Жизнь и труды Григория

Gregory of Nyssa was born into a rich and noble family; his mother Emilia, a patrician Christian, was famous for her piety; father, Vasily the elder, was a rhetorician in Pontic Neocaesarea. Gregory Macrinus's grandmother was a student of Gregory the Wonderworker, a student of Origen. The eldest sister of nine (according to other sources - ten 95) children - Macrina the youngest - had a great influence on the brothers and sisters; In this, Gregory’s elder brother Vasily, who later became the Bishop of Caesarea, was not much inferior to her. Harold Cherniss describes Gregory's family this way: His mother was pious to the point of superstition. My father, also an ardent believer, received a good education - mainly in the field of pagan literature and was a rhetorician at the local school. Gregory's elder brother Basil was sent to Athens to complete his education there, while Gregory himself, apparently, received only basic training in provincial Cappadocia. The reason for this family strategy may have been the early death of Gregory's father. The household in which Gregory grew up was run by a deeply religious grandmother, a superstitiously pious mother and a sister, the eldest of the children, who was already considered a saint by his contemporaries. This girl, Macrina, surpassed both her mother and grandmother in her devotion to Orthodoxy. Under her influence, the mother sold her estates and founded a monastic community, one of the brothers became a hermit, and three others became church leaders, bishops, and were eventually canonized. Such was the enormous success of Macrina - in relation to Gregory, however, achieved not without a fight 96. Cherniss alludes here to a certain fact - when Gregory did not want to take part in the all-night vigil dedicated to the memory of the “forty martyrs” (perhaps because he did not want to waste precious time studying, which he later repented of 97), as well as to Gregory’s initial decision to become a rhetorician, for which the young “deserter” was reprimanded by his friend Gregory Nazianzen 98. Perhaps these decisions of Gregory actually reflect some resistance to the zealous and pious atmosphere in his family 99 . In any case, according to Cherniss, the influence of Macrina, “which even the stubborn Vasily could not resist,” returned Gregory to the church path 100. Regarding Gregory’s life, he himself, apart from the indicated episode from his youth, reveals very little. Even the year of his birth cannot be determined with certainty: researchers place it between 331 and 340, with a later date (approximately 335–340) looking more plausible if we take into account the respect with which Gregory treated his older brother Basil, born in 329, throughout his life. Gregory's almost religious admiration for his brother, if he were only two years older than him, would have looked somewhat strange 101. In addition, it is known that Basil was Gregory’s teacher when he himself held the position of rhetorician in Caesarea (in 355–357), and rhetoric was taught, as a rule, at the age of 15–20 years 102. Gregory apparently became a rhetorician only after the repeal of Julian’s decree prohibiting Christians from teaching classical disciplines (January 11, 364). We can almost confidently assume that Gregory was married 103 9, but we can only guess to whom exactly. Undertaken by J. Daniela 104 attempt to identify with Gregory's wife Theosevia, about whose death Gregory of Nazianzus condoles with his friend 105 , and with his son Kinegius, whom Gregory himself mentions 106 , remains only a hypothesis 107 . Probably before Easter 372, Gregory was ordained bishop of Nyssa, possibly personally by his brother Basil, a key figure in church politics at the time. It should be assumed that the occupation of the episcopal see of small Nissa was part of Basil's church political strategy after the division of Cappadocia into two districts by Caesar Valens (371), a follower of Arius. Gregory himself tried to intervene in the stormy theological and church-political disputes of that era, but with much less success than his remarkable brother (of all the failures of Gregory’s diplomacy, it is enough to recall his naive attempt to reconcile Basil with his uncle, also a prominent bishop, with the help of forged letters 108). Some researchers also note the not entirely successful attempts of Gregory to act as a mediator between Basil and the Marcellians 109 (according to the testimony of the annoyed Basil, Gregory convened a council in Ancyra in 372 for this purpose 110). In winter 375/376. Gregory becomes the target of attacks from the anti-Nicene "homiusians": at the council of Ancyra (presumably in December 375), he was accused of incompetent management of the diocese of Nyssa and then officially deposed at the council of Nyssa in the spring of 376. His see passes to an Arian successor. However, even before this date, Gregory was arrested and then (when due to health problems he was released from custody) sent into exile, the place of which is still unknown, which lasted until 378, until the death of the Arian emperor Valens 111. After the death of Basil (according to traditional dating - January 1, 379 112, although it is more likely that death followed in the autumn of 378 113), Gregory, as some kind of his self-evident successor 114, takes part in the council of the Nicene party in Antioch (where, after the end of the persecution, the Nicene party, numbering 152 bishops, was consolidated under the leadership Meletius of Antioch), and then goes for his sister Macrina to Annisa 115 to spend the last days of her life with her 116. After returning to Nissa, Gregory became involved in polemics with the Arians. Here they demand from him that he ensure the election of a Pronicaean bishop in Ivory (Pontus) and immediately after that in Sebastia, the capital of the Roman province of Armenia prima (they were apparently talking about the successor of Eustathius of Sebastia, a former friend of Gregory’s family, but later a theological and political opponent of Basil 117), where Gregory, to his amazement, was himself elected bishop. Due to failures in the fierce disputes there, Gregory soon abandoned this see and returned to Nissa (apparently in 380); After this, Gregory’s younger brother Peter 118 becomes the bishop of Sebastia. Gregory decided to begin his largest works only after the death of his brother; only the treatise on virginity 119 can be confidently attributed to his earliest works, but it is impossible to more accurately determine the date of its origin (the previously assumed dating of 371 120 was then demonstrably rejected 121, but, apparently, the text was written in the period from the episcopal consecration of Vasily, 369/370, to his death). Jean Danielou suggests the close proximity of the essay On Virginity with the treatises On the Dead, On the Lord's Prayer (perhaps even before the exile of Gregory), On the inscription of the Psalms (possibly in exile 122), On the Beatitudes, On the sixth Psalm, Eustathius on the Trinity (perhaps immediately after returning from exile 123). According to some researchers 124, the work of the young man can also be considered the essay On Perfection, in which Gregory indicates 125 that someday in the future he would be glad to show an example of perfection with his life, but now he is far from this. Meanwhile, according to Jean Daniel, this work, on the contrary, is from the later 126. Early works also include an accurate interpretation of Ecclesiastes, which most likely arose before 381 127 After the death of Vasily, as if continuing the work of his brother, Gregory wrote two texts about the first chapters of the Book of Genesis, dedicated to the youngest of the brothers, Peter (who at that time was not yet the Bishop of Sebaste) - On the Dispensation of Man and On the Sixth Day 128. Between the summer of 380 and the spring of 381, Gregory entered into a polemic with Eunomius, which he also “inherited” from Basil, and wrote two books on this topic. The dialogue On the Soul and Resurrection - Gregory's conversation with Macrina on the eve of her death - was written after the death of the saint's sister, but it is impossible to determine a more precise date. Eustathius’s essay on the Trinity was probably written during Gregory’s unsuccessful stay in Sebastia, where he had to defend himself from the attacks of the “pneumatomachs” 129. With a certain degree of plausibility, the short treatises of Aulavius ​​on the fact that there are no three gods, the Greeks (From general concepts), and the Simplicius on faith can also be attributed to the period of anti-Arian polemics, before 381. From May to July 381, Gregory took part in the Council of Constantinople, but researchers have differing opinions about his role at the meetings of the council. Werner Jaeger 130, and after him Jean Danielou 131 and Reinhart Staats 132 saw in Gregory the actual author of the pneumatological part of the Constantinople Creed, but Adolf Martin Ritter 133 and André de Halleux 134 are quite sympathetic to this idea skeptical. Be that as it may, it is difficult to imagine that Gregory's participation in the council went completely unnoticed, as described by Gerhard May (135) and David L. Balás (136). It is known that Gregory delivered a funeral oration on the death of Bishop Meletius 137, who initially presided over the Council and died during the meetings, as well as a solemn speech on the enthronement of the new presiding officer, Gregory of Nazianzus (this second speech, mentioned under the title On his ordination or On the Divinity against Evagrius 138, was previously associated with the Council of 394, and some researchers associate it with Gregory's interest in the Messalian movement 139). After the Council of Constantinople, Gregory was characterized by Emperor Theodosius as one of the true pillars of Orthodoxy 140. In connection with the Council of Constantinople, one of the topics of which was the discussion around pneumatomachs, Gregory wrote a treatise on the Holy Spirit against the Macedonians 141. Apparently, on behalf of this council, Gregory undertook a trip to the Roman province of Arabia with a stop in Jerusalem 142. Gregory's participation in the next Council of Constantinople in 382 remains half a hypothesis, but it is known that he took part in the council of 383, where he delivered a speech on the divinity of the Son and the Holy Spirit 143. Probably in the same year Gregory also presented his arguments against the theses of Eunomius, presented to this council; the writing of his third book, the Refutation of Eunomius, apparently also dates back to 381–383. The fact of Gregory's further visits to the capital is confirmed by solemn speeches at the funeral of Augusta Pulcheria and Empress Flacilla in August and September 385 144, as well as by the treatise Against Fate, compiled in the form of a dialogue that Gregory conducted in Constantinople with a certain pagan philosopher 145. The large catechetical discourse, in which Gregory mentions his previous polemical and doctrinal works 146, had not yet been written in 381, but its dating is not precise. The polemical treatise Against Apollinaris, dedicated to Theophilus of Alexandria, probably appeared in 386 or 387. 147 The events of the last years of Gregory's life are little known. According to Jean Daniel, from 381 the saint was very close to Emperor Theodosius, until the latter left for the West (in 386 or 387), where Gregory’s place was taken by Ambrose of Milan. After this, Gregory left public life to take up the establishment of Basilian monasticism. The death of his wife, dating back to the same period, could have persuaded him to do this 148. This view of Jean Daniélou about the late period of Gregory's life is devoid of solid foundations, in particular because Daniélou relied on the work Hypotyposis (De instituto Christiano), attributed to Gregory by Werner Jaeger 149 . Meanwhile, a quite convincing hypothesis was put forward 150 that Hypotyposis is an edition of the so-called. The Great Epistle of Macarius (ca. 385), supposedly authored by the Messalian Simeon of Mesopotamia 151 and not vice versa, as Jaeger supposed. However, some scholars consider Hypotyposis to be the work of Gregory and suggest that Gregory wrote it with the goal of keeping the Messalian movement on the soil of the Church and in accordance with its teachings 152 . Gregory was indeed familiar with the Messalian movement from a young age (his early criticism of the wandering monks 153 was very likely directed specifically at the Messalians), and that is why, perhaps, he tried to take their spiritual experience seriously. However, a more detailed and meaningful analysis of Hypotyposis does not confirm the authorship of Gregory 154. As for Gregory’s attitude to monasticism, it is known that he dealt with issues of spirituality and ascetic practice already in his essay On Virginity, since thanks to his brothers and sisters he was close to the monastic environment. Also in his later works one can see a certain shift in emphasis from doctrinal polemics to topics related to spiritual life and knowledge of God. However, this fact in itself is not proof of his participation in Cappadocian monasticism. In addition, Gregory was not so close to the emperor that Theodosius’s trip to the West could turn out to be a serious shock for him 155. According to the elder brothers and sisters 156 of the saint and according to modern researchers, Gregory was rather an apolitical person and solved church-political problems not always brilliantly, but primarily out of a sense of unpaid debt to his elder brother, which only intensified after his death 157. Gregory's later works undoubtedly include the work On the Life of Moses the Lawgiver. We can judge this not only by the author’s mention of his gray hairs 158 (however, we will find similar notes already in the second book of the Refutation of Eunomius 159, dating back to 381, when Gregory was about forty years old), but primarily by the very mature ideas about spiritual life set forth here. Gregory published his exact explanation of the Song of Solomon, following from the works of the late period, at the request of the deaconess Olympias, i.e. apparently only after 391, when Emperor Theodosius again allowed this young widow, who passionately rejected any thought of a new marriage, to communicate with representatives of the clergy 160. Jean Daniélou believes that these very complex conversations could have been held in the women's community gathered around the Olympics in Constantinople 161. Gregory himself indicates that they were read in the “ecclesiastical community” or “church” (ἐπὶ ἐκκλησίας) 162, i.e., most likely in Nissa, but obviously for a monastic audience 163. Among the later works that are addressed to representatives of the monastic environment, Jean Danielou 164 also includes the work On the Christian Confession (to Armonius) and On Perfection (to the Olympiad). We have already referred to the controversial dating of the second of them 165. The last mention of Gregory concerns his participation in the Council of Constantinople in 394. Further, his trace is lost, and it can be assumed that the saint died soon after this date. At that time, Gregory of Nyssa was about sixty years old. According to J. E. Pfister, Gregory had nine brothers and sisters, since Gregory's quoted blessing from the dying Aemilia (Vita Macr.: GNO VIII/1, 385, 3-9) shows that she was the mother of ten children, of whom only nine reached adulthood. In this work (Vita Macr.: GNO VIII/1, 393.11 and below) there is another mention of the nine children of Basil Art. and Emilia (see J. E. Pfister, “A biographical note: The brothers and sisters of Gregory of Nyssa” // Vigiliae christianae, 18, 1964, pp. 108–113). Another point of view is shared by P. Maraval, who sees a literary stylization of Gregory in Emilia’s maternal blessing and believes that there were nine children: four boys (Basily, Naucratius, Gregory and the youngest of the children Peter) and five girls (among them the eldest are Macrina and Theosevia, married to the priest Gregory, see below, note 13). See P. Maraval, “Encore les frères et soeurs de Grégoire de Nysse” // Revue de histoire et de philosophie religieuses, 60, 1980, p. 161–166. H. F. Cherniss, The Platonism of Gregory of Nyssa, New York 1930 (reprint 1971), p. 3. See Gregory's own testimony, In XL mart. II: GNO X/l, 167.10 – 168.4. More about this case by M. Aubineau, introduction to Grégoire de Nysse, Traité de la virginité, SC 119, Paris 1966, p. 49–51. See Gregory of Nazianzus, Er. 11: Gallay 1.16–18. G. May also thinks so, see “Einige Bemerkungen über das Verhältnis Gregors von Nyssa zu Basilios dem Grossen” // J. Fontaine – Ch. Kannengiesser (ed.), Epektasis (collection in memory of J. Daniélou), Paris 1972, p. 509–515, especially 510. See H. F. Cherniss, The Platonism, p. 4. As for Gregory’s statement (see Vita Macr. 377, 11–19) that it was Macrina who led Basil to asceticism, this may be the intentional damnatio memoriae of Basil’s teacher Eustathius of Sebaste, with whom Basil parted for doctrinal and ecclesiastical-political reasons (for example, M. Aubineau, introduction to Grégoire de Nysse, believes so). Traité de la virginité, p. 56; Ph. M. Beagon, “The Cappadocian Fathers, Women and Ecclesiastical Politics,” Vigiliae Christianae, 49, 1995, pp. 165–179. On the significance of Macrina in the spiritual life of the family, see, for example, also E. Giannarelli, “Macrina e sua Madré: Santità e Paradosso” // Studia patristica, 20,1989, p. 224–230. The not entirely simple relationship between Gregory and his older brother, who remained a respected teacher, although Gregory often corrected him, is dealt with in more detail by G. May, Einige Bemerkungen. On this see G. May, “Die Chronologie des Lebens und der Werke des Gregor von Nyssa” // M. Harl (ed.), Écriture et culture philosophique dans la pensée de Grégoire de Nysse (Actes du colloque de Chevetogne, septembre 1969), Leiden 1971, p. 51–67, especially 52 and below. This link is not in the original - Note. ed. See J. Daniélou, “Le mariage de Grégoire de Nysse et la chronologie de sa vie” // Revue des études augustiniennes, 2, 1956, p. 71–78. See Gregory of Nazianzus, Er. 197: Gallay II, 88–90. See Gregory of Nyssa, Er. 13, 3; 14, 9: GNO VIII/2, 45, 10 and below.; 48, 13 and below. The special cordiality with which Gregory here recommends Cynegius to the rhetorician Libanius was already noticed by E. Müller, without, however, drawing the same conclusions as those reached by J. Daniélou. E Müller attributes this cordiality rather to the account of Libanius himself, Vasily’s teacher, from whom Gregory’s other wards also studied, see E Müller, “Der zwanzigste Brief des Gregor von Nyssa” // Hermes, 74, 1939, p. 66–91, especially 84–88. See criticism by M. Aubineau, introduction to Grégoire de Nysse, Traité de la virginité, c. 65–77. From Epigrams 161 and 164 of Gregory of Nazianzus (R. Waltz, ed., Anthologie grecque, I, VI, VIII, p. 81 and below), which mentions Theosevia accompanying (σύζυγος) a priest named Gregory, who was the daughter of the pious Emilia, it can be concluded that Theosevia was the sister of Gregory. However, J. Daniélou suggests that we are talking only about the coincidence of names (see J. Daniélou, Le mariage, pp. 74 and below); etc. P. Devos, “Grégoire de Nazianze témoin du mariage de Grégoire de Nysse,” J. Mossay (ed.), II. Symposium Nazianzenum (Louvain-la-Neuve, 25–28 August 1981), Paderborn 1983, p. 269–281; A different opinion is shared by E. Moutsoulas, who considers Theosevia to be the sister of Gregory (see E. Moutsoulas, Théosebie). See Vasily, Er. 58 and 60: PG 32,408b-409b, written in 371. Other criticisms of Basil regarding his younger brother’s abilities in church politics have come down to us, for example. Er. 215: PG 32, 792аб. On this see J. Daniélou, Grégoire de Nysse à travers les lettres de Saint Basile et de Saint Grégoire de Nazianze, in: Vigiliae christianae, 19, 1965, pp. 31–41, especially 32 and below; G. May, Gregor von Nyssa in der Kirchenpolitik seiner Zeit, in: Jahrbuch der österreichischen byzantinischen Gesellschaft, 15,1966, pp. 105–132, esp. 109 and below. The Marcellians are followers of Marcellus of Ancyra (mid-4th century), who denied the eternity of the Son and taught that the End of the World would also be the end of His kingdom. – Approx. ed. See Vasily, Er. 100: PG 32.505a; on this see J. Daniélou, Grégoire de Nysse à travers les lettres, c. 34 and below; G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, c. 107 and below; R. Hübner, “Gregor von Nyssa und Markell von Ankyra” // M. Harl (ed.), Écriture, p. 199–229, especially 201–205. Information about these events is contained in Basil's letters, see J. Daniélou, Grégoire de Nysse à travers les lettres, c. 34–38. Cm. S. Lenain de Tillemont, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles, XI/2, Venice 1732, c. 1026–1042 (non vidi); F. Diekamp, ​​“Die Wahl Gregors von Nyssa zum Metropoliten von Sebaste im Jahre 380” // Theologische Quartalschrift, 90,1908, p. 384–401, especially 392 and below. A. D. Booth proposes to consider the date of Basil’s death as July 14 (the traditional day of his memory) 377 (see A. D. Booth, “The Chronology of Jeromes Early Years” // Phoenix, 35,1981, pp. 237–259, especially 254); P. Maraval speaks of August 377 (see R Maraval, “La date de la mort de Basile de Césarée” // Revue des études augustiniennes, 34, 1988, pp. 25–38). However, J.-R. Pouchet indicates that the dating should be moved at least a year later, i.e. for the autumn (possibly August) of 378 (see J.-R. Pouchet, “La date de l’élection épiscopale de saint Basile et celle de sa mort” // Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, 87,1992, pp. 5–33). The same point of view is shared by W.-D. Hauschild, who suggests the second half of 378, and E. Moutsoulas, who considers the most likely interval September 1–15, 378. See W.-D. Hauschild, “Basilius von Caesarea – Biographie und Chronologie 373–378” // Basilius von Caesarea, Briefe, III (Bibliothek der griechischen Literatur 37), Stuttgart 1993, p. 1–29, especially 27 and below; E. Moutsoulas, “Le problème de la date de la mort de Saint Basile de Césarée” // Studia patristica, 32,1997, p. 196–200. Cp. testimony of Gregory of Nazianzus, Ep. 76: Gallay I, 93 and below. Currently this settlement is called Uluköy district of Taçova (Άμάσεια). – Approx. lane See Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Macr.: GNO VIII/1, 386, 22 – 399, 22. The death of Macrina was previously attributed to 379/380 (see F. Diekamp, ​​Die Wahl, pp. 392 and below; the same opinion is shared by G. May, Die Chronologie, pp. 54 and below). Based on the mention of a “shelter in the shade of the trees” (Vita Macr.: GNO VIII/1, 391, 12 and below) and the ancient monthly calendars that commemorate Macrina on July 19, P. Maraval named this day as the date of Macrina’s death, first placing her in 380 (see discussions between P. Maraval and G. May, Die Chronologie, pp. 66 and below; P. Maraval, introduction in SC 178, pp. 57–66), and later by 378 (see also, La date, p. 30). See about this above, approx. 18. On the personality of Eustathius of Sebasté and his relation to Basil, see J. Gribomont, “Eustathe de Sébasté” // by him, Saint Basile. Évangile et Église, Mélanges I-II, Abbaye de Bellefontaine 1984,1, p. 95–106. See Gregory of Nyssa, Er. 19. See about this F. Diekamp, ​​Die Wahl; J. Daniélou, Grégoire de Nysse à travers les lettres, c. 39; G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, c. 115 and below. The hypothesis of J. M. Rist seems fantastic that even before the treatise On Virginity, Gregory wrote a short meditation on the spirit (PG 29, 768–774, under the influence of Plotinus Enn. V, 1), sometimes attributed to Basil; The saint's study of Plotinian Neoplatonism aroused a similar interest in his brother, as indicated by some thoughts in the treatise On the Holy Spirit 9: FC 12,136–142 (see J. M. Rist, “Basil’s “Neoplatonismus”: Its Background and Nature” // P. J. Fedwick, ed., Basil of Caesarea: Christian, Humanist, Ascetic. A Sixteen-Hundredth Anniversary Symposium, Toronto 1981, I, pp. 137–220, especially 218). However, a similar opinion was already expressed by H. Dehnhard, who attributed the treatise De spiritu to Basil (see N. Dehnhard, Das Problem der Abhängigkeit des Basilius von Plotin. Quellenuntersuchungen zu seinen Schriften De spiritu sancto, Berlin 1964, pp. 77–84). J. Daniélou, Bulletin, p., does not agree with this theory about Basil’s dependence on Gregory’s treatise On Virginity. 157–161. See also J. Daniélou, “La chronologie des oeuvres de Grégoire de Nysse” // Studia patristica, 7, 1966, p. 159–169, especially 159 and below. See J. Gribomont, “Le Panégyrique de la virginité, oeuvre de jeunesse de Grégoire de Nysse” // Revue d’ascétique et de mystique, 43, 1967, p. 249–266. From Gregory’s mention that Vasily was for him “the most pious bishop and father” (De virg.: 119, GNO VIII/1, 249.4), it follows that Vasily was already a bishop, but it does not at all follow that Gregory himself was not a bishop, as was previously believed. In defense of this assumption of J. Daniélou, who dates the treatise to the years of exile 377–378 (see J. Daniélou, review of GNO V in Gnomon, 36, 1964, pp. 40–43), is expressed, in particular, by R. E. Heine, who draws attention to the incompleteness of this work (see R. E. Heine, introduction to Gregory of Nyssas Treatise on the Inscriptions of the Psalms, Introduction, Translation, and Notes, Oxford 1995, pp. 10 and below). See J. Daniélou, Chronologie des oeuvres, p. 159–162. G. May (Die Chronologie, c. 56) suggests that the writing of all these works should be attributed to the period of Gregory's exile. See E. Mühlenberg, Die Unendlichkeit, p. 93; like G. May, Die Chronologie, p. 56. See De perf.: GNO VIII/1, 173.4–10. See J. Daniélou, La chronologie des oeuvres, p. 168. This is what W. Jaeger thought, see the publication In Eccles. v GNO V, 382, ​​15 and below, apparatus fontium; and also G. May, Die Chronologie, c. 56 and below. The treatise On the difference between οὐσία and ὑπόστασις (Ep. 38 of Basil of Caesarea), also dedicated to Peter, is attributed by some researchers to Gregory (see R. Hübner, “Gregor von Nyssa als Verfasser der sog. Ep. 38 des Basilius. Zum unterschiedlichen Verständnis der οὐσία bei den kappadozischen Brüdern” // J. Fontaine – Ch. Kannengiesser, Epektasis, pp. 463–490). However, formal and content analysis do not support this attribution. We are talking about a certain successful sum of Basil’s theology, most likely belonging to his own pen (see V. N. Drecoll, Die Entwicklung der Trinitätslehre des Basilius von Cäsarea. Sein Weg vom Homöusianer zum Neonizäner, Göttingen 1996, pp. 297–331). So says G. May, Die Chronologie, c. 57 and below. (“Pneumatomachians” are “Doukhobors” or “Semi-Arians”, followers of Macedonius, who denied the divine nature and uncreatedness of the Holy Spirit. – Note, ed.) See W. Jaeger, Gregor von Nyssas Lehre vom Heiligen Geist, from the heritage ed. H. Dörries, Leiden 1966, p. 51–77. See J. Daniélou, “La chronologie des sermons de Grégoire de Nysse” // Revue des sciences religieuses, 29, 1955, p. 346–372, p. 357 and below. See R. Staats, “Die Basilianische Verherrlichung des Heiligen Geistes auf dem Konzil zu Konstantinopel 381. Ein Beitrag zum Ursprung der Formel “Kerygma und Dogma”” // Kerygma und Dogma, 25, 1979, p. 232–253, especially 242 and below. See A. M. Ritter, Das Konzil von Konstantinopel und sein Symbol. Studien zur Geschichte und Theologie des zweiten ökumenischen Konzils von Konstantinopel 381, Göttingen 1965, p. 266 and below, approx. 3. See A. de Halleux, “La profession de l’Esprit saint dans le symbole de Constantinople” // Patrologie et oecuménisme. Recueil d'études, Leuven 1990, p. 303–337, especially 319 and below. See G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, p. 117–121; his, “Die Datierung der Rede “In suam ordinationem” des Gregor von Nyssa und die Verhandlungen mit den Pneumatomachen auf dem Konzil von Konstantinopel 381” // Vigiliae christianae, 23,1969, p. 38–57. Cm. D. L. Balas, article “Gregor von Nyssa” // Theologische Realenzyklopädie, 14, Berlin – New York 1985, p. 173–181, especially 174, 34 – 175.6. On the literary form and content of this speech, see W. Studer, “Meletius von Antiochien, der erste Präsident des Konzils von Konstantinopel (381), nach der Trauerrede Gregors von Nyssa,” A. Spira (ed.), The Biographical Works of Gregory of Nyssa (Proceedings of the Fifth International Colloquium on Gregory of Nyssa, Mainz, 6–10 September 1982), Cambridge, Mass. 1984, p. 121–144. E. Gebhardt in his edition combined both titles in one: “Against Evagrius on the Divinity, on his own consecration” (Εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ χειροτονίαν πρὸς Εὐάγριον περί θεότητος, GNO IX, 331), without precisely explaining its meaning (see about this E. Gebhardt, “Titel und Zeit der Rede Gregors von Nyssa “In suam ordinationem”” // Hermes, 89, 1961, pp. 503–508). J. Daniélou, who apparently was the first to relate this speech to the Council of Constantinople in 381, considered its name “foggy” (La chronologie des sermons, pp. 357 and below); G. May also does not consider it authentic (Die Datierung, p. 38, note 2). R. Staats spoke in favor of 394 (in agreement with previous researchers), “Die Asketen aus Mesopotamien in der Rede Gregors von Nyssa “In suam ordinationem”” // Vigiliae christianae, 21, 1967, p. 165–179; the speech was tied to the council of 381 by J. Daniélou, La chronologie des sermons, c. 357 and below; and also G. May, Die Datierung (see also Staatsa’s answer: “Die Datierung von “In suam ordinationem” des Gregor von Nyssa” // Vigiliae christianae, 23, 1969, pp. 58 and below). A reserved assessment was expressed by A. M. Ritter, who believes that the speech is interesting from a theological rather than a historical point of view (see A. M. Ritter, “Gregor von Nyssa “In suam ordinationem”. Eine Quelle für Geschichte des Konzils von Konstantinopel 381?” // Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 79, 1968, pp. 308–328). However, in the end, R. Staats himself came to the conclusion that this speech was made at the council of 381 during the enthronement of Gregory of Nazianzus, although here too he places it in a Messalian context (see R. Staats, Die Basilianische Verherrlichung, p. 244 and below). A similar point of view is shared by G. Kretschmar, “Die Theologie der Kappadokier und die asketischen Bewegungen in Kleinasien im 4. Jahrhundert” // P. Hauptmann (ed.), Unser ganzes Leben Christus unserem Gott überantworten. Studien zur ostkirchlichen Spiritualität (collection in memory of Fairy v. Lilienfeld), Göttingen 1982, p. 102–133, especially 106 and below. For more details, see D. L. Balás, article by Gregor von Nyssa, p. 174, 48 – 175.4. G. May suggests that the work was written shortly after the Council of Constantinople in 381, probably before the council of 383, which meant the collapse of hopes of unification with the pneumatomachians (see G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, p. 126 and below; Die Chronologie, p. 59); J. Daniélou, on the contrary, dates it back to the time before the Council of Constantinople - to the spring of 380 in Sebastia (see J. Daniélou, Chronologie des oeuvres, p. 163; however, J. Daniélou initially attributed this work to 382 or even later, since he revealed its similarity with C. Eun. II, 90 a 95, see J. Daniélou, review of GNO III/1 in Gnomon, 31, 1959, pp. 612–615, especially 614); W. Jaeger dates it to 381 or a little earlier (see W. Jaeger, Lehre vom Heiligen Geist, p. 9). So says G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, c. 118 and below. J. Lebourlier connects this message only with the Council of Constantinople in 382 (see J. Lebourlier, “A propos de l’état du Christ dans la mort” // Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques, 46, 1962, pp. 629–649; 47, 1963, pp. 161–180, especially 180). Earlier researchers even suggested the Synod of Antioch in 379, see about this G. May, Die Chronologie, p. 55, approx. 1 (see also the recording of the discussion with R. Maraval, ibid., p. 66 and below). P. Maraval also dates Gregory's trip to the second half of 381, and based on the testimony of Gregory in Ep. 2 and 3 (GNO VIII/2, 13–19) in Vita Macr. (GNO VIII/1, 370, 7 – 371, 1) he also reconstructs the circumstances of Gregory’s journey to Jerusalem: although the polemical context of both letters manifested itself rather in critical remarks regarding the moral level of Jerusalem, as well as in reflections on the meaning of pilgrimage and associated piety (in Jerusalem, Gregory was drawn into the Christological disputes of the inhabitants of the Mount of Olives, and instead of achieving the intended consensus, he only achieved that he himself began to suspect Apollinarism, see about this: G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, p. 120), but judging by the mention of Gregory in the Life of Macrina, his journey to Jerusalem seems more like a pilgrimage (see P. Maraval, “Egérie et Grégoire de Nysse, pèlerins aux lieux saints de Palestine” // Atti del Convegno internazionale sulla Peregrinatio Egeriae. Nel centenario della publicazione del Codex Aretinus 405, Arezzo 23–24 ottobre 1987, Arezzo 1990, pp. 315–331). Cm. J. Daniélou, La chronologie des sermons, c. 363 and below. See J. Daniélou, La chronologie des sermons, p. 364 and below. See C. fatum: GNO III/2, 32, 2 and below. See Or. catech. GNO III/4.98, 9–16. Thus, following previous researchers, claim E. Mühlenberg (Apollinaris von Laodicea, Göttingen 1968, p. 90) and G. May (Gregor von Nyssa, p. 125 and below; Die Chronologie, c. 61), while J. Lebourlier tried to date this work in the winter of 382/383 (A propos de l’état, c. 180). See J. Daniélou, Mariage, p. 78; his, “Saint Grégoire de Nysse dans l’histoire du monachisme” // Théologie de la vie monastique. Études sur la tradition patristique, Paris 1961, c. 131–141, especially 135 and below; his, Chronologie des oeuvres, p. 166 and below. See W. Jaeger, Two rediscovered works of ancient Christian literature: Gregory of Nyssa and Macarius, Leiden 1954 (as a supplement to GNO VIII/1, where Jaeger edited this work). On this see J. Gribomont, “Le De Instituto Christiano et le Messalianisme de Grégoire de Nysse” // Studia patristica, V/3 (1962), p. 312–322; R. Staats, Gregor von Nyssa und die Messalianer. Die Frage der Priorität zweier altkirchlicher Schriften, Berlin 1968; G. May also thinks the same, Die Chronologie, c. 62. For the author of the Makarian works, see N. Dörries, Die Theologie des Makarios-Symeon, Göttingen 1978. A review of evidence about the Messalians (= Syrian “prayer books”), wandering ascetics of both sexes who condemned work and tried to achieve ascetic perfection, relying on the ecstatic experience of the Holy Spirit, was also collected by R. Staats, “Beobachtungen zur Definition und zur Chronologie des Messalianismus” // W. Hörandner e. A. (ed.), XVI Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress (Wien 4–9 Oktober 1981), Akten, II/4 = Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 32/4,1982, p. 235–244. The relationship of Simeon's pneumatology to the theology of the Cappadocian fathers is dealt with by G. Kretschmar, Die Theologie, p. 111–127. [It should be noted that in his last work, the mentioned monograph of 1978, p. 12–16, Durris himself questioned his own hypothesis about the Messalianism of the author of the Macarius corpus, although he still identified him with Simeon of Mesopotamia. Today, controversy surrounding the authorship of the corpus continues, but it is clear that the question of its attribution should not be confused with a theological assessment of its teaching. – Note, ed.] See J. Daniélou, “Grégoire de Nysse et le messalianisme” // Revue des sciences religieuses, 48, 1960, p. 119–134; R. Staats, Die Basilianische Verherrlichung, c. 242–246. See De virg. 23: GNO VIII/1, 337, 3–21. See M. Canévet, “Le “De instituto christiano” est-il de Grégoire de Nysse? Problème de critique interne" // Revue des Études Grecques, 82, 1969, p. 404–423. See G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, p. 123 a 128; Die Chronologie, c. 62 and below. Cp. Macrina’s remark, known to us from the saint himself, that Gregory’s ecclesiastical and political career was more a response to the prayers of his relatives than a consequence of his own talents (Vita Macr.: GNO VIII/1, 394, 14–20, quoted below, chap. On the soul and resurrection, note 10). Basil also often notes the simplicity (χρηστότης) of Gregory, which does not help the latter in church politics (see J. Daniélou, Grégoire de Nysse à travers les lettres, pp. 32 and below); see also above, approx. 14. See G. May, Gregor von Nyssa, p. III and below, 123 and below, 131 and below; Chronologie, p. 63. … τῆ πολιᾷ ταύτη (De vita Moysis: GNO VII/1,2,13 and below). See S. Eun. II, 605: GNO I,403, 6. Caesar Theodosius intended to marry the young wealthy widow Olympias to his Spanish relative Elpidius. When she refused this because of her ascetic principles, Caesar transferred her property to the management of the perfect of Constantinople until Olympias turned thirty years old, and she herself was forbidden to communicate with Christian bishops and visit churches. Probably, Caesar believed that loneliness would awaken in the young woman the desire for a new marriage; however, this hope was in vain. So, at least, reports Palladium, Dial histor. de vita S. loh. Chrysost.: PG 47.60 and below. See about this W. Ensslin, article “Olympias” // Paulys Real-Encyclopädie, reprint. G. Wissowa, 18/1, Stuttgart 1942, p. 183 and below. See J. Daniélou, Chronologie des oeuvres, p. 168. See In Cant., prologue: GNO VI, 13.9. See G. May, Die Chronologie, p. 64 and below.