was leaving Caesarea to install Gregory, news reached him about the division of Cappadocia, according to civil government, into two provinces. Podand was appointed the main city of the newly defined region. Caesarea, deprived of its previous benefits, became despondent and deserted. No more than a third of the inhabitants remained in the city. Some had to go to the newly discovered main city, others fled. The citizens of Caesarea turned to their Archpastor. If not for help, then at least for consolation. Basil, out of duty as a Shepherd, did not refuse to intercede for the slaves who sought his protection 158: all the less could he neglect the requests of his fellow citizens and the sons of his Church. He wrote from the road and from Caesarea to various persons powerful at the Court, about the disgust of the unexpected disaster 159. And if he did not manage to petition through them to cancel the imperial order, at least he achieved that, instead of the insignificant and unfavorable location of Podand, the new administration was transferred to Tiana. Finally, at the end of 371 years. The first dignitary of the Empire, the Prefect of Praetoria, Modest, arrived in Caesarea, who was entrusted with the task of inducing Basil to communicate with the Arians before the arrival of the Emperor. An unquestioning executor of the most unjust orders of his master, a low caresser 160, an Arian by faith, Modest immediately began his work. He summoned Vasily to him, and without honoring the Orthodox Archpastor with the name of Bishop, he asked him the first question: “Why do you, Vasily, resist the Emperor, and alone of all remain stubborn? Why don’t you adhere to the same faith with the king?” “This is not what my Tsar demands,” objected Vasily. “I cannot bow to the creature, because I myself am God’s creature.” “What do you think we are? – Modest asked, “Or do we mean nothing?” “You are a Prefect,” answered Vasily, “and, moreover, one of the nobles, however, not higher than God. And for me it is important to be in communication with you: why not? And you are God's creature. But it is no more important than being in communication with everyone else who is under you.” Irritated, Modest began to threaten him with various punishments: confiscation of property, exile, torture, death. But the undaunted Saint answered: “If you can, threaten with something else: but I’m not afraid of this. He who has nothing has nothing to describe; Will you really demand this hair rag and a few books that contain all my belongings? I don’t know about exile: because I’m not connected to any place. And the place where I now live is not mine, and everything else, wherever they throw me, will be mine. It’s better to say, God’s place is everywhere. What kind of torture will they take when I don’t have a body? Death is a blessing for me: it will sooner send me to God, for Whom I live and work, for Whom most of myself I have already died and to Whom I have been hastening for a long time.” Modest was amazed at such an incomprehensible greatness for him, for which there is nothing terrible on earth. “No one has spoken to me like that before,” the Prefect said to Vasily. But the humble Archpastor, as if the matter was about something ordinary, calmly answered: “Perhaps you have not met with any Bishop.” 161 Then changing weapons, Modest began to persuade him with flattering words. “Do not consider it unimportant,” he told Vasily, “that the great Emperor wants to unite with your flock. Agree to be called his teacher, and do not resist his will. He wants little: only that the word: Consubstantial be excluded from the Symbol.” “Of course,” answered Vasily, “the Emperor’s desire to enter into communion with the Church is a very important matter: for the salvation of the soul is important; but I will not agree to allow even one word to be excluded from the Symbol, or to add anything to it, or even to change the order in it.” 162 Afterwards, releasing Vasily, Modest advised him to think more about the proposal. But Vasily answered: “I am the same today and tomorrow.” 163 Probably soon afterwards the Emperor arrived in Caesarea with his Court. Modest was not slow to inform him of the futility of his enterprise. But the obsequious courtiers still did not lose hope of defeating Vasily through debate. For this purpose, many senior officials of the Court were invited; elected by opponents of Basil Demosthenes, chief cook of the Emperor; Modest also appeared. But Vasily’s opponent turned out to be so weak that even their own could not attribute victory to him. They found it necessary to resort to threats even stronger than the previous ones. But everything was in vain 164. The courtiers advised the Emperor to use open force against the Archbishop of Caesarea: but Valens did not agree, and from that time on looked for an opportunity to see and talk with him, without, however, humiliating himself to the point of recognizing his victory over himself. The feast of the Epiphany of the Lord has arrived (372). The Emperor sent him to listen to the Liturgy in the Orthodox Church, where Vasily served 165. The splendor of the church, the decorum of the clergy, the reverence of Vasily made such an impression on Valens that he had never experienced. His confusion increased even more when none of the priests wanted to accept the gifts they brought to the altar: because they did not know whether Vasily would accept them. Valens almost fell, and only the hand of one of the altar servants supported him. In this case, Valens could not talk with the Saint. For this purpose, he once again visited the Church of Caesarea, was invited by Basil to the altar, and heard from him, as the witness of their conversation says, God’s verbs 166. After this, it would seem that all persecution against Vasily should have stopped. He prevailed over the Arians, in view of the entire Church. But the Arian bishops managed to regain Valens’s favor, and he, not yet leaving Caesarea, was already ready to sign the verdict on the expulsion of Basil; and Vasily was preparing to leave. At this time, the only son of the Emperor, Galatus, suddenly became ill with a fever. The emperor postponed the confirmation of the sentence; took care of his son's illness. Soon it intensified to such an extent that all human aids were in vain - the prayers of his Arian bishops did not help. Then Valens involuntarily recognized in this incident the action of the punishing hand of God; He called Vasily to him through his friends and asked his faith to help the sick man. With the coming of Basil, Galatus' illness was alleviated 167. Due to similar circumstances, Modest was forced to resort to Vasily, and found help from him 168. Although this incident did not make him the best for the Church; but from that time on, Vasily could write to him when he needed to intercede with him on behalf of others. 169 “So Cappadacia, and Cappadacia alone, was saved from the common fate of the Churches,” says St. Gregory of Nyssa, “and our great intercessor Basil saved it from these temptations. 170 The events of Caesarea, having made the name of Basil famous throughout the Empire, had another beneficial effect on the affairs of the Church. On the one hand, the previous danger, on the other hand, the present triumph of Vasily acquired him new friends in the world. Some Bishops, who had previously shied away from ongoing relations with the West, now expressed their readiness to begin this union, demanding only that Athanasius, the mediator of peace, write to them in advance. Basil immediately notified St. Athanasius of such a favorable disposition of minds and asked him to send a general message of reconciliation to everyone, promising not to hand it over to those seeking peace before receiving a reciprocal response from them, 171 although he himself was not yet confident of the success of his request. Instead of an answer, letters were received from Athanasius, sent to him from the West, as a result of Basil’s relations with Damasus. “As for Athanasius himself,” Vasily wrote to Meletius, “according to my letters, it was impossible to move the matter forward, or to do what needed to be done, unless he somehow received letters from you, who had previously avoided communicating with him. He says about him that he is very willing to be in alliance with us, but he grieves that even then (under Jovinian in Antioch) he was released without communication, and to this day the promises remain fruitless” 172. Letters from Western Bishops were also unsatisfactory. Damasus himself did not deign to answer Vasily. Instead of the required Bishops, Deacon Savin was sent, with letters from the Bishops of Illyria, Italy and Gaul; Attached to the letters was the definition of the Council of Rome, which had happened not long before, which rejected all other symbols except the Orthodox Nicene 173. Of all these letters, Vasily saw one thing, that the Easterners themselves needed to write conciliarly to the West, and he persuaded Meletius to do so 174. He himself wrote to Valerian, Bishop of Illyria, and to the Bishops of Italy and Gaul, not considering it necessary to write separately to Damasus. And then, probably on the instructions of Meletius, he wrote to the Western Bishops and on behalf of thirty-two Eastern Bishops 175, among whom are the names of Eusebius of Samosata, Gregory of Nazianza, Gregory of Nyssa and some Armenian Bishops 176. This message is very touching, depicting all the sorrows of the Eastern Churches. “And one sigh,” the Bishops write, “lightens the chest of the unfortunate, a tear quenches sorrow. But we still have the consolation to express our suffering to you; We are still animated by the hope of moving you to help us, although this hope, according to the righteous judgments of God, has not yet been justified.” Begging for help, the sufferers depict the state of the East in the most pitiful terms: “Not only the Church is in danger; not two, not three were exposed to this fierce storm. Almost from the borders of Illyricum to the Thebaid, the evil heresy takes over everything. Because of this, the dogmas of piety have been transformed, the statutes of the Church have been erased. The arrogance of people who do not fear God delights the thrones, and the presidency of the church is clearly offered as a reward for dishonor. Priestly honesty disappears; those who shepherd the flock of the Lord have become poor in knowledge; the acquisitions of the poor are spent by the covetous on their own whims and on gifts to others. The strictness of the rules has disappeared, and wide freedom to sin has been given. Those who have reached the authorities by human benevolence, with the same benevolence, pay for the service, allowing sinners to do everything to their own pleasure. There was no righteous judgment; everyone walks according to the desire of his heart. Corruption knows no limits; the nations came out of obedience; The primates do not have boldness. Those who acquired power through men became slaves of those who showed them mercy. For some, the defense of Orthodoxy turned into a weapon of mutual warfare; hiding their enmity, they give it the appearance of championing piety. Others, avoiding exposure in the most shameful deeds, encourage the people to mutual quarrels in order to cover up their own with common vices. This supports the irreconcilable warfare: those guilty of lawless deeds are afraid of the common world, lest it reveal their shameful secrets. The unbelievers laugh at this; That is why those of little faith waver; faith became doubtful; Ignorance spreads in the minds because those who distort the teaching maliciously imitate the truth. The lips of the pious are silent; every blasphemous tongue is loosed; the shrine has been desecrated; those who are sane flee houses of prayer as schools of wickedness, and in the deserts with lamentations and tears they lift up their hands to the Lord who is in heaven.” Having depicted the state of the Church so vividly, the Eastern Bishops humbly asked their Western brethren to send several trusted people to form a Council in common with them, which would reconcile those of differing views, establish Orthodoxy and could have influence on everyone with a very majority of votes 177 . Vasily believed that everything needed had been done 178. This letter, as well as others, were sent by the same deacon Savin, who brought letters from the West. But what were the consequences of these relations? The next year, Basil wrote to Eusebius of Samosata, who most shared with him the desire to pacify the Church: “Presbyter Evagrius, having now returned from Rome, demands from us a letter that would contain word for word the same thing that was written by them, and brought ours back to us, because the overly strict bishops there did not like them; Moreover, he advises sending an embassy of people worthy of respect, in order to thus provide a plausible opportunity for the recognition of our Churches” 179. Why the Westerners showed so little participation in the fate of the Eastern Church is explained by Vasily himself. When resuming the attempted connection with the West, when some wanted to send Vasiliev’s brother, Gregory of Nyssa, to Rome, Vasily wrote: “A person attentive to the merits of others will honor and value acquaintance with him (Gregory); and from a meeting between a tall, exalted man, sitting somewhere so high that he cannot hear those telling him the truth from the ground (here St. Basil means Pope Damasus), with such a man, whose character is alien to slavish flattery, what will be the benefit for the common cause? 180 From this it is clear what was the reason for the failure of relations between the Eastern Bishops and the Western. While these relations were taking place, St. Basil was burdened with worries of a different kind. The division of Cappadocia into two regions aroused the desire in the Bishop of the main city of the second Cappadocia, Anthima, to separate from the Archbishop of Caesarea, forming a special district of government and to be a metropolitan. Church rules did not at all require that with the division of the province the metropolis should also be divided. But the disagreement of some of the bishops of Cappadocia with Basil in the faith, tempered only by the fact that they were afraid of the people, their personal dislike for Basil, nourished from the time of his election, and envy of his merits 181 served in Anthimus’s favor. This division was associated with ordinary acts of violence. Lust for power was combined in Anthima with lust for self-interest, although he was able to excuse both with plausible reasons. Vasily demanded that the ancient order of government be observed unchanged; but, not having any support and caring only about peace, he gave in to the lust for power, inclined towards this by his friend Gregory 182, and meanwhile he tried to turn the disaster itself into good for his flock by multiplying the episcopal thrones in the region of Cappadocia that remained behind him. In addition to the fact that this compensated for the loss suffered by the metropolis of Caesarea due to the decrease in the number of primates, greater care for the flock was to be expected from the multiplication of Pastors. To one of these newly opened cathedras - in the town of Sashimy, which was located on the borders of two metropolises, St. Basil intended to erect his friend Gregory. Justifying his appointment to such an insignificant place, St. Basil wrote to another of his friends, St. Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata: “And I would like Brother Gregory to rule the Church, corresponding to his talents. But this would be the whole Church under the sun. Collected into one. since this is impossible, then let him be a Bishop, not receiving honor from a place, but decorating the place with himself” 183. Gregory himself, no matter how painful it was for him at first to submit to this election, later realized that Vasily reasoned in this case more than humanly, and therefore decided to sacrifice friendship as a sacrifice to the spirit 184. Indeed, Vasily saw the need to use some violence in order to reveal to Gregory a higher ministry than the presbytery; the good of the whole Church required it. With this in mind, he left aside all other human impulses 185 . Meanwhile, Anfim wanted to take advantage of the fact that Gregory complained about this appointment and win him over to his side 186. But Gregory, instead of harboring mutual displeasure, took upon himself the work of a conciliator between the metropolitans themselves. He notified Vasily of Anthimus’s desire to finish the matter at a general meeting with the other Bishops. Vasily himself was not far from reconciliation 187. Thus, not even six months had passed in these disagreements between the thrones of Caesarea and Tyana before they were stopped by conciliar reasoning 188. But if strong love, based on sincere like-mindedness in faith and a common desire to live only for God and his Church, can withstand severe temptations: then the hypocritical love of a fickle person, who does not value the holiness of faith, wearing only the appearance of strict piety, easily wavers, without any external shocks, from his own weakness. So it was with Evtafiy, Bp. Sebastian, who was persuaded by worldly views to go over from the persecuted Orthodox to the side of the ruling Arians. He was not previously one of the sincere adherents of Orthodoxy, but he knew how to cover up all the shortcomings of his confession with the severity of his external life. Vasily’s whole soul was open before him, as if before a sincere friend. But with Eustathius’ betrayal of Orthodoxy, Vasily’s attitude towards him had to change. This betrayal was so unexpected for Vasily that for a long time he did not want to believe in its reality. The first rumors about this spread (in 372) in Armenia (lesser), where Eustathius founded many monasteries 189. The Metropolitan of Armenia, Theodotus of Nikopol, was especially armed against him, zealous for Orthodoxy, but not always moderate in his zeal. Basil received an invitation from him to come to Fergham for the Feast of the Martyrs, where they were supposed to decide together whether they should remain in communion with Eustathius. Knowing the character of Theodotus, Vasily did not want to go there alone, but invited with him the Bishop of Samosata, Eusebius, a mutual friend of his and Eustathius 190. But due to the brevity of the time remaining before the holiday, without waiting for an answer from Eusebius, he left Caesarea in order to visit Eustathius himself on the way, or rather to become convinced of his way of thinking, and from here, depending on the news from Eusebius, order the further journey. Basil offered Eustathius the accusations of unorthodoxy that Theodotus cited. It turned out that the rumors were not unfounded. St. Basil had to spend two whole days to bring Eusebius into complete unanimity with himself. But having achieved this, he no longer considered it unfair to continue communicating with him. It remained to demand from him the approval of the Orthodox Symbol. Vasily wanted to leave it to a general meeting with Theodotus to decide what kind of confession to demand from Eustathius. - Meanwhile, Theodotus, having learned about Basil’s relations with Eustathius, he, not knowing their purpose, was so upset by this that he no longer wanted to invite Vasily to the upcoming celebration, suspecting him of incorrectly agreeing with Eustathius. Since, moreover, Eusebius refused to go to Fergham 191, Basil this time postponed his journey to Armenia, and thus returned to Caesarea halfway. 192 At this time, through the military commander Terence, who was then with troops in Armenia and successfully defended it from the Persians 193, Basil received orders from the Emperor to organize the affairs of the Armenian Churches together with Metropolitan Theodotus of Nicopolis and give them bishops 194. Therefore, he again had to go to Armenia, and first of all, he found it necessary to explain to the Metropolitan about his relations with Eustathius and assure him that the Bishop of Sebaste was of the same mind with them in everything. Theodotus, on the contrary, argued that Eustathius, after a conference with Basil, boasted to his disciples that he had not conceded to him in anything. The only means left to resolve the dispute was to offer Euthsathius an Orthodox symbol for approval. Having agreed on this, Basil and Theodotus were to begin together to carry out the work entrusted to them by the Emperor. But Theodotus, even after that, withdrew from communication with Basil, did not even allow him to attend general evening and morning prayers in his city of Nicopolis and refused to go with him to the city of Satala 195 to arrange the affairs of the local Church 196. Exhausted by the long journey, and even more upset by Theodotus’s enmity, Basil was forced to return to Caesarea again without the desired success 197 . The following year (373) the affairs of the Armenian Church 198 again called Basil to Nikopol. This journey was also to decide his relationship with Eustathius. At the Council of Nikopol, a confession of Faith was drawn up, which Eustathius had to sign. It contained, in addition to the Nicene Symbol, an additional definition of the Church's teaching about the Holy Spirit, and a direct condemnation of the false teaching of Marcellus and Sabellius 199. Vasily himself took the trouble to hand it over to Eustathius for signing. Evtsafy signed. After this, a place and time was appointed for a new Council, to which Eustathius was to come to establish mutual peace with all the other Bishops. But Eustathius did not appear; and his accomplices directly accused Vasily that he was preaching a new Faith, and would never agree to allow their Bishop to communicate with him. Bishop Theophilus of Castaval also took his side. Vasily had to dissolve the meeting in shame 200; however, he did not lose hope of keeping Eustathius in communion with the Church - believing that his alienation depended more on his disciples than on himself - and was ready to sacrifice his life just to extinguish the flame of hostility. But if Vasily wanted peace, then true peace: therefore he was not satisfied with the evasive answer of Eustathius, sent to him through Eusebius of Samosata. “If you,” Basil responded to Eusebius’ petition, “send me direct answers (Eustathius) to the proposed questions (about the Nicene Symbol. About the Holy Spirit): then I am to blame for everything; I take the blame for everything. Then demand from me proof of humility. If this does not happen, then forgive me, most God-loving Father, I cannot approach the altar of God in hypocrisy 201.” Eustathius’s former friends did not wait long to see how he would show himself. Soon he retired to Cilicia, where Arianism reigned, and there he issued a symbol, as St. Basil says, worthy only of Arius or his like-minded disciple Ariev 202 . Meanwhile, wanting to show his new like-minded people that there could no longer be any rapprochement between him and Vasily, he sent his chorebishop to Caesar with a letter about the severance of communication 203 . As the reason for his separation from Basil, Eustathius pretended that Basil was in communication with the heretic Apollinaris, and used as proof Basil’s letter to Apollinaria, written twenty years ago, by a layman to a layman. On top of this, he accused Vasily of preaching a new teaching about the Holy Spirit, when he confessed Him to be of equal honor to the Father and the Son 204. Not content with this, Eustathius not only in Cappadocia, but throughout Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, even as far as the Hellespont, distributed hostile letters in which he accused Basil of such vices as were alien to his holy soul 205 . Eustathius's first letter about the rupture of the world struck Vasily so deeply that he was then unable to answer anything, and almost, as he himself wrote, did not become a misanthrope; any kindness of another seemed suspicious to him; he did not see true love in anyone 206. But he did not repay his enemies with evil for evil, he humbly accepted everything as the righteous wrath of God for his sins. His whole revenge consisted in the fact that he explained to the Shepherds and monks close to him why Eustathius accused him of having an affair with Apollinaris 207 . At the same time, he testified to God that he had no correspondence with Apollinaris, with the exception of one aforementioned letter, and had never even read his works. “Whoever wants to break off friendship with his brother,” wrote Vasily, “needs a lot of care, many sleepless nights, many tears in order to ask God for knowledge of the truth.” 208 And Vasily faithfully fulfilled this rule; For more than two years he remained silent, without openly denouncing his former friend, so unfaithful to both friendship and truth. But if blatant slander, it seemed, could not produce a harmful effect among the Orthodox, who knew the way of thinking of the Saint; it was impossible, at least, not to fear the influence of crafty machinations on the Emperor, who patronized the Arians. St. Basil repeatedly received news from Antioch (where Valens was then located) that feats were being built against him there 209, that the Emperor either intended to hand over Basil to the accusers, or canceled, or at least postponed, his decision 210. Surrendering to the will of God in everything, Vasily calmly awaited his fate. However, the malicious intent of his enemies contributed to the breakdown of his health, which was always weak 211. In the middle of 373, he became so ill that rumors of his death spread in Cappadocia, and the Bishops gathered in Caesarea to elect a new Archbishop 212. This illness, which lasted more than fifty days, forced him to turn to doctors' benefits and use warm waters 213. At the same time, St. Basil received the sad news of the death of St. Athanasius of Alexandria. Who was one of the few who knew how to properly appreciate him, and in whom alone Vasily saw hope for the establishment of the Church world. His death, to the new chagrin of Vasily, was followed by cruel persecution against the Orthodox in Alexandria. Vasily considered it a duty of love to greet Athanasiev’s successor Peter and to console the embittered Church of Alexandria with messages. He wrote that he himself would like to visit the flock of the great Athanasius, but illness and danger from common enemies, of necessity, kept him in Caesarea 214. Now St. Basil was left alone as guardian of the affairs of the Church of Antioch, which at the same time suffered from the violence of the Arians, and from the friends of Paulinus, protected by Damasus. Presbyter Evagrius 215, who brought with him the above-mentioned letters from the West, a friend of Jerome, who then lived in the East, near Antioch, 216, against the expectations of St. Basil, went over to the side of Paulinus, and even persuaded Basil to recognize Paulinus as Bishop of Antioch, abandoning Meletius. St. Basil, responding to this proposal, rejected any suspicion of partiality towards one side and prejudice against the other: he demanded one thing - that everything be arranged in accordance with the Church order, according to which Meletius deserved preference over Paulinus; he considered intervening in the pacification of the Church of Antioch to be a matter beyond his strength and, moreover, not permissible for him, when this Church had its own Bishop, strict in his rules; He found it inconvenient to seek help in the West because he did not see people around him capable of it 217. - Meanwhile, St. Basil convinced the Antiochian Christians to stand firmly in Orthodoxy against the persecutors, and outlined for them a confession that they should adhere to in the fight against heretics. This confession is nothing more than the Nicene Symbol, with the addition of the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, against the Doukhobors 218. At the beginning of 374, St. Basil suffered another loss: the father of his friend, Bishop Gregory of Nazianium, died; his virtues, his love for Vasily, the services rendered to him during his elevation to the Throne - everything prompted Vasily to honor in him not only a fellow shepherd, but also a father 219 . Vasily visited his friend and consoled him in his sorrow. Loss followed loss. Soon, another accomplice in the election of Basil, his sincere friend and adviser in all matters, St. Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata, was exiled to prison by order of Valens. Let us also mention here a different kind of grief for the Saint of Caesarea. One noble widow, pursued by a strong man who, against her will, wanted to have her as his wife, resorted to the protection of the Church of Caesarea and sought refuge in the church. In vain did the seeker of her hand try to remove her from here. The Bishop of Caesarea, protecting the right of the sacred fence, refused to release it from the church. He turned to his colleague in office, the manager of the Pontic district 220. Infected with Arianism, this leader took advantage of this opportunity to take revenge on the Orthodox Bishop for the defeat suffered by his fellow believers. Without accepting any excuses, he, in desecration of the Saint, ordered to search his house, as if a widow was hiding in it, and to present the Bishop himself for trial, despite his rank and the correctness of his actions. The judge wanted to force his consent to extradite the unfortunate woman with threats and punishments. Vasily was not afraid of threats, he was ready to submit his body to punishment. But the people, having learned about the disgrace to which the Bishop was exposed, and about the danger ahead of him, rose up to defend their Archbishop. People of all ages, all classes gathered at the place of trial and threatened to tear the lawless judge to pieces, so that Vasily himself had to intercede before the irritated crowd for his salvation. 221 Such grief, coupled with constant episcopal labors and frequent travel. Naturally, Vasiliev’s health collapse was completed. As soon as one illness passed, another one befell him. So throughout the winter of 374 until Easter he was sick 222. From time to time, the exhausted Archpastor was revived by visits from friends of God who came from distant countries to see him, or by their spiritual messages. So the teacher of Edessa, St., visited Vasily. Ephraim, in the humble rank of deacon, earned the high title of Father of the Church not only of Sira, but also of the Ecumenical. Having surveyed the deserts of Egypt, inhabited by ascetics, he came to Caesarea to enjoy a spiritual conversation with its great Archpastor. Hitherto unknown to Vasily, he was recognized by him at the direction of the Spirit; saw the improvement of the Church of Caesarea, ruled by him; admired his charities; and returning to his former companions, full of gracious consolations, he glorified Vasily with a word of praise 223. Soon after the death of St. Athanasius, St. Basil was consoled by the message of Asholius, Bishop of Thessaloniki, who, of course, knowing the friendly relations between the Archbishops of Alexandria and Caesarea, vividly depicted his zeal for the deceased great Archpastor 224. From him, through his relative Junius Soranus, the regional commander on the borders of Scythia 225, he received the relics of St. Sava of Gothos, who shortly before died as a martyr at the hands of his compatriots 226. Reading the message of Ascholius, in which the exploits of the Martyr were vividly depicted, St. Basil felt as if transported to the primitive times of the Church, firm in faith and united by love; asked him to pray for the return of firmness and unanimity to the Church; at the same time, he thanked Soran for his generous and priceless gift to his fatherland - Cappadocia, to which the Goths owed their initial acquaintance with the Christian Faith through Eutyches 227. In 375, St. Basil joyfully welcomed the ascension of a new luminary in the West, St. Ambrose of Milan, miraculously chosen from the City rulers to be the Bishop of the great Church, and together, at his request, transferred to Mediolan the relics of Dionysius, Bishop. Milansky, who, during the time of Constantius, was exiled to captivity in Armenia, or Cappadocia, and died there 228. Relations with the Bishop of Milan all the more promised a pleasant future because... Soon after his accession to the throne, Emperor Valentian, at the request of the Illyrian Bishops, sent confirmation to the East so that everyone would adhere to the confession of Faith approved by the Ecumenical Council of Nicaea, and no one would dare to abuse the power and name of the Emperor against the Orthodox 229. But more and more St. Basil found consolation and reinforcement in friendship with St. Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium. They became close to each other even before the election of Amphilochius to the episcopal throne; Vasily called him his son, Amphilochius Vasily his father; The Archpastor of Caesarea, knowing his virtues and education, promised himself support in him for the Church of Cappadocia. Amphilochius, fearing promotion to the rank of Bishop, deliberately evaded Basil 230, but did not escape God's determination. Beyond expectations, he was elected Bishop of the adjacent region of Pisidia to the Bishop of the main city, Iconium (in 374), glorified by the preaching of the Apostle Paul. The elevation of Amphilochius to a new rank did not dissolve his alliance with Caesarea. The Caesarea flock did not want to see anyone more often than Amphilochia 231; Basil often invited him to the feasts of the Martyrs of Caesarea, for a meeting about any difficult matters, in the event of a serious illness 232, and, considering himself close to death, he entrusted his Church to him 233. For his part, Amphilochius often asked Basil for instructions, both on matters of church administration and in disputes with heretics. To this communication between the Archpastors of Iconium and Caesarea we owe not only many letters of interpretative and polemical content against heretics 234, but also three extensive canonical epistles, in which various perplexities concerning church deanery are resolved 235. At the request of the same friend, St. Basil wrote a whole book about the Holy Spirit. The reason for this was the following circumstances. At one time, while praying in church with the people, St. Basil sometimes used the following conclusion in his exclamations: “... glory to the Father with the Son together with the Holy Spirit,” sometimes this: “... glory to the Father through the Son in the Holy Spirit.” The heretics, taking every opportunity to slander the Orthodox Teacher, now not only charged him with a crime for using hitherto unusual expressions, but also called one way of expression contradictory to another. They accepted the glorification of the Holy Trinity in its last form, assigning it a meaning consistent with their wicked opinions about the Son and the Holy Spirit, but they rejected the first form of expression, because it clearly showed the equality of the Persons of the Holy Trinity: while St. Basil used both expressions in the same meaning. Therefore, Amphilochius asked him, both for the admonition, if possible, of the erring, and for the confirmation of the Orthodox, to explain in more detail the equivalence of both types of doxology 236. Fulfilling the desire of Amphilochius, St. Basil from the Holy Scriptures proved the injustice of the opinion of the heretics, as if by the expression: through the Son, it means that the Son is only an instrument of the Father and by His nature is lower than the Father 237; then, having proved the Divinity of the Holy Spirit 238, he revealed that both the expression: with the Holy Spirit and the other: in the Holy Spirit 239 agree with this teaching, and defended the first image of the expression by Church Tradition 240. A dispute about this subject arose in 374. Probably on the feast of St. Eupsychias. For the same holiday next year, St. Basil. Despite the illness, I prepared my book 241. At the end of it, St. Basil depicted the current state of the Church in a terrible picture of a naval battle between old enemies, amid a storm, in the darkness of the night. The accuracy of this picture is confirmed by the history of the disasters of the Orthodox Shepherds of the 4th century, and in particular of Basil himself, who previously continuously experienced grief both from heretics and from his colleagues, and at the very time when he wrote this, he had to endure slander from his former friend Eustathius, enmity from relatives and compatriots in Neocaesarea. For a long time, Vasily noticed with regret the cooling towards him of the Bishops of the coastal cities of the Pontic region. Calm in their distance from those countries most exposed to the attacks of heretics, they took no part in the plight of their Archbishop. This is not enough. Vasily found out that someone had managed to slander him in front of them. The Holy Archpastor himself opened relations with them (in 375) and volunteered to justify himself against all accusations, as long as he knew who was accusing him of what; on the other hand presented to them. How contrary to the spirit of the Gospel and the common good is to be alienated from fellowship with like-minded and well-disposed brethren. Therefore, he suggested that they appoint a place in his place or in his region, where they could meet and explain 242. Vasily was even more upset by the obvious dislike of Neocaesarea, the main city of the Pontic region, towards him, which was all the more sensitive. What happened from the influence of Bishop Atharvius of Neocaesarea, a relative of Vasiliev, who was inclined towards the false teachings of Savelius. He deliberately avoided all relations with Vasily, so as not to be exposed in his error; Meanwhile, he scattered various slander against Vasily among the people; unlearned himself, he condemned his writings as echoing pagan wisdom; condemned his institutions in the Church of Caesarea, related to worship, and the organization of monasteries, as innovations; tried to alienate his friends from him - Meletius of Antioch and Anthimus of Tyana. St. Basil, with all the humility of a true Shepherd, wrote to the presbyters of Neocaesarea, so that they would impartially examine his life, his Scriptures, but would not believe mere slander; he submitted his actions and teachings to the judgment of the Bishops and those elected from the clergy; Meanwhile, in defense of his faith, he represented that it was the same as that professed by Blessed Macrina, St. Gregory of Neocaesarea, and which all countries in communion with him profess 243. The bishops of Pontus heeded Vasily's convictions and, after preliminary communications 244, decided to gather on the borders of the Komansky, where it was convenient for Vasily to come while surveying his diocese. But the Neocaesarians were silent. A zealous Archpastor, caring for the salvation of the souls entrusted to him, why would it be better to experience grief again than to leave the work begun in neglect. He again warned the Neo-Caesarean clergy against the harmful false teachings secretly disseminated by Atharvius 245. Meanwhile, he went to the appointed place for the Council, and there he peacefully ended the matter with the Pontic Bishops, having learned only that the culprit of the slander against him was Euthathius of Sebaste 246. At the end of the Council, to calm down from his labors, Vasily retreated for a short time to his beloved desert, where he spent the summers of his youth under the leadership of his grandmother and where the monks now lived under the command of his brother Peter. It was near Neokesarea. As soon as the Neocaesarians learned about this, some left the city out of fear, while others wanted to denigrate the zeal of the holy Archpastor with new slander. But with apostolic patience, enduring all the blasphemies, he once again tried to make them aware of the danger they were exposed to from the false teaching of their Bishop by sending a letter to the most noble residents of the city, and threatened to announce their condition to the other Churches 247. It was all in vain: neither his humility, nor the meekness of his admonitions, nor just threats had any effect on the stubborn; only a few of the inhabitants of Neokesarea expressed their favor towards him 248. Basil had barely returned to Caesarea, exhausted by a long journey during a stormy season, when he was met with unfavorable news from Antioch. They wrote to him that his enemies, the Arians, managed to petition the Emperor for a command, under the pretext of peace, to summon him to the Court, and since this could not promise themselves anything good, they advised Vasily to first go to Mesopotamia, gather zealots of Orthodoxy there, and together with them appear before the Emperor. However, neither one nor the other, neither the desire of the Arians, nor the assumptions about traveling to Antioch, were fulfilled 249. The attention of the Archpastor of Caesarea was more occupied by other news received from the same Antioch from the presbyter Dorotheus. He wrote that in Antioch a message had been received from Pope Damasus, in which he recognized Paulinus as Bishop of Antioch, and, under false pretenses, deprived Meletius of this honor 250. For their part, the adherents of Paulinus, added Dorotheus, offer the defenders of Meletius a confession of faith, on the basis of which they are ready to enter into an alliance with them - and in particular they try to attract to themselves the strong man at the Court of Comite (Count) Terence, with whom Basil and Meletius were in friendly relations. Reporting this, Dorotheus expressed his desire and readiness to immediately go to Rome in order to support Meletius’ side there, and invited for this purpose from Vasily his brother, Bishop Gregory of Nyssa. St. Basil hastened to reject Terence from this union, not only because this was required by the duty of justice in relation to Meletius, but also because the confession of faith proposed by Paulinus contained some inaccurate expressions that could lead to new perplexities and disputes. Namely, the symbol confused the meaning of the words: οὐσία (being) and ὑπόςασις (hypostasis), and although it was assumed that there were three Persons in the Divinity (πρόσωτα), the Divinity was recognized as one in hypostasis, which led to the false teaching of Sabellius 251. As for the assumption of Dorotheus going to Rome again and, moreover, together with Gregory, St. Basil found such a sea journey inconvenient due to the time of year, and a land journey due to the invasion of barbarians into the Empire; and Gregory himself did not recognize himself as capable of successfully completing the matter due to the arrogance of the Westerners 252. However, he did not completely abandon relations with the West. Having sent his letters to the Antiochian friends, St. Vasily turned all his attention to the affairs closest to him. The Comanian Council revealed to him that Eustathius was not unsuccessful in his slander, and that those who were not familiar with the true state of affairs were carried away by them. So St. Basil, who had not responded to these slander for two years, now recognized that it was necessary to reveal to everyone his relationship with Eustathius. With a district message, he made public how his acquaintance with the Bishop of Sebaste began, and how they separated from each other; how unfairly he is accused of unorthodoxy by one who has repeatedly witnessed his sermons and been a participant in his conversations about the dogmas of the Faith; how unfairly the traitor to Orthodoxy accuses him of having relations with Apollinaris; how ungratefully an unfaithful friend treats him, whom he repeatedly defended from fair criticism of false teaching, having previously seen nothing in them but slander. All this was not difficult for Vasily to confirm with irrefutable evidence 253. Such an explanation was more necessary, that the perspicacious spirit of the Archpastor of Caesarea had already foreseen new dangers for his Church from the Arians, with whom Eustathius had become friends 254 . A new governor, Prefect Dimosthenes, patron of the Arian 255, was appointed to Cappadocia. With his assistance, a council of Arian bishops was held, first in Ancyra, then in Nissa. Based on false denunciations, he condemned and declared deposed Vasiliev's brother, Gregory Bishop of Nyssa: so Vasily, with all his efforts to justify his innocent brother, was not successful 256. In place of Gregory, the Arians elevated a man who was ready to serve their wicked plans 257. – Eustathius also took an active part in both councils, although the Arians had not yet allowed him into church communion with them 258 . Bishop Theodotus of Nikopol, a famous zealot for Orthodoxy, soon died. So that the Arians would not have time to occupy the idle throne in the main city of Armenia with one of their own, Pimenius, the Bishop of Satal tried by all means to persuade Euphronius, Bishop of Colonia, to accept the throne of Nicopolis into control. But the Colonian clergy did not want to be separated from their Shepherd and threatened to transfer this matter into the hands of the Arian government. Basil, taking part in this dispute, due to his influence on the affairs of the Armenian Church, convinced both the clergy and residents of the Colony to submit to the church election of their Bishop, as determined by the Holy Spirit, sent letters after letters to them and promised to visit them himself 259. But the Arians managed to take possession of Nicopolis sooner than the Colony was convinced to sacrifice its Bishop. The Arian bishops, leaving Nyssa, visited Sebastia, where they were received by Eusathius with all solemnity and mutually accepted him into their fellowship, went with him to Nicopolis, where they allowed him to ordain as Bishop one of their presbyters, Fronto, who agreed to be like-minded with them 260. The clergy and people did not accept the Bishop from the Arians and agreed better to perform their Divine services outside the city, in the open air, rather than change Orthodoxy. In order to attract them to himself, Fronton either showed a desire to get closer to the Orthodox, or clearly persecuted them. St. Basil, receiving information about all these incidents from the persecuted themselves, strengthened them in the fight against Arianism, consoled the mourners with what he himself always found consolation, reminded them of the exploits of their fathers, confessors and martyrs, warned them against the intrigues of the false bishop, dissolved his tears with their tears, wrote about them to his friends at the Court. In a word, he did everything he could in his cramped position 261. With such defenselessness of Orthodoxy in the East, Dorotheus’s intention to go again to Rome and seek help from the Western Bishops, it seemed, should have attracted the full attention of the Archbishop of Caesarea. But St. Basil, remembering the futility of previous relations with the West, was reluctant to begin this task. “If God is merciful to us,” he wrote to his friend Eusebius, “then why do we need other help? If God’s wrath continues, then what help can we expect from the arrogance of the West? They do not know the true state of affairs and do not want to find out. I would like,” continues Vasily, “not on behalf of everyone, but to write privately to their head, - and not about church affairs, but about what should not burden the already oppressed with temptations, and that pride should not be considered a virtue - this sin, which alone can make enemies of God.” However, when the friends of the world laid down a decisive intention to send an embassy to the West again, Vasily took it upon himself to write again to the Western Bishops 262. This was in 376. In two epistles, he vividly depicted the disasters that Orthodoxy has suffered in the East, since the reign of Valens for the thirteenth year, what disasters should continue to be expected because the younger generation is being brought up under the guidance of wicked mentors. To heal this evil, Vasily, as before, asked that the state of the Eastern Churches be brought to the attention of the Western Emperor, and if this cannot be done, then at least send someone to visit and console the mourners 263 . The fate of Orthodoxy in the East would be depicted so touchingly, the prayers expressed so strongly that Vasily’s letters, contrary to his expectations, had a beneficial effect on Westerners. Although the messengers returned from Rome alone, their assurances about the goodwill of the Westerners towards their Eastern brothers were also comforting for Vasily 264. It’s not a loan that was contained in the response letters brought from Rome, but from Vasiliev’s secondary letter to the West we can conclude that the Westerners, at the first opportunity, promised to send someone to inspect the Eastern Churches 265 . In anticipation of this, the Eastern Bishops found it necessary to explain to the Western ones who the main culprits of the real turmoil in the East are, and to ask them to at least declare in writing that they are violators of the peace of the Church. The voice of outsiders who agreed with the review of the East should have been more important than the last one. Therefore, soon after returning from the trip, Dorotheus was again sent to Rome with a letter from Vasily (in 377). Basil revealed that the first cause of real unrest in the Eastern Church was Euthathius of Sebaste, first a disciple of Arius in Alexandria, then repeatedly moving from Arianism to Orthodoxy, and for the last time accepted into communion with the Orthodox according to a letter brought to him from Rome by Pope Liverius. Now the Roman Church, in order to justify itself, must declare on what conditions he was accepted, so that it can be seen how he abuses the benefit shown to him. Secondly, SV. Basil pointed to Apollinaris, whose writings, scattered in abundance, contained much that was contrary to the truth. Thirdly, he wrote about Paulinus of Antioch: “Can his ordination be called impeccable, you yourself say; but we are saddened by the fact that he adhered to the teaching of Marcellus and without consideration accepted into his fellowship the followers of Marcellus’ teaching.” The main basis for this accusation was that Paulinus did not allow, as was explained above, the hypostatic existence of the Son and the Holy Spirit. Having explained this, Vasily asked to write to all the Eastern Churches: “If these false thinkers correct themselves, they can be accepted into communion with the Church; otherwise they must be excommunicated from her” 266. Dorotheus passionately defended everything explained in the letter before Pope Damasus and Peter of Alexandria, who was then in Rome; but if the opinion about Eustathius and Apollinaris did not meet with contradiction on the part of the West, then the opinion about the peacock, which the Roman Church supported, could not easily be accepted in the West; especially since, due to the lack of a strict distinction between hypostasis and essence, other Western teachers previously did not agree to recognize the Son and the Holy Spirit as special Hypostases, using the word “person” instead of “hypostasis.” This accusation of Peacock of unorthodoxy was received with such indignation that Meletius himself, a colleague of Peacock, and Eusebius of Samosata were called heretics 267. So St. Basil was not deceived in the futility of relations with the West, although at first favorable hopes opened up. The Saint of God was not deceived in his trust in the merciful care of the Church of the Lord Jesus Christ, to whom he himself continually offered prayers and encouraged others to pray for the peace of the Church. Soon a revolution took place in the doulas of the East, regardless of the influence of the Western bishops. The persecutor of Orthodoxy, Valens, died in the war against the Goths in August 378, and with him the rule of the Arian people collapsed. Then, in the East, the decree issued shortly before by the Western Emperor Gratian in favor of Orthodoxy (in May 378), which did not allow heretics to have any church meetings either in cities or outside cities, could have had effect in the East 268. At the same time, freedom was granted to all confessors of Orthodoxy, imprisoned under Valens, to return to their cities 269. To execute this decree, Gratian sent a special official, Sapor, 270 to the East. Thus, Basil's friends returned to their sees, Meletius, whom he once again tried to justify before Peter of Alexandria 271, and Eusebius, miraculously preserved in the country that had suffered most from the cruelty of the Goths 272. The zealous Archpastors immediately set about restoring the Churches that had suffered from the Arians, elevating their tried and tested friends to desolate thrones 273 . And Vasily, as Gregory says, offers his hand and spirit to the ordination of his most sincere servants, so that the altar would not be deprived of his disciples and assistants in the priesthood, but already almost dead, lifeless. 274 Vasily was not even fifty years old when he was called from serving the Church on earth to the Church in heaven. Illnesses from his youth, labors of study, feats of spiritual wisdom, sorrows, works and concerns of pastoral service soon exhausted his bodily strength and plunged him to his deathbed. The wishes and prayers of his flock did not keep him on earth; with the words: “In Your hands I commend my spirit,” he departed to the Lord 275. The day of the burial of St. Basil fully revealed how ardently Caesarea loved him. “When carrying out his body,” says St. Gregory, “everyone took care to take hold of the vestments, or the canopy, or the sacred bed, or to touch only his body (for what is more sacred and purer than his body?), or even to walk next to those carrying them, or to enjoy the sight alone. Marketplaces, passages, second and third dwellings were filled; Thousands of people of all kinds and ages, hitherto unknown, either preceded, then accompanied, or surrounded the bed and crowded each other. Even pagans and Jews shared the grief of the orphaned flock” 276. Gregory himself, due to illness and other matters, could not arrive in Caesarea for the burial of his friend, and grieved that he could not have the final consolation of kissing the sacred ashes of the one who had departed to the Lord 277 . But having returned from Constantinople, his first duty was to honor the memory of the great Saint with a word of praise and funeral verses. 278 Let us conclude our review of the life of SV. Vasily with a brief calculation of his special merits. Provided to the Church of Christ. Under the Great Athanasius and after him, he was the focus for all the Orthodox Shepherds of the East, and with his firmness, his writings, and his tireless labors, he did not allow Arianism to swallow up the small flock of the faithful. He was the first to recognize the need to supplement the teaching about the Holy Spirit in the Nicene Symbol, and this addition was made at the Second Ecumenical Council (381), in accordance with his teaching. His rules regarding church deanery were accepted by the entire Church, Eastern and Western. His Liturgy was introduced into general use in the East. His rules for monks became the law for all Eastern monasticism. By his example, he showed the possibility of combining learned theological works with the exploits of monasticism, gave rules for the upbringing and education of youth in monasteries, and he himself wrote instructions on how young people can engage in the works of pagan writers without harm to their souls. He set an example of charitable institutions for the poor and sick in his almshouse and together with the hospital, which was so vast that it seemed like a whole city, and in which he himself attended to the sick 279 . The Holy Church, glorifying the memory of St. Basil, worthily honored him with the title of Great One among the Saints glorified by God, and taught us to sing to him: The nature of those who exist is out of habit, and having seen all of them as unworthy, you have found one, the unshakable, pre-existent essence of the Creator of all. Having venerated Him even more, you rejected those who do not exist. Thou hast gathered all the Saints in virtue, Our Father Basil: Moses' meekness, and Elijah's Zeal, Peter's Confession, John's Theology, for Paul did not cease crying: who is faint, and I am not faint? Who indulges, and I do not liquefy 280? Who was named after the kingdom, when you are the king's priesthood, Christ's holy language, with philosophy and art, Father, you have fallen: then decorate you with the crown of the kingdom, Basil, the reigning Lord of all, who is united to the Born, ever-present Son and co-originating: pray to Him to save and enlighten our souls 281. St. Gregory the Theologian Words. 43. In the Creation of the Holy Fathers, part 4. p. 55 et seq. St. Gregory of Nyssa Life of St. Macrina. Orr. T.2. r. 191. Creation St. Gregory the Theologian Part 4 countries. 57. Gregory of Nyssa in the same place. In the funeral verses of Emmilia, written by Gregory the Theologian, she is called not only the mother of the priests, but also the wife of the priest. This gives us the right to conclude that Vasily, the father of Basil the Great, was a priest or bishop in the last years of his life. S. Gregorii Epigramma CXXX. in Anecdotis Muratorii. Patav. 1709 in 4. Pag. 126. Gregory of Nyssa. Life of Macrina. Gregory the Theologian, in his letter to Vasily, who had retired to Pontus, directly asks him: why is he a Cappadacian running around Cappadacia? Er. 6. St. Basil quite clearly indicates his birth in Caesarea in his homily to the memory of the Martyr Gordius. Therefore, if sometimes Vasily’s brother Gregory, sometimes Vasily himself is called his fatherland and Ponte: then this should be attributed to the origin of their parent from Pontus and the location of their family for the most part in Pontus. There are no other indications for determining the year of birth of St. Basil, except that a) St. Gregory the Theologian, in his laudatory speech to Basil, calls himself equal to him in age. Creation Grigor. Theologian. Part 4. Page 139.; b) in letter 33 to Vasily he calls himself his elder. These two testimonies lead to the conclusion that if one was older than the other, then it was not much. Gregory was born around 330. See Add. to the Works of the Holy Fathers, part I p. 5 6 See commendable. Word to Basil Gregory of Nyssa. Letter of Vasily 204, published by Garnier. In addition to other instructions, of course, here there is also a symbol dedicated by Gregory to the Church of Neocaesarea, which could have been in general use in it before the compilation of Nicene. The brother of St. Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, speaks about this symbol in his eulogy to Gregory. – St. Basil cites some words from it in letter 140 at the end; Basil’s friend, Gregory the Theologian, uses it more than once, in word 31 (part 3, p. 128) and in word 40 (p. 316). Grigor. Theologian Sl. 43. Page 54–66. Life of St. Macrina. Vasily himself speaks with equal respect about his mother’s lessons in piety, as well as about Macrina’s instructions. Letter 223. In the word “On the Judgment of God,” he says that from infancy he began to study the Holy Scriptures. Of course, in the spirit of the parents of St. Basil, St. Gregory the Theologian reasoned: “I believe that everyone. He who has intelligence is the first to recognize the goodness of learning for us, and not only this most noble and our (that is, Christian) learning, which, despising all ornaments and fertility, embraces the one salvation and contemplative beauty, but also external learning, which many Christians, in their bad understanding, abhor as evil, dangerous and moving away from God... One should not demean learning, but on the contrary, we must recognize as stupid and ignorant those who, holding such an opinion, would like to see everyone like themselves, in order to hide their own shortcoming in a common lack and avoid being accused of ignorance.” Sl. 43, pp. 63–64. Euseb. De vita constant. Lib. IV. c. 43. Letter 76. And in letter 74 he complains that after the division of the Cappadocia region into two administrations, Caesarea was empty, people involved in science are rarely found in it; that its schools (γυμναοία) are closed. Socrates N.E. 4, 26. And Sozomen N.E. 6, 17. However, we cannot agree with them that Basil studied in Antioch. According to this division, during the time of Proeresius, the mentor of Basil and Gregory, one belonged to the East, that is, Syria, to another Arabia, to the third, Proeresius itself, Pontus with other Asia Minor countries and Egypt. Eunapii vita Proaeresii. In Vitis Sophistarum. 1596. p. 138. Sophists everywhere preached that with the decline of the Greek religion, they would stop reading pagan writers and ignorance would reign (Libanius in Apologetico. Ed. Rask. Vol. III. P. 437). When the government did not listen to their complaints, they tried with all their eloquence to attract youth to themselves; in their schools they told him the grace of ancient works of poetry and philosophy, gave deep moral meaning to the most immoral myths, and so on. According to Gregory, she taught how to put language into proper rules, reduce history (to explain the author), master the dimensions of verse, and gave laws to poetry. Sl. 43. Page 78. Slich. Villoison Anecdot. Graec. T. II. Pag. 172–175. Socrates H. E. 4, 26. 6, 17. About Empire Fabr. Bibl. Graec. Ed. Yarles. T.VI. P. 55–63; About Proeresia r. 137. Eunapii p. 133 and 161. Eunani speaks with delight of his eloquence. All this is described in detail by Gregory himself in his words of praise to Vasily. Page 67–79. Letter of Basil 1. St. Basil writes: “I left Athena, carried away by the glory of your philosophy, and neglected everything there.” He further mentions Eutsathius' stay in Cappadocia and his journey to Persia and other distant countries. According to Eunanius, Eustathius, a student of the philosopher Iamblichus, was the successor of Edesius in one of the Cappadocian schools, became known to Constantius for his eloquence, and was sent by the Emperor to the Persian Court (in 358). Eunap. De vit. Sophist. 1596. P. 48–56. Le bean Hestoire du Bas-Empire Ed. Par. S. Martin. T. II. P. 244. Grigor. Theologian. Sl. 43. Page 81. Rufina Eсcl. II. C. 9. Letter to you. Vel. 210. Grigor. Theologian. Sl. 43. Page 79. Only in Alexandria was his illness delayed for some time. Letters. 1. The place chosen by Basil was not far from Neocaesarea, but belonged to the district of the Bishop of the city of Ivora near the Black Sea. Greg. Nyss. Vita S. Macrina. Rules St. Basil. Space. question 7. Sozom. H. E. 6, 34. This is confirmed by Abba Piamon (Cassian. Collat. 18. c. 7.), who, by the nature of their life, calls such monks Sarabaites, that is, unsubordinate. Boachart. Hierozoie. Pars II. L.IV. C. 14. Greg. Naz. Ep. 9. The rules of Basil the Great for monks are some written in lengthy form, others in abbreviated form, both on issues proposed from the brethren. In short rules, Vasily often refers to his lengthy rules - for example, in the 2nd he points to the 8th of the lengthy ones, in the 74th to the 7th, in the 103rd to the 27th, 220th to the 33rd. This proves that both rules belong to the same writer. A contemporary of Basil the Great, Presbyter of Aquileia, Rufinus made an extract from Basil's rules and translated it into Latin for Abbot Urseius (Hist. Eccl. 2.9). In the 5th century, Basil refers to these rules in his instructions to the monks. Cassian; Lecturer Benedict calls them a guide to virtue (S. Benedict Regul. Ultim.); The teacher Theodosius, head of the Hostel in Palestine, often read them (Vita S. Theodosii ap. Boll II. Jannuar. P. 693). In the 6th century, Emperor Justinian. In a letter to the Pariarch of Constantinople, Minna, cites the 267th rule from the short ones under the name of Basil the Great. This proves that these rules undoubtedly belong to Basil the Great. Those mentioned by St. Gregory the Theologian in the said letter, of course, are lengthy. As Socrates testifies H. E. 4, 26. and Sozomen 6, 17. Eg. In the 3rd conversation of Shestodnev, although the name of Origen is hidden under the general name of a church writer. Eg. In the book about the Holy Spirit, ch. 29. So he accepts in the book of Proverbs 8:22 - ἐκτήσατο acquis, instead of ἔκαισε, creating, following, as he himself says, other translators who more accurately comprehended the meaning of the Hebrew words (Against Eun. 2, 20.). So the words: “The Spirit of God rushes” (Gen. 1:2), according to the guidance of one Syriac interpreter, he explains in accordance with the Syriac and Hebrew texts. 2 Demon. on Shestodnev. – Often also uses other Greek translations in his explanation of the Prophet Isaiah. See St. Basil's explanation on Isa. 1:4, Isa. 2:22, Isa. 6:13, Isa. 10:23. George Sinkell writes in his timebook that in his hands was a copy of the Bible, on which it was noted that they were taken from the list collated and corrected by the Great and Divine Basil. Georg. Syncell. Chronograph Paris. 1652. p. 203. In the essay “Against Eunomius” (II, 19), Vasily, citing the words of Ap. Paul (Eph. 1:1), refers to ancient copies of the epistle that he himself saw. In the 251st short rule, he makes a critical remark about the difference in reading in the Gospel of Luke (Luke 22:36). In the book about the Holy Spirit ch. 4–8, 25–27, among other things, extensively explains the meaning of the Greek prepositions σιὰ, ἐξ, ἐν, μετὰ, σὐ ν ', according to their use in Holy Scripture. About the Holy Spirit Ch. 29. Letters: 9, 188, 210. The Symbol of Sirmium (II) is found in Hilary de Synodis § 11., in St. Athanasius of Alexandria de Synodis §28. The Ancyra symbol in the epistle of St. Epiphanius (Haeres. LXXII. §2.). Several Egyptian Bishops, together with Hilary, were expelled from his throne for Orthodoxy and imprisoned in Phrygia. Hilar. Contra Constantium. This is evidenced by Philostorius H.E. 4, 12; Nvnomius in Gregory of Nyssa Contra Eunom. I. 1. St. does not deny this either. Gregory of Nyssa. In Flostorius, St. Basil is mentioned at the Council of Constantinople already as a deacon. But St. Gregory the Theologian, speaking in detail about all the degrees of church service to which Vasily was elevated, does not say anywhere that he served as a deacon. St. Gregory the Theologian speaks about him with deep sorrow in words. 21, part 2, pp. 195–197. St. Gregory found him there when he retired from Nazian after his ordination as a Presbyter. Add. To Creation Holy Fathers, Part 1, p. 26. The rules are contained in 80 chapters, which are preceded by the teaching “On the Judgment of God” and the instruction “On Faith.” Gregory's second accusatory word against Julian pp. 213–214. As for the known correspondence between Julian and Vasily, it is doubtful. See Garnier. Vita Basilii. Cap. 8, 5. 17 Letter from Basil to Origen. Gregory the Theologian. Part I. Page 213. The time of writing “Five Books Against Eunomius” is determined by the letters of Basil (20 and 21) to the Sophist Leontius, to whom he sent his essay “Against Eunomius”. The second of these letters. Obviously, he alludes to the civil events of 364 years, specifically to the oppression of Petronius (Amm. Marcell. 26, 6); and the first one, at which the books were transferred, was written a little earlier than that. – In the first three books, Eunomiev’s apology is refuted; the last two contain short fragmentary remarks against his false mentalities. The letters from Vaislievo have not reached us, but Grigoriyevo is known. Ep. 11. This can be seen from his letter 20 to the sophist Leontius. Grieg. Nazianzu word 43. Page. 84–86. Add. To Creation Holy Fathers Part 1, p. 33. Gregor. Ep. 169, 170 and 19. Grieg's word. 6th. Part 1, pp. 255, 256. Amm. Marcell. Lib. 26. C. 7. One of Valens' decrees shows that he was in Caesarea on July 5th. Grieg. Nazians. Word 43, page 88. Cassiodorus, according to the assurances of others, claimed that Basil the Great explained all the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. In procemio livinaium lectionum. This is clearly evidenced by the contemporary Rufinus. N. E. 2, 9. In the second conversation on the Six Days, the first, morning conversation of the same day is mentioned. The third was spoken the next day. The seventh talks about the morning conversation. In the eighth, Vasily promises another conversation in the evening. This is clear from the conversation on Psalm. 114. This is evident from the word “On drunkenness.” This can be seen from the eighth conversation on the Sixth Day. – So from the 21st conversation we see that Vasily’s listeners, on the occasion of the fire that happened the day before, themselves made it clear to him that they would like to hear from him, in addition to the proposed teaching, a few more words about this incident, for edification. For this very reason, the word on the day of the Holy Martyr Julitta contains, in addition to praise of the Martyr, the end of the explanation of the words of St. Paul 1 Thessalonians 5:16–18. It is impossible to determine with certainty which teachings of Vasily date back to the time of his presbyteral service, and which ones he speaks, having already been a Bishop. Only in one conversation is there clear mention of the Bishop, according to whose narrative Vasily spoke the teaching. - This is in the conversation “On the first words of the book of Proverbs.” To determine the time of his other teachings, one must keep in mind against what errors St. Basil speaks or makes remarks in his conversations? Those conversations that talk about the Doukhobors or Macedonians belong to a later time, that is, to the time of his episcopal service. On the contrary, those teachings in which there is no hint of the false teachings of the Macedonians can be attributed to the time of the presbytery ministry. These are the nine conversations on the Sixth Day. – As for the conversations on Psalms, it should be noted that: a) the conversation on Psalm 114, as can be seen from its beginning, was spoken by St. Vasily after a sermon on the same day in another church, which was actually entrusted to him; b) in some conversations on Psalms that are lower than others in the order of the book, explanations of the previous Psalms are indicated, for example, in a conversation on Psalm 37, the interpretation of Psalm is indicated. 6th; c) meanwhile, from the conversations of Vasily that have survived to this day, it is not clear why he considered it necessary to explain only the Psalms, for which we now have interpretations; d) on the contrary, there are signs that some of his conversations on the Psalms have been lost, so in the conversation on Psalm 14 there is mention of another conversation on the same Psalm, spoken the day before, which we do not have. For these reasons, we can assume that St. Basil explained all the Psalms in order, and moreover, when he was still a presbyter. The interpretation of the 16 chapters of the Prophet Isaiah, according to the testimony of the ancients (Reverend Maximus the Confessor, John of Damascus, etc.) belonging to St. Basil, should be attributed to this time, for everywhere only the Arians - Anomeans are denounced, and nowhere is it said about the Macedonians. – Finally, of the words and conversations of Basil the Great on various occasions, only a few bear quite definitive signs of their time. Words 8, 9, 12 were spoken by the presbyter; 29th. probably the Bishop. Others unknown when. Gregor. Nyss. In Laudem Basil. T. 3. P. 491. In libr. 1. Contra Eunomium. T. 2. P. 307. A word on the occasion of drought and famine. Since 407, at the request of the Council of Carthage, special advocates, or ἐκδικοι, have been established for churches that are no longer ecclesiastical. Cod Theod. L XVI. Tit. II.I. 38. Special defenders of the poor on behalf of the Church, or defensores panperum, were established already by the definition of the Council of Carthage in 401, rights. 10. In the collection of Carthaginian rules, rule 75. Eusebius de vita Const testifies to the granting of this right to bishops. IV c. 27. Sozomen 1. p. 9. Later (408) a legal institution received this right. Cod. Justin. 1. Tit. 4. I. 8 . Sometimes Bishops entrusted this responsibility to outsiders whom they elected. Socrates 7, 37. about Silouan, Ep. Troad. Imitating this, and Imp. Julian ordered the pagans to establish similar institutions. - Under Chrysostom in Antioch, up to 3,000 poor people were fed at the expense of the Church, except for those in prison, wanderers, and the crippled. 66th Discourse on the Gospel of Matthew. St. Basil requests the patronage of these institutions, which were entrusted to the supervision of the Chorebishops, from the regional commanders. Letters 142 and 143. Gregor. Nyssen. T. 3. P. 488. This can be seen from Vasiliev’s letter 23, in which he sends to his Pontic monastery one who wanted to enter monasticism in Caesarea itself. Letter 22. It was published by Mattei, according to the list of the Moscow Synodal Library, and in the form of a Conversation. These are the so-called Brief Rules of St. Basil. Orders of prayers - εἰχῶν διατάἘεις. This is how various prayers related to public worship are called in the “Apostolic Constitutions.” – That St. Basil wrote the liturgy is undoubtedly assured by: 1) Proclus, Patriarch of Constantinople (434–447), who testifies that St. Basil, taking into account the needs of the time, shortened the more extensive Apostolic Order; 2) Peter the Deacon, known for his essay “on the Incarnation,” written on behalf of the Scythian monks, in 520. – Having said that this Liturgy is known throughout the East, he quotes some words from the prayer for the consecration of the Gifts. malos, quaesunus, bonos facito; bonos in bonitate conserva. – Inter opp. Fulgentii; 3) Leontius of Byzantium (VII century), in the 3rd book against Nestorius; condemning Theodore of Mopsuestia for his composition of his liturgy, he reproaches this Bishop for neglecting the liturgy of Basil. Canissii, Tsesaur. Lectio. T.I.p. 578; 4) Council of Trula in rule 32; 5) Acts of the VII Ecumenical Council, which quotes words from the same prayer for the consecration of the Gifts: ?? Χρισοῦ Ζοῦ, δεόμεθα και Ζου παρακαλοῦμαν. Binii Consilia T. III par 1 sect. 1.Pag. 643. – In addition to the Liturgy, other prayers of Basil the Great are known: a) prayer before communion: We know, Lord, that I unworthily receive communion; b) on the eternity of Pentecost: be kind to the King; c) prayer and spell over the possessed. See Fabr. Bibl. Graeca vet. Ed. T.III. Pag. 92–100 – The letters of St. Basil define the order of morning services in the Church of Caesarea (letter 207), and give some passages from church prayers (letters 27 and 155). In the book about the Holy Spirit (chapter 29), Vasily quotes words from the Vespers Song. Which was usually sung by all the people of the Quiet Light. In the letter 284 SV. Basil mentions the definition of the Council of Alexandria, sent to him from Athanasius. Probably back in the time of Julian. About the Council of Sozomen 6, 7; about Vasily’s conversations in his letter 223. Socrates 4. 12. – Silouan was visited by Basil together with Eustathius during his imprisonment. See letter 223. He always had friendship for Theophilus. Letter 245. Just as it was in 368. See letter of Basil 30. Between the letters of Gregory the Theologian, letter 23. This letter is between the Vasilievs under the number 47. But it is. Obviously, it was not written by Basil, for the writer mentions letters he received from the clergy of Caesarea. Complains about his old age. This is obviously the same Gregory Bishop of Nazianium. How earnestly Gregory thanked him for that. A friend of Vasiliev, one can see from his letter to Eusebius, sent with his father. Greg. Naz. Ep. 29. Grieg. Name word 18. T. 2. Page. 137–140; Word 43, T. 3. Page. 93, 94. Gregorius Nyssenus T. 3 de itinere Hierosolymit. Gregorius Nyssenus Carmen t p 8. In Cappadocia, before its division, the following dioceses are known: Ferm, Nyssa, Tyana, Ktra, Nazian, Koniya, Parnassus, Doara. See Sequien, Oriens Christ. T. 1. Since the time of Gregory the Illuminator. Letters. 258. Vardesan also writes about the Magnusei, committed to the Zoroaster religion (in Art. 2), that they not only in Persia, but also moving to other countries, namely Media, Egypt, Phrygia and Galatia, stubbornly preserved their beliefs and customs. Praep. Euang L 6 p 275. St. Gregory says: “... St. Basil himself especially preserved the rule that moderation in everything is perfection.” Creation Holy Fathers T. IV. Page 116. This rule is also found in the letters of St. Basil, for example in letter 8. πᾶν μέτρον ἄριςον. Letter of Basil 48. He was especially indignant at the Bishop of Nazian. Grigor. Nazianzen sl. 1 8 page 139. St. Gregory Nazianzus. sl. 43, p. 97. Grigor. Theologian. Part IV, p. 97. So Innocent asked for a presbyter. Letter 81. The city of Satala asked him for Pimenius as Bishop. Letter 102. St. Amphilochius, E. Iconium, himself elected from the clergy of Caesarea, asked from the same clergy for one of the thrones of Isauria. Letter 217. This was probably the subject of secret, preliminary relations with Meletius, who was then in Armenia. Letter 57. Socrates 4. 16. Sozom. 6. 14. Grieg. Theologian sl. 43, pp. 101 and 102. Arintheus, Victor and Terence, who were close to the Emperor, were on friendly terms with Vasily. Letter 65 to Atarbiy, Bishop of Neocaesarea, relative of Basil. Letter 68. About Evippia in letter 251. Grieg. Theologian Sl. 43, p. 127. Ep. Athanas. ad Palladium. The same is true in the letter to John and Antiochus. Nissa was located ten miles from Caesarea, near Comana of Cappadocia. Greg. Nyss. T.II p. 220. About Gregory’s involuntary dedication, see Vasily’s letter 225. The character of Modest is also described from a very unfavorable side by the modern pagan historian Ammianus Marcellian. I. 29 p. t. I. 30, p. 4. This entire conversation with Modest is reported by St. Gregory the Theologian, who himself was in Caesarea at that time. Word 43. Page 104, 105. St. Gregory of Nyssa sets it out somewhat shorter, but in the same terms and with some additions. Contr. Eunom. Lib. 1. Greg. Nyss. Contr. Eunomium lib. 1. Socrates IV, 26. Theodor. 5, 29. Gregor. Nyss. Adv. Eunom. l. 1. There were no Arian churches in Caesarea. Grigor. Theologian sl. 43., p. 109. – St. Ephraim the Syrian also mentions another miraculous deliverance of St. Basil from exile, when the cane was broken three times in the hands of Valens, who was already preparing to sign the sentence. - St. Ephraim's words of praise to Vasily V. - But the time of this incident is not quite certain. Apparently, this happened during Valens’ stay in Antioch, when the Emperor was, indeed, more than once encouraged by the Arians to expel St. Basil. Letters of St. Basil to Modest 104, 110, 111, 229–231. The council was against Auxentius, Bishop of Milan. The Epistle of this Council to the Illyrians is placed in Sosament IV, 23 and Theodorit II, 22. In the original Latin text the following signature has been preserved: “Ego Sabinus Diaconus Mediolanensis, legatus dedi de authentica,” that is: “Savinus, deacon of the Mediolan Church, legate, gave this copy from the original.” Including Narses, the chief Bishop, or Catholicos of Armenia, who at that time was probably in Caesarea. Saint-Martin in Notes to the History of the Eastern Empire, Lebo. T. III. r. 426. Grieg. Theologian Sl. 43 p. 113. Word of Gregory the Theologian 34, p. 115. This is what he did before with his brother Gregory of Nyssa, whom he elevated to the episcopal see against his will. This is what he soon did with Pimenius, whom he appointed as Bishop of Satal, without respecting either the requests of his mother and relatives, or his own need for this presbyter. Letter 102. Letter 98 mentions a proposed Council for communication with the Bishops of the second Cappadocia. Anthimus was then in union with St. Basil. Histoire du Bas-Empire, Lebeau. Edit. 1825. T. III.p. 376. 380. 433 Satala - in Lesser Armenia near the city of Lori, on the way from Tokat to Arzerum. Ritter. Erdkunde v. Asien. Th. 10. S. 830. Letter 99, which was written from Satala. Here Vasily accepted a request from the residents to consecrate a Bishop to them, investigated the case of one Bishop of Armenia, Cyril, and reconciled the residents of Satala with him. On the way, he wrote to Eusebius (in letter 100) that he could not make the slightest movement without pain. It was the unauthorized installation of Bishop Faustus in the city of Satala by M. Afim, while another was installed there by Basil himself. See Letters 102, 104, 120, 121, 122 and 126. In the same year, the Catholicos of the Armenian Church Narses was killed by the King of Armenia Narya. The couple asked the Archbishop of Caesarea, on whom the consecration of the Catholicos depended, to erect Hesychius in place of Narses. But Vasily did not agree to this. See the list of Armenian Bishops, placed in Auctuario Bibliotheae Patrum, Combefisii. T. 2 p.m. 271–292. – Histoire da Bas-Empire, Lebeau. T.III p. 444, 445. This confession, signed by Eustathius, is placed between Vasily’s letters numbering 125. Ζυνεχῶς μοι τῶν ἁῤῥωςημάτων ἐκ τῆς σθοδρᾶς λύπης ἀποςρεθόναων. Letter 141. In addition to Evagrius, St. Basil had relations with the presbyter of Antioch, Diodorus, who sent him his writings for consideration. Letters. 135. He was a disciple of Silouan, Bishop of Taras; in some matters he was an employee of Basil the Great (see Letter of Basil the Great. 99), managed the flock of Meletius during his absence (Theodoret. H. E. II, 24); subsequently St. Meletius was elevated to Bishop of Tara. Hieronomi Ep 49 sec. Edit Veionensem Here Jerome speaks at length of the services rendered by Evagrius in the West, where he spent several years, going there with Eusebius, Bishop of Vercellus, in 362. Gregory the Theologian's word 18. Part II. Page 101. 144. Cappadocia also belonged to this district. According to the testimony of Nikita, an interpreter of the words of Gregory the Theologian, the judge was the uncle of the Empress Dominica, Eusebius. Creation Holy Fathers. Part 3. Page 110–113. Opp. S. Ephr. Ed. ab Altem. T. II. P. 239. Letter 154. Ascholy is especially known for his influence on Valentov's successor, Imp. Theodosius, whom he baptized. The description of the martyrdom of St. Sava (April 2, 372) was preserved in the message of the Gothic Church Acta Martyr Sincera. Ruinart T. III. P. 383, 390. Theodoret. II. Eccl. IV, 7, 8 Letter 161. Vasily’s letter 150 dates back to the time of this removal. In addition to letter 176, see letters 200, 202, 202, 248. Letters 188, 199, 217. Together with Amphilochius, St. Basil in 374 and 375 took part in the organization of the Isaurian Church, both with his advice and with the general meeting at the Council. Letter 190. This Council is mentioned in letters 216 and 217. Letter 231. Even during the life of St. Basil, Amphilochius, on behalf of the Council of Lycaon, sent her to some Churches to confirm the Orthodox teaching about the Holy Spirit. Coteller. Monum. Tccles. Græcæ. T. 2. P. 99 et sq. In the acts of the 4th Ecumenical Council there is an indication that Basil himself demanded that the other Bishops approve this book, as a sign of agreement with its teaching. This is the same book about which Saint Gregory the Theologian said: “When I read the words (of Basil) about the Spirit, then I find God, Whom I have, again, and I feel within myself the boldness to speak the truth, ascending the degrees of his theology and contemplation.” Word 43, page 135. The successful conclusion of affairs with the Pontic Bishops is evidenced by Basil’s invitation to them next year to Caesarea for the Holidays. Letter 252. Eustathia is mentioned in letter 216. Letter 214. This was not a direct assertion of Paulinus on the throne of Antioch, to which Damasus had no right; but the Pope, in his message calling Paulinus the Bishop of Antioch and instructing him to accept Presbyter Vitaly into communion, thereby removed Meletius from influencing the affairs of the Antiochian Church. Even more. – Damasus directly wrote in the same letter that he did not agree to accept those who had transferred from one Church to another into communion with him until they returned to those Churches in which they were first placed (Theod. Y. E. V, 11). - This was a clear hint that Damasus did not agree to enter into communication with Meletius until then, until he, having abandoned claims to Antioch, would not be content with the Sebastian or Verian throne, from which he was transferred to Antioch. Letter 214. Indeed, blessed one. Jerome, who lived at that time in Antioch, complained to Pope Damasus that he was being blamed for not agreeing to recognize three Persons in the Divinity, although he confessed three Persons. Ep. 15. (al. 57.). Letter 223. In short, the same thing is stated in a letter to Genephlia to the presbyter. Letter 224. This also includes letter 226 to the monks. This can be seen from his letter to the monks of Chalcis, previously written. Letter 229. – The denunciation of Eustathius’s slander was also useful in the sense that it endeared some of Eustathius’s supporters to Basil, such as Patrofil of Egea and Theophilus of Kastavalsky. See Letters 244 and 245. Letters 238, 240, 246, 247 The successes of this embassy can be concluded from some expressions in the Vasiliev Letters 253–255. Letter 263. From the message of the Council of Aquileia (between 379 and 381) to the Emperor. Gratian can see that the sending of Bishops to restore peace in the East was prevented by the Gothic invasion of the Empire. S. Ambrosii Mediol. Ep. 12. Cod. Theod. L. XVI Title. V. I. 4. Socrates H. E. V. 2. Sozom. VII, 1. Theodoret. V, 2. The death of St. Basil dates back to 379. And St. Gregory the Theologian in his funeral poem and St. Gregory of Nyssa clearly say that St. Basil ruled the archbishop's throne for a little over eight years. On the day of the death of St. Vasily is due on January 1st. Twelve funeral poems. Opp. Greg. T. 2. P. 152–153. They were later depicted on the shrine of St. Basil. Lambel. Comment. Biblioth. Vienu. Ed. a Collar. T. VIII p. 787. Gregory the Theologian. Sl. 43. Page 119. Compare words. 14, spoken by St. Gregory in his almshouse. Service to St. Basil, January 1st, Stichera on Stikhovna. I cried out the stichera to the Lord. You might be interested in: