Divine services of the Russian Church before Mongol times

Contents Feeling of need for worship; Greek worship Churches and their Shrine Liturgical books and singing Celebration of the Sacraments a) Baptism b) Confirmation c) Eucharist d) Confession e) Marriage f) Blessing of Anointing and burial of the dead Sign of the Cross Holidays Disputes about fasting on Wednesday and Friday Feeling of need for worship; Greek worship “You don’t pray anymore,” the seducing spirit said to the recluse Nikita, “but read books and in this way you will talk with God; You will give useful words to those who come to you.” Nikita obeyed and was severely punished for it. This experience, which the pious Simon talks about, can be justified as much by reflection on the properties of man as by the teaching of the word of God. And the same story, preserved in the memory of the people, compiling the people's opinion of themselves, tells descendants how their ancestors cherished the truth that for the Christian soul it is not enough to know the faith, but one must pray, one must serve God, that knowledge without action is dreaminess, and internal worship cannot but be expressed in the external, at the same time as it itself has a need for it. Hence, the delight in which St. Hilarion speaks about the blessings is understandable. To Vladimir: “Rise from your grave, honest leader! Look at the city, consecrated and shining with icons of saints, fragrant with incense, resounding with holy praises and divine hymns.” Russia, having accepted the faith from Greece, also accepted external worship from Greece. The worship of the Greek Church during the time of St. Vladimir retained so much simplicity and grandeur that its rites were a transparent curtain through which the spirit of Christian worship shone: this was experienced by Vladimir’s ambassadors. True, Greek Christians from the 8th century were no longer the same as the Christians of the times of Basil and Chrysostom; The inner eye of many was not so bright; For many, appearance replaced internal service 1. But this situation of some members of the Church, just like the frantic hatred of the iconoclasts against the sacred appearance, required only that spiritual experience show the inexperienced the limits of external service and limit the latter to publicly accessible, simple forms of spiritual service. And exactly, by the time Russia accepted Christianity, significant parts of the Divine service had taken on a certain form in Greece 2. Greek worship in this form did not lose the character of spiritual Christian worship; on the contrary, it was imbued with it both in its composition and in the manner of its distribution. While Rome was most concerned about giving laws and regulations to everything, and placing shackles on the free service of God, the worship of the West in Middle Ages was so varied that it most often smacked of self-will. In the East they did not write conciliar definitions about the way of serving God, they did not restrict free contemplation by decisions of law, and, however, in the entire East there was one Divine service, and, without a doubt, because free reflection itself determined its conformity with the needs of the spirit. This spirit of the East was more or less accepted by the Russian Church in early times. The Orthodox Church is the house of God of grace and the school of faith. Imbued with this thought about the church, the blessed Vladimir, following the baptism of the people, built several churches in Kyiv and ordered their construction in other cities. In place of the overthrown Perun, a church was built in the name of the great Vasily, Angel of Vladimirov and the general prayer book before God. On the site of the painful death of the first two Russian martyrs, the Church of the Mother of God, called tithe, was built and enriched with special love. In Vasilevo, a suburban, favorite place of Vladimir, a church to the Savior was erected 3. The son of the faithful, Yaroslav, continuing the work of his equal-to-the-apostles father, generously squandered his treasury for the glory of the name of God. The chronicle recorded on its pages the deeds of his piety: a) the St. Sophia Church to the glory of the Hypostatic Wisdom of God - a photograph from the Constantinople St. Sophia 4 in a smaller size, but decorated with a generous hand, “gold, silver, precious stones, expensive vessels, so that this church earned surprise and glory from all the surrounding peoples 5”; it was a monument of gratitude for the victory won over the Pechenegs, the fierce enemies of the then Russia; b) the Church of the Annunciation over the Golden Gates of Kyiv, built with the thought that “may the joy of that city always be through the prayers of the Most Pure Mother of God and St. Archangel Gabriel." c) “And you set up other churches by city and by place, and set up priests” 6. Princes, boyars, Shepherds of the Church, were inspired by the same piety - they erected churches one after another and generously decorated them, for example, the Vladimir Cathedral Church by Andrei Bogolyubsky was decorated with amazing generosity: 5 domes were gilded, three church doors were decorated with gold, silver chandeliers were gilded, chasubles on icons were forged from gold and sprinkled with pearls; three canopies for storing gifts made of pure gold and with expensive stones, several gold vessels with stones, priestly vestments embroidered with gold and sprinkled with pearls; In general, precious stones and pearls are “innumerable” 7. In 1124 in Kyiv, on Podol alone, 600 churches burned down 8. In other cities, the number of churches appears to be more limited according to the chronicles, however, very significant 9. In Russia, zeal for churches was aroused by the example of the East, where they also diligently increased the number of churches 10. And if there is Bl. Theophylact complained that many, leaving previously erected churches without attention, hastened to erect new ones in front of each other out of sheer vanity 11: this was not the situation in Russia. We are not talking about the time when faith was just being introduced into Russia: then the need for churches was just as tangible as the ardent zeal for the new faith was natural. Russia imitated the Greek zeal for churches because, as it said, “the churches there are full of people, in the villages and cities of the faithful everyone is devoted to prayer, everyone stands before God” 12. And in subsequent times, if, at the then low level of development of the power of thoughts, some dreamer Bogomil had managed to extinguish in Russia the sacred zeal for the churches of God, then the people would have been left without thoughts about faith, without Christian piety, since they would have been left without the school of faith and piety that was most necessary for them. That is why there was a need to build and decorate churches; whoever had the means spent their wealth to increase the splendor of the churches, so that everything sacred, God’s, would be worthy of its name and purpose, and piety would consider all its wealth to be God’s property. The chronicle speaks about the Bogolyubsky Prince: “According to his faith and diligence for the Holy Mother of God, God brought him masters from the smart lands” 13. The shrines of the church included: the Cross and the Gospel, placed on the throne, 14 icons and the relics of Saints. Vladimir took with him from Korsun the icons and relics of St. Clement and his disciple Thebes, and placed them in the Church of the Tithes 15. Constantinople - then the repository of the Holy relics - delivered, at the fervent pleas of Russian piety, the remains of the Saints 16. Zeal for the Holy icons, which inspired everyone, from the Bishop and the Prince to the common people, was rewarded with special gifts of God's grace - the manifestation of miracles from some Holy icons. Among the latter, the following are especially famous: a) The Pechersk image of the Mother of God, brought in 1085, as a result of a vision, from Greece to Kyiv and has since become famous for many miracles 17. b) The image of the Mother of God, according to legend, written by the Evangelist Luke, brought from Constantinople to Vyshgorod, and from there in 1154 by Prince Andrew to Vladimir, and in 1164 glorified by the victory over the Bulgarians 18. c) Novgorod icon of the Sign of the Mother of God, who granted victory to the Novgorodians. In 1170, the Suzdal army, led by 72 princes, having devastated the Novgorod region for 300 miles, proudly approached Novgorod; Novgorod's courage could not resist such a numerous enemy. Saint John of Novgorod turned with fiery prayers to God and the Mother of God. The siege had already lasted for four days when a heavenly voice announced to John: “Go, take the icon of the Mother of God in the church on Iliina Street, and you will see salvation.” In the morning, the Holy Shepherd and all the clergy took the icon to the outer fortifications of the city; the people prayed with screams and tears. The besiegers extended their military courage to the point of insolence against the shrine, poured arrows at the worshipers and “shot the icon of the Mother of God.” The besieged were encouraged, and fear fell on the besiegers. The people of Suzdal suffered a terrible defeat; so many were taken captive that for ransom a Suzdal resident was given two legats, i.e., a penny of silver 19 . Reverent zeal for St. 20 icons were awarded in the person of Pr. Alimpia: the reverent Pechersk icon painter was himself known for his gift of miracles 21. Liturgical books and singing Even if the historical monuments did not say so, it is in itself likely that when Christianity was introduced into Russia, they used those liturgical books that were translated into the Slavic language by St. Cyril and Methodius; Bulgaria, which lovingly accepted the works of the Slavic enlighteners, passed them on to the Russian Church 22. Pannonian biographies of Slavic enlighteners 23, the news of Exarch John 24, Nestor 25, Western narrators 26 show that Cyril and Methodius translated for the Divine service the daily readings from the Gospel and the Apostle, the Psalter, the Book of Hours, the Book of Books, the Liturgy, the rites and festive canons of Damascus and Cozmas. 27. These books, of course, passed into the Russian Church. In Russia, Greek services began to be translated under Yaroslav V. Pr. Nestor says that Yaroslav forced him to translate “many books, and with them I learned the truth,” and he adds: “and Yaroslav loved the church statutes.” The last words in connection with the first leave no doubt that under Yaroslav the liturgical books were translated. It was then that they began to translate the services to the chosen Saints, written by St. Theophan of Nicea (857) and Joseph of Constantinople the hymnist (887), the most prolific writers of the canons. The Triodion of Theodore and Joseph the Studites, without a doubt, was not left without translation when the Proverb was introduced. Theodosius (1070) the Studite Charter, since the difference between the Studite Charter, by the way, is that they are supposed to sing the canons of the Studite Fathers 28. The following liturgical books of the Russian Church of the 11th and 12th centuries have reached us: the Gospel, the Sticherarium 29, two Missals 30; Octoechos with songs of Joseph and Theophanes, Imp. Leo and Constantine and, finally, the Festive Menaion 31. From the chronicles and other monuments one can see the use of other mentioned books of the Greek Church: but from nothing one can see the use of the menstrual Menaia 32 . At the beginning of the 12th century. The Russian singer Georgy, the creator of canons, was also famous. He probably wrote services to Ave. Theodosius, when (1095) his relics were discovered, to M. Boris and Gleb, Vm. George is 33. And the prayers and songs of St. Kirill Turovsky. Before Yaroslav, the leaders of church singing were people from the Bulgarian Slavs 34, and in 1053, “three singers of Greece from their births arrived in Russia and from then a fair amount of osmoharmony began in the Russian land” - singing in the 8 voices of the octoechus, especially the three-part sweet voice - singing with the addition of upper and lower tones, or for three voices, so much disliked by the imaginary Old Believers and the most degenerate singing - melodies composed by courtiers and patriarchal domestic regents - singing to the glory of God and His Most Pure Mother and all the Saints 35. Questions that have reached us Novgor. hieromonk, Cyriacus, with the answers of Niphon, also the rules of M. John, relate, for the most part, to the service; they show both the state of the Greek modern rules of the Church and what is done in the Russian Church in relation to the order of the sacraments; from them, as well as from other monuments of antiquity, we can see how when the Greek was combined with the life of a new people, a people with a special character and with special circumstances, some doubts were born, and this was followed by some new definitions of the rank. What is essential in the sacraments could not be changed, just as the will of God is unchangeable; But the rituals surrounding the performance of the mysterious are another matter. The divine service of Orthodoxy accompanies the earthly pilgrim from the cradle to the grave: this has always been an accessory to Orthodox worship. Let us begin with the birth of the spiritual – with baptism. Metropolitan John to the question: is it possible to baptize a newborn child if it is so sick that it cannot suckle from its mother? answered: “For a healthy person, the fathers ordered to wait three or more years. But for sudden cases of death we find the period shorter; if it really hurts, let it be 8 days, (baptize); they even command, if even less, so that they do not die unbaptized, to baptize such infants, no matter what day and hour the danger of death is present” 36 . The general rule of the ancient Church was not to deprive infants of baptism; the general rule was that sick children, like any sick person, should be baptized at the first danger of death: the latter, because baptism is the door to the heavenly kingdom, is why it was accepted in the Russian Church: “if a child dies not baptized due to the negligence of the parents or the priest, then charge it to the guilty person as murder, appoint three years of fasting; if this happens against the will, there is no penance” 37. M. John does not quite accurately express the idea of ​​antiquity about the baptism of a healthy baby when he says: “the fathers commanded to wait three or more years.” St. Gregory of Nazianzus wrote in his sermon on baptism: “What shall we say about infants who understand neither what grace is nor what punishment is: should we baptize them too? Absolutely, if there is danger. Regarding the others, I give advice to wait three years or not much more or less so that they can hear and repeat the necessary words of the sacrament, and if not completely, at least understand it figuratively” 38 . The theologian does not prescribe rules, but only gives advice. The theologian expressed himself moderately. He understood whether it was more convenient for a baptized or an unbaptized child to study the faith, just as he knew that the grace of baptism, regardless of our will, brings about spiritual rebirth, that instead of children, vows are given by recipients in order to explain both the need and the content of their spiritual children, and the will to fulfill or not to fulfill the vow in any case remains with everyone. In accordance with this advice, St. Euthymius was baptized at the age of three. Since baptism replaced circumcision, which took place on the 8th day, some designated the 8th day of the baby as the day of baptism; African Cathedral of the 3rd century. did not recognize this basis as immutable and believed that baptism could be performed on the second and first day 39 . Metropolitan John had this in mind too! Only the ancients do not speak about the sick. It was customary for many to baptize children on the 40th day after birth: the basis for this was the time of uncleanness of the mother feeding the baby. This custom was observed in Greece in the 11th century 41. And it was also observed in the ancient Russian Church. Nestor writes about Pr. Feodosia, that the parents “like the last 40 days and sanctified their offspring with baptism” 42. Herberstein even wrote at one time that “in Moscow, for no particular reason, such as illness, infants are not baptized before 40 days.” When it was allowed to shorten the period of baptism for sick children, there was bewilderment, which was also suggested to M. John: “if there is no special nurse, and the mother remains unclean for forty days: then, so that the child does not die without food, does he need to suckle his mother?” The Metropolitan answered: “Without a doubt, it is better to save life than to kill a child by long abstinence.” 43 Nestor writes that Theodosius’s parents “on the 8th day (after birth) brought them to Priest, as is the custom of the peasants, and they would name the child.” And so the 8th day, according to some of the ancients, is the day of baptism, in the 11th century. was the day of naming the baby Christian. From our chronicles we see that our princes, in addition to the Christian name, also retained the popular name, and the latter was even more famous than the former 44; something similar happened in the first times of Christianity in the East: those who were baptized retained, in addition to the Christian name, a pagan name 45; but from the 4th century the fathers began to prohibit the latter, mainly because some ancient Greek names contained thoughts about pagan deities 46 . In Russia, by the end of the first period, only Christian names are found. Regarding those of age who are being baptized, the rule of the Novgorod Church was: for a Bulgarian, Polovtsian, or Chukhon to begin catechetical prayers 40 days before baptism, and leave the Church as a catechumen; for a Slav, 8 days; for an infant, the catechumen is combined with baptism 47 . In the early times of the Russian Church, we no longer see that the time of baptism of the aged was limited to the times of Easter, Pentecost and Epiphany, as was observed in the 4th Christian century. The apostles baptized everyone who happened to be baptized; this was the case in the 11th century. and in Greece 48. The continuation of the catechumen state was not limited by ancient rules; it was different in different places and was reduced or continued, depending on the state of the person announced 49. The Council of Laodicea decreed (Rule 45) that those approaching baptism should prepare themselves by fasting during the entire period of Pentecost. But from the examples of the same 4th century it is clear that sometimes the Announcement was limited to seven days 50. In accordance with this, for the Chukhon, Polovtsian, Bulgarian, wild people and completely unfamiliar with Christianity, the Novgorod Church continued the catechumens for up to 40 days, and for the Slav, who in the 11th century. I already had many cases of seeing Christianity, 8 were enough, all this applied to adults, but not to children. Niphon added regarding the latter that it would be better to leave them for several days between the catechumens. This is understandable only when considering the age at which children were baptized. Of the rites of baptism itself according to Russian rules, only the following are known: a) four prayers of announcement, probably the same as are now known, but which were repeated then up to 10 times; b) denial from Satan, performed with hands raised to heaven; with the last action they connected the following thought: “there is no your evil, nothing is hidden from me, I do not keep it anywhere and do not hide it.” Niphon said that “by this they drove away the invisible enemy”; c) the water of baptism was crossed three times with the sign of the cross; d) baptism was performed by immersing the baptized person in water three times 51. Confirmation, according to the rule of the deepest Christian antiquity, directly followed baptism. Nifont presents its fulfillment in the following form: “Put on the vestments of the cross (according to other readings, or rather “crossed”) and the crown, and then anoint it with the holy myrrh, and give it a candle” 52 ; in the history of the baptism of the Murom residents it is said: “I smeared them with chrism and put scarlet crowns on them, put them on their heads, they wore a cross and white vestments and leggings and boots, and gave burning candles to everyone” 53 . When compared with the monuments of the ancient Eastern Church, it turns out that these actions were performed in the primitive Christian Church and that their order is more accurately shown in the rule than in the Murom history, where, moreover, there is something that does not belong to the rite of Confirmation. a) It is undoubtedly known that the newly baptized put on new white clothes, and this served as a sign of their new, pure life 54. b) St. speaks about a crown of flowers. Chrysostom to those preparing for baptism: “those initiated into the divine sacrament know the power of this honor; but you too will soon find out; then remember my word when a crown brighter than the rays of the sun lies on your head” 55. c) We are not talking about Confirmation, the visible side of the sacramental strengthening in the new life; Let us only note the words of the Russian rules “to anoint the forehead, nostrils, lips, heart and one right hand with myrrh.” The anointing of one hand with the right is not visible in Eastern customs 56. d) Finally, the general custom was that the newly baptized held lighted candles, with which, as the Theologian says, “they represent the light in which you will come out to meet the groom” 57 . According to the ancient rule of the Church, after baptism and confirmation, the newly baptized for 8 days, observing fasting, were present at the Divine service and received communion every day. The same was required by the rules of the ancient Russian Church and, as can be seen from the various perplexities proposed by Kirik on this subject, it was carried out with precision. Until the eighth day, the newly baptized was considered unresolved, but on the eighth day it was allowed with prayer and washing the face with a sponge. It is more than likely that the expression of the ancient rules: “resolve” meant not only the removal of the white clothes in which the newly baptized person was clothed, but the removal of the bandages under which the anointed parts of the body were located. This latter was not visible in the Eastern Church, but was known in the Western 58.” Niphon says: “if they say (to the priest): grant permission quickly so that a sick child does not die like this, then let him say: is it bad to stand like this before God, bearing the intact seal of Christ? I would be glad if I had a chance to do this” 59. The sacrament of confirmation was performed on the Latins when they joined Orthodoxy; but they did not repeat baptisms over them. The order of their joining is clearly depicted by Nifont 60. In the same way, those who had the misfortune of being captured by enemies and had wavered in their confession of faith were returned to Orthodoxy 61 . There are enough comments about the Eucharist in our rules. We are not talking about comments regarding the persons preparing the prosphora 62. Kirik asked Niphon: should he serve at one prosphora? Nifont answered: “If it is far away in the village, and there is nowhere to get another prosphora, he is worthy to serve; if there is a close market where you can buy, then it’s not worthy” 63 . The answer is reasonable and quite remarkable. He shows that the Shepherd of Novgorod correctly understood the essence of the sacrament, i.e., that one bread is actually necessary for the Eucharist: one bread, one body, we all partake of one bread, says the Apostle (Cor. 10:17). Giving instructions about the funeral Liturgy, the same Saint says: “always serve on three prosphoras: one great one, separate the lamb from it; here the dead are not remembered; and those two for repose.” Here, too, the necessary, most important prosphora seems to be one great one. Regarding other prosphora that existed, we note that in the ancient service books there is no account of the prosphora at all and for no reason is there any definite provision about their number 64 . From the quoted words of Niphon we see that if need did not pose any obstacles, then they served at more than one prosphora, but at exactly how many, there is no rule about that; and due to shortages they served on one 65. It is a well-known fact that in the first times of Christianity, each of those receiving communion brought his own offering (prosphora) and a trace. There could not be a certain number of prosphoras at that time; Nifont considered it proper that for a custom funeral Liturgy two funeral prosphoras should be brought, i.e., one to commemorate the then deceased, for whom the service itself was being performed, the other to nominate others. M. Clement made a remark against those who brought prosphora to the funeral service along with the koliv, and says that this does not happen in Constantinople, where the funeral prosphora is brought to the altar 66. This shows that at that time they still remembered the ancient custom of the Church to bring their own to the altar for themselves and their own. It is known that in the 11th and 12th centuries. in the East itself, not like in ancient times, they did not often approach the Lord’s Table, most of them out of coldness towards piety, and some out of a feeling of unworthiness. And in the Russian Church they decided to be content with some instead of communion with antidoron 67. Nevertheless, as many of Kirik’s questions about St. secret, so some clear words of the ancients show that at that time in the Russian Church reverent laity often received communion. For this reason, M. John gave a strict rule not to consider anyone a Christian who did not receive communion once a year 68 . Especially the time of Easter was an ordinary time for communion 69: on its first day everyone, both old and children, received communion. Regarding the latter, Niphon, resolving several confusions, by the way says that since they cannot always and not all of them can wait for the Liturgy, then leave the Liturgy in. Saturday gifts and therefore give communion to children on Easter day after Matins 70. Quite a few questions were asked regarding who should not be allowed into St. secrets. A clever answer was given to a simple-minded question: is it necessary for someone who has pus coming out of their mouth to receive communion? “Velmi is worthy,” he answered, “for it is not the stench that excommunicates the Holy things that comes from the mouths of others, but the stench of sin” 71 . Regarding the presbyter, Kirik among other things 72 asked: is it permissible for him to serve after supper, without sleeping the night, but spending it in singing or reading? The bishop answered: “What is better, to sleep or to pray to God?” 73 Kirik’s question is remarkable because it recalls the ancient Eastern custom of preparing for the celebration of the Liturgy with all-night singing, reading and prayers 74 . From the answers of Nifont, Sava and John, we see that at that time the Liturgy of Chrysostom and V. Basil, and the rite of the presanctified Liturgy, were known, but the rite 75 of preparing the lamb for this last Liturgy and for the sick, the rite of communion for the dangerously ill 76 required some certainty. “If someone comes to me for repentance,” Kirik asked, “would it be right for me, Master, to send him to someone else?” “It’s a sin not to accept,” answered the shepherd. “But I’m ignorant and senseless,” says Kirik. The shepherd answered: “He wants to reveal everything to you, loving you, but he will not go to anyone else, or he will not confess everything, being ashamed; in this case, let you be a holy man, begin to work miracles and raise the dead, but if you don’t accept, you will go to torment; if you accept, but do not manage, then the same, but he is without sin” 77 . The latter is hardly fair: it is necessary to repent and do works of repentance not for the sake of a famous person. After intense requests from the humble Kirik, the Shepherd allowed him to be sent to another, but “with love, and only if he is skilled, since repentance is a matter of will.” Saint John believed: “If anyone wants to go from one spiritual father to another, then tell him: ask him for leave. If he doesn’t want to anger that father, but decides to secretly receive him, then say: take his prayer and give the gift as before, and keep the correction with me secretly and listen to me, but know that if you are the same with another as with that one, then there is no benefit for you” 78 . Regarding penitents, the Rules of Russian Shepherds are distinguished by prudent leniency. “If a person repents and has many sins, what should he do?” – asked Kirik. Saint John “did not order at the time to impose penance, but to assign something small so that he would learn, then gradually add to it, but not to aggravate it too much” 79 . Another unknown Archpastor of ours wrote: “Listen, dear and honorable priest: I have heard, as a great sinner, that the priest’s friends do not accept a great sinner to repentance. Then such people close the kingdom of God from man. About the same thing we ourselves will be closed. Not only that, but also the judgment of evil will be revealed. For the Lord Himself said: I did not come to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. Having accepted the repentance of any person, I immediately give a commandment: to the weak-minded and reasonable, and to the God-fearing, give a great commandment; Those who have endured good will receive greater salvation. And give a small commandment to those who have committed many sins, choosing to be ignorant, so that they will not perish in cold and despair” 80. Kirik asked whether spouses should help each other in carrying out penance? Nifont answered: “Velmi deserves it by will,” voluntarily: “as brothers help each other, so do spouses.” 81 In the hands of Kirik there was a book where it was allowed to order 10 liturgies instead of four months of penance, 20 instead of 8, and 30 liturgies for a whole year. It was something similar to “Latin indulgences,” Niphon forbade it and said: What is this? If so: then a king or a rich man would sin without hindrance and would only pay for his service, and would not limit himself. No, that won't do." 82 Niphon limited the leniency of M. Clement to those who had just, during Lent, refrained from grave sin, referring to the rules of John the Faster 83. Christianity, a pure, heavenly faith, having entered pagan society, found disorder in the family life of the Russian people, with which it had to fight. From the 33rd rule of M. John we clearly see that the common people, when concluding marriages, did not extend the blessing of the church to themselves, thinking that this belonged only to princes and boyars. This freedom was a remnant of the wild pagan rudeness that Pr. wrote about. Nestor 84. Among the Serbs, even during St. Sava, the first Serbian archbishop, the common people took wives without a blessing in the church and, just like in Russia, considered church weddings an advantage for people of the upper class 85. Christianity, equating the boyar and the prince with the last slave before the face of the Lord and the grace of Christ, could not tolerate such customs. “To people who are simple in name and in general opinion,” the Metropolitan wrote, “we give admonition and say: only ignoramuses in the law allow such a combination for simple and ignorant people; without the Church of God, without blessing, they perform a wedding, the so-called secret capture; those who take wives in this way shall be penalized as fornicators.” In another rule, clearly establishing the condemned custom in connection with paganism, the pastor instructs to use every effort to enlighten ignorance, exhort and strike with fear of excommunication from the Church 86. The pagan life of the Russians allowed polygamy. The Christian prince, giving his last wife to the orders of the Bishop, subjected her husband to penalties and execution; and M. John wrote about polygamy: “this is contrary to faith and the Greek good life,” and ordered the disobedient to leave them to the pagan will - not to be considered Christians 87. Nifont 88 also speaks against the same thing. Metropolitan John, with his rules, also pointed out the limits that nature sets for marriage, in the degrees of kinship, repeating thoughts justified in the Greek Church 89. However, the princes did not always follow these rules, as well as the prohibition of the same Metropolitan to marry non-believers 90 . It was a wonderful custom of that time for newlyweds to receive Holy Communion. Niphon says that it is necessary to honor the life-giving secret even when one of them is subject to penance 91 . This rule, sacred in itself, was also beneficial in that it taught the people to reverence the mystery of marriage and respect the sanctified union. Divorcing a marriage and entering into a new one was prohibited 92, as well as marrying someone entering a third marriage 93. But it was allowed to leave marriage for the sake of piety. M. John even allowed a man separated from his wife to be honored with the priesthood, and for his wife to enter into marriage 94 . This was in the spirit of the Greek piety of that time, 95 which, however, omitted the Savior’s words about the indissolubility of marriage. f) Blessing of Anointing and Burial of the Dead Bl. Niphon gave rules on how to pray over the sick. From his words it is clear that the current rite of blessing of oil was the rite of that time, but some parts were missing then. It is known that the canon of consecration of oil is the composition of the blessed one. Arseny, Bishop of the 10th century, is placed in the current rank in a modified form, and then he was not at all visible in the Slavs. rank 96. According to Nestor, Pr. Theodosius, when they brought sick people to him asking for help, sent them to the Teacher. Domian the Presbyter and the Faster, with this command to “make a prayer to the sick; and abiye made a prayer, anointed him with oil and received healing.” If this example gave reason for some to perform the prayer of unction: “Holy Father, physician of souls,” etc., in the absence of the sick person in the cell, which, apparently, Niphon allowed 97: then this was not done according to the pure understanding of the example and sacrament 98. Suggesting that human fussiness not rush into funerals, Nifont did not advise burying the deceased after the sun had set and even when it was inclined to the west, and said: “because we will see the last of the sun until the future resurrection.” The shepherd ordered a funeral service for a noble man who died without repentance, but that the priest be without vestments: this, he said, was for fear of others 99 . At the earnest request of Simon, who joined Orthodoxy from Latinism, Pr. Theodosius wrote the following calming prayer for him: “In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit... Remember me, Lord, when you come to this kingdom, reward anyone according to his deeds; then, Master, grant Your servant Simon and George at Your right hand in Your glory and to hear Your good voice: Come, blessed of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you.” Simon, conveying this prayer, says: “And to this day they put such a prayer in the hands of the dead; henceforth it was established that such writing should be considered for the dead; before this, no one would have done this in Rus'” 100. We can believe that before this incident there was no custom to give this or a similar prayer; but the prayer of permission is also known among the Greeks, but not with the same content 101. Nifont did not order the graves to be torn up when they buried one with an icon: “There is a Christian.” On the same basis, to the question: Is it necessary to perform a funeral service and remember a baby? answered: “Even if he died at the hour when he was baptized, sing the funeral service: it is not sin that we sing over the dead, but as over the Saints: for we must have every Christian, as if he were holy, and God judges everyone.” 102 The forty-day commemoration “in the shrine” (as the cemetery church was called) 103 was recognized as an irrevocable duty. Recognizing the importance of this commemoration, some ordered to commemorate themselves alive. Niphon, prohibiting this, says: it is better to entrust a friend to do it after death; If a magpie is admitted, then it must be declared that such a one must certainly abstain from sins: “A dead man does not sin.” From the words of Niphon we can conclude that this unreasonable custom is the work of the then Greek piety 104. Nifont said that burying the poor at your own expense is good for the soul 105. And according to the chronicles we see poor women in Novgorod and other cities 106. Sign of the cross Judging by the deep reverence that the ancient Christians of the Russian Church had for the power of the cross of Christ, there is no doubt that they often protected themselves with the sign of the cross. But how were they fenced? It is known that Christians of the Universal Church at different times were marked with the sign of the cross in different ways, depending on what thought of faith, what feeling needed to be expressed by this external action, and according to the circumstances of the time. The first object of attention was always the spiritual disposition, but not the external image. In the first three centuries and at the beginning of the fourth, the Church of Christ was persecuted by pagans - polytheists who despised the Crucified One. And then the fathers exhorted not to be ashamed of the cross of Christ, but to openly place it on the members of the body, and most of all on the forehead. “The sign of the cross,” says St. Chrysostom, “is daily inscribed on our forehead, as if on a pillar” 107 or, as St. Ambrose wrote, “the sign is placed on the forehead, as a place of shame, so that we are not ashamed to confess the Crucified Christ, who is not ashamed to call us brothers” 108. And in order to show the unity of God to the polytheists, they made the sign of the cross with one finger. “When you signify yourself with a cross, let living hope be expressed on your forehead; it should not just be depicted with a finger, but it should be preceded by a heartfelt disposition and complete faith” 109. Thus, with one large finger they protected each member of the body, separately the forehead, eyes, chest, one shoulder, the other shoulder, confessing the power of the Crucified Son of God, one in essence Divine with the Father and the Holy Spirit 110. When Arius appeared with his enmity against the Holy Trinity, then some began to sign themselves with three fingers, although the common sign continued to be one finger 111. This (triple) sign had not yet been sanctified by being used instead of the one-finger sign, when Monophysitism, appearing towards the end of the 5th century, forced the Orthodox to turn to another sign. The Monophysites continued to use the one-finger sign with all the greater zeal because it seemed to them to reinforce their opinion about the one nature in Christ Jesus. The Orthodox, wanting to confess not only with their lips, but with a tangible sign, the two natures in Christ, began to mark themselves with two fingers. By the beginning of the 10th century, these two types of signs - one-finger and two-finger - served as one of the external differences between two different faiths, Monophysite and Orthodox 112. This was the case in Syria and Armenia, where Monophysitism acted with particular force. Meanwhile, the three-fingered sign of the cross came more and more into use, and especially where Monophysitism occupied little or no minds of people: it retained the advantage that it expressed for everyone one of the most important dogmas of Christianity, the dogma of the Holy Trinity, and turned others away from empty disputes 113 . Knowing this state of mind in Orthodox Greece in the 10th–12th centuries, we have reason to believe that in the ancient Russian Church, for the sign of the cross, the first three fingers were folded, although it could also be that one of the Jerusalem pilgrims brought the custom of Syrian Christians to Russia. Only a few icons and relics remain for us as monuments of the sign of the cross used in the ancient Russian Church. On the mosaic icons of the Sofia Yaroslav Church, Saints Gregory and others are depicted giving a blessing with a blessing that comes close to the so-called nominal blessing today 114. The frescoes recently discovered under four layers of paint in the same church represent the Saints in the same form: the thumb is inclined to the fourth, the little finger is raised, not bent, and the index finger is slightly inclined to the middle 115. – Among the relics of ancient Russian Saints, the most remarkable in this case are the relics of St. Spyridon the Prosphora, who labored in the 12th century. The first three fingers of his right hand are folded together, the last two are bent to the palm; the hand is folded so tightly that if anyone wanted to give a different position to her fingers, he would probably break them rather than fulfill his desire. The monk remains in the prayerful position in which the moments of death found him and therefore remains a preacher - an accuser for the so-called Old Believer 116. The Russian Church, being attentive to the wills of the Holy Spirit, sanctified the glory of His ways, shown in former times, accepted the festivities of the Greek Orthodox Church in their then form 117; with love I accepted the days of spiritual joy for the modern Slavic Church, such as the days of St. Cyril and Methodius, the Slavic enlighteners 118, St. Vyacheslav of Czech and his woman, Lyudmila 119, the Intercession of the Most Holy. Our Lady, seen by the Bulgarian Slav, St. Andrew 120. Finally, out of the same attention to the works of the Spirit of grace, the Russian Church established festivities in honor of the benefits performed for itself, and celebrated them locally for some Saints until the full revelation of their glory. a) The most joyful holiday for the Russian Church was the day of glory of the Holy Passion-Bearers - her princes, Boris and Gleb. Their glory and power in heaven constituted a guarantee for her integrity in the future, and a joyful thought about what had recently happened. The miracles that occurred at the grave of the Passion-Bearers are evidence of their holiness. In 1020, Metropolitan John I and the clergy removed their relics from the grave, opened them and found them incorrupt, while St. the body of Prince Gleb remained in the forest for about 4 years, where his killers abandoned him, under the influence of air changes; The coffins are placed in the chapel. New miracles followed, and on the advice of the same Metropolitan, V.K. Yaroslav erected a wooden church in Vyshgorod in the name of the Holy Passion-Bearers; The church was consecrated on July 24, the day of the murder of St. Boris, and the relics were solemnly placed in St. church; It was established to celebrate this day every year, “as it is happening now,” adds the Venerable Nestor. The first time the celebration lasted eight days; Yaroslav treated the rich and the poor princely 121. In 1072, a new church was built in Vyshgorod and a new celebration was celebrated. On the 2nd day of May, the Council of Bishops, princes, monks, “in them was our Reverend Father Theodosius, Abbot of the Pechersk Monastery, shining like the sun,” witnessed the glory of the Holy Princes; the relics were transferred to the new church by three princes. M. George opened the crayfish and the incense spread in the air; George, hitherto distrustful of the glory of the Russian princes, fell before the tombs of the martyrs, prayed for forgiveness of his sin, kissed the hand of St. Boris, blessed V.K. Vsevolod and others with it; – K. Svyatoslav received healing from a long-standing illness 122. The Holy Passion-Bearers did not cease to pour out blessings on their suffering fatherland, and once again (in 1115) all of Russia gathered to celebrate the transfer of their relics to a new stone church, erected by the piety of Monomakh 123. b) In 1089, the Pechersk Church, famous for its signs, founded in 1073, was illuminated by M. John 2 and the Council of Bishops. Theodosius 124; and 1091 reverent zeal Pr. Nestor discovered the incorruptible relics of Theodosius himself, and they were transferred by the Council of Bishops to the Pechersk Church; the wise M. Nicephorus in 1108 conciliarly inscribed the name of Pr. Theodosius among the Saints of the entire Russian Church 125. c) In 1037, V.K. Yaroslav-George built a magnificent church in honor of Vm. George, to his Angel, and the day of the consecration of this church is November 26th. was after that a daily holiday; Churches and monasteries were dedicated to the name of the Victorious, seeking his help in the days of battle. d) Ok. 1092 M. Ephraim ordered to celebrate on May 9 the transfer of the relics of V. the Wonderworker Nicholas from Myra in Lycia to Bar, the city of Calabria; This was the result of the miracles of the Saint on water and land, in public and family life, which our ancestors also saw, dedicating as many churches to the name of the Saint as to any other Saint 126. In the 12th century, fewer new holidays were introduced for the entire Church than in the 11th century. a) In 1160, when, by the will of K. Andrei Bogolyubsky, they dug ditches for a new church in Rostov, the incorruptible relics of Rostov Saints Leonty and Isaiah were discovered; At the same time it was established to celebrate their memory 127. b) In 1164, the victory of the same pious Prince Andrew over the Mohammedan Bulgarians glorified the power of the Cross of Christ, and at the same time in Greece Imp. Manuel defeated the Mohammedan Arabs. Therefore, in both Greece and Russia it was confirmed to celebrate the Cross of Christ on August 1, 128, while even according to the month of the Ostromir Gospel (1070), July 31 was supposed to be “worship of the Honest Tree.” 2. The memory of some other Russian saints of God was honored locally, awaiting the special will of God to glorify them throughout the Church. This is how the Good was honored. K. Olga and Russian Apostle Vladimir 129, Ave. Anthony and some other Pechersk ascetics 130, Prince Igor and Novgorod Shepherd Nikita 131. Disputes about fasting on Wednesday and Friday About half of the 12th century. Has a debate opened up in the Russian Church about fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays, or about how to spend these days if they happen to be holidays? In 1157, the Rostovites kicked out the pious Bishop Nestor because he did not allow them to eat meat on Wednesday and Friday and on the Lord's holidays, excluding the days of Easter and Pentecost, the days of the Nativity of Christ and Epiphany. Some Theodore, deprived of his place, nephew of the Greek Manuel, Bishop of Smolensk, increased his dislike for the thoughts of Nestor in Rostov; he taught something completely different, i.e., that the fast of Wednesday and Friday could be allowed not only for all the lord’s holidays, but even for the memory of the famous Saint. In 1160, the new M. Theodore acquitted Nestor, but Nestor was forced to go to P. Luke Chrysovergus; The Patriarch condemned the thoughts and actions of the unauthorized Theodore and acquitted Nestor. Meanwhile, Leon, Bishop of Rostov from 1158, extended his severity to the point that he condemned the thoughts of not only Theodore, but also Nestor, and demanded that fasting on Wednesday and Friday not be allowed for any holidays. A heated argument began. Condemned at the Rostov Council and expelled for resistance, Leon went to seek trial in Greece. Having found the Emperor in Bulgaria, he persistently and boldly argued with the Bulgarian Bishop, Adrian, but was condemned. In 1168, the dispute opened in southern Russia. In Kyiv, Polycarp, the pious abbot of Pechersk, was subjected to trial and condemnation for the fact that in his monastery he did not forbid allowing the fasting of Wednesday and Friday not only on the Lord's holidays and Pentecost, but also on the deliberate celebration of the Saints. The opinion of Polycarp was approved by some Bishops and the Prince of Chernigov, but not the Metropolitan and not the Bishop of Chernigov, the Greek, who remained with the opinion of Nestor; Polycarp defended himself with the Studian Charter. Although even after the council, which condemned Polycarp to imprisonment, many remained with Polycarp’s opinion, the dispute was never resumed. It is not difficult to see what gave rise to such disagreements in the Russian Church. According to the chronicles, Polycarp pointed in his favor to the Studite Rule; and this makes it clear that others had a different Charter and other decrees. Wednesday and Friday in ancient times were days of fasting or half-fasting, and in ancient times restrictions were made on this fasting for a few great holidays. But over time, holidays multiplied in the Church, and at the same time, according to the concept of a holiday, restrictions on fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays were also added. Thus, the Charters of the Jerusalem Studite, Holy Mountains in the 11th century. found themselves disagreeing with the customs adopted in one place or another after the 8th century. Henceforth, just as in Russia, doubts arose about the same fast in Greece; only here they appeared even earlier, and by the end of the 11th century they had already given way to new decisions about fasting. Considering well-known Greek customs, we see that in Russia Leon had in mind the most ancient rule about fasting, but his excessive zeal neglected even the ancient rule about Pentecost; Theodore and Polycarp wanted to follow the 10th century Status Rite; Nestor and the Metropolitan wanted to obey the rules adopted in Greece in the 11th century, and their desire remained, finally, the rule of the Church. Here are examples of how not every thought of antiquity can earn the approval of the entire Church, and its stubborn defense can turn into harm to the soul. Let us note the difference in attitudes with which the matter of fasting was accepted in Greece and in Russia: a) in Greece only doubts about the fast of Wednesday and Friday arose, and doubts were hastened to be resolved by recalling the Patriarch, without starting heated disputes; in Russia, on the contrary, there was a heated debate about the difference between days; b) in Greece nothing similar was seen to raise the question of the day in connection with faith; in Russia they said: the Leontian heresy has risen, and, of course, they said it as an insult to the pure Christian meaning 132. It is enough if we point only to the ritual book of Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus. It is known that all the famous singers: Damascene, Cozma, Herman, Theodore, Theophanes, Joseph lived during the time of the iconoclasts. In the ancient rkp.life of St. Vladimir (Rumyants. rkp. 535), it is said that on the place where the baptism of the people took place, on Pochaina, stands the Church of St. Peter, “and from then on that holy place was called, the name of the Church of Peter,” in the Prologue: “where is now the church of Boris and Gle6a,” a work of subsequent times, and in the Step.book. “The Church of the Holy Martyr Turov (?) was erected there. Next to the RKP. Life “commanded people to build churches throughout the city and village, and he himself created the Church of the Holy Theotokos of the Tithes”; according to the Prologue, the last: “among the divas (?).” Nestor says: “And they began to build churches and priests in the city.” According to Pech. Dietmar's Chronicle (Chron. 8, 127), in Kyiv under Vladimir there were 400 churches, 8 markets and untold wealth: but here it is probably necessary to read instead: quadringenli quadraginta, forty. Adam of Bremen before 1076 called Kyiv the second Constantinople. Paul the Deacon: “Justinian also built inside Constantinople a church to Christ the Lord, who is the Wisdom of God the Father,” etc. Lib.1, p.25. Also about the meaning of Socrates, 2, 16, Kedrin. There is no doubt that Yaroslav's image of Sophia in Kiev was copied from Constantinople. (Sophia - Hypostatic Wisdom) and, next, was the same as Vladimirov; and the current Novgorod list. Kievsky’s later case and M. Evgeniy’s doubts are in vain. (Description of Kyiv. Soph. Collection. 17; 24). – M. Hilarion: “he created the great and holy house of God, in honor of His wisdom.” Joachim's Chronicle says that Blagov. Olga built the wooden church of Sofia; and this is more than likely: Dietmar, a contemporary of Vladimir, writes that before 1017 the Church of St. Sophia burned down in Kiev. Nestor; Soph. Vrem., Novgorod. letop. Kyiv. L., p. 112, Section. 232. About the Bogolyubovsky Church. Kyiv. L., pp. 111, 112. Same years. says that in 1146 from the Princely Putivl Church were taken “silver vessels, intiteb (inditi - altar clothes) and service plates” (airs) - both of them embroidered with gold “and two censers and katsei (sprinkling bowls, from the Czech. Katseti - to sprinkle with water), and a forged Gospel, and books, and bells,” p. 27. Novgorod, 2 years old, Sunday 1.263. In Vladimir on Klazma in 1182, a fire destroyed almost the entire city and 32 churches, including the Golden Domed Church (Voskr. 2, 108., Radziv. l. 131., Nikon. 2, 345), and after 10 years half of the city and 14 churches burned down (Karamz. vol. 3, pr. 147, 208, 369,); in 1228, 27 churches burned down. In Novgorod the following are known: a) the wooden Sophia with 13 tops, built in 989 and burned down 60 years later; b) stone Joachim and Anna of the same 989, which was the cathedral; c) Sophia stone, built in 1046 (Nov. 1, 2 and 3 years). In 1211, 4,300 households and 15 churches burned down here; In 1217, part of Novgorod burned down and there were 15 ceremonies in it. (Karamz. vol. 3, pr. 147, 208). In 1211, almost all of Rostov burned down from 15 cer. In 1221, Yaroslavl and 17 churches burned down. (Karamz. vol. 3, pr. 147.) Imp. Basil the Macedonian built about 100 churches in Constantinople and its environs. In Antioch at the end of the 11th century there were about 1200 churches and 360 monasteries (Du Cangii Constant. Christ, lib. 3. p.24.) Ap. Bandurium instit. p.198, 199. M. Hilarion praises Vladimir. Letop. according to Radziv. sp. 82. The Cross and the Gospel were objects of deep reverence, so doubts had to be resolved about when and to whom to venerate them. Right Savva 13, 45, 23. Nifont, p.179. Memorial 126, ed. Kalaidovich. M. 1821. The Holy Cross was placed especially; this is the stone cross built in 1224 and found in the Yuryevo-Polish Cathedral; This cross is four-pointed. Nestor according to ancient times current 50. Known: a) in the Nizhny Novgorod Annunciation Monastery, the Korsun Icon of the Mother of God, inscribed, as the Greek inscription says, in 993 (see Vostokov's Description. Roman. m.220); b) in the Moscow Assumption Cathedral, the Jerusalem Icon of the Mother of God, transferred from Jerusalem in 455 to Constantinople, and from there in 898 to Kherson, taken to Russia by Vladimir. (Snegireva. Description. Moscow ancient. 11, l.6). Artists arriving from Constantinople to create the Pechersk Church brought the relics of 7 martyrs: Artemia, Polyeuctus, Leontius, Anikias, Anfa, Jacob and Theodore (Simon). For the many relics collected by that time in Constantinople from places captured by the Mohammedans, see Du Cangii Constant. Christ, lib. 3, p.14. Also the travels of Stefan and other Russians to Constantinople (ed. Sakharov, 1836). Simon about the creation of the Pechersk Church in Pater. Kyiv. letop. about 1154 other information. at Artsybyshev, 1,169, 177. Snegireva. Moscow ancient, note. to description Assumption Sob., p.2. Nikon. 2, 210. Radziv. and Sunday at Artsyb. 193. Novgor. years. 1, 2 and 3. 1170 Pskov. p.5. Novgorod. 1. “I defeated Prince Roman with the Novgorodians by the power of the godfather and the Holy Mother of God and the prayers of the blessed Bishop Elijah (John).... Feb. in 25 days,” and Ave. Novgorod 3 speaks directly about the Holy Icon and adds: “And to this day that Holy Mother of God icon works miracles and bestows healing.” About this event in the RKP. zhii St. John in the collection. Sergiev Lavra No. 8, near Rumyantsev, No. 393. According to the summer. it is clear that in 1355 it was built in Novgor. Church of the Sign of the Blessed Virgin Mary. (Karamz. vol. 4, pr. 390), i.e., before the discovery of the relics of St. John. The miraculous event was also immortalized by what was depicted on the Novgorod seal. Archbishop. In addition to those mentioned, the icons of the Mother of God are also famous: Smolensk Hodegetria from 1026, Chernigov from 1060, Kupyatitskaya from 1180, Mirage from 1198, Svenskaya from 1208 (Debolsky Days of Divine Service 1840), - also the Zaraisk icon of St. Nicholas (Karamz.3, pr.361). Monk Iyakov in the life of Blag. Olga: “having received Holy Baptism, the Holy Scriptures and books were translated from Greek into Russian.” Rukp. Moscow libraries. Spirit. Academy. No.175. p.177. Joachim's chronicle. “The Bulgarian Tsar Simeon sent the Priests, learned and pleased with the books.... having sent (the Tsar and Patriarch) many Priests, deacons, de-mestvenniks from the Slavs.” Tatishchev, p.38. “Soon, all the Church rites, propose and teach Matins and the year of mass and vespers and vespers and the secret service." Further: “then sing the Liturgy in the Church of St. Peter in the Slovenian language.” Methodius in Rome “place the Slovenian Gospel on the Altari of St. Apostle Peter.” Psalter and Gospel with The apostle and selected church services with the philosopher first (Methodius)" Ibid.: “To give worthy praise and Glory to God... and to lift up the sacred offering with your choir, create the memory of St. Demetrius.” By order of Methodius, the disciples baptized and performed marriages. St. Cyril sang: “Let me enter into the courts of the Lord, my spirit rejoiced,” i.e., the antiphon from the Octoechos. John Exarch. Kalaidovich, p.129. According to Laurel. and Kenisb.sp.: “The Apostle and the Gospel have been transposed, therefore the Psalter and Octoechos and other books have been transposed.” The modern Bishop Havderik (Moskvit. 1843. No. 6. p. 432.) says that Cyril and Methodius “left all the scriptures that seemed necessary for Divine services,” the Czech-Moravian legend about Cyril and Methodius says, the Pope was amazed how they dared to establish the singing of the cannon hours (i.e., the daytime service on Slavic language). The same can be seen from the complaint of the Salzburg pastor and from the letter of P. John, 879 Linda about Liomilel: “St. Cyril “knowing the Greek and Latin languages ​​very well, after he converted Bulgaria to the faith, he went to Moravia and, having invented new letters, translated the entire V. and N. Testament (not all, but selected readings) from Greek or Latin into the Slavic language and decreed for the church to publicly sing the Liturgy and other canonical hours, which is still observed in Bulgaria and other Slavic countries.” Cyril and Methodius. Dobrovsky, v. 29, 10, 42 and 43. The Presbyter of Diocles also writes. Before the time of St. Cyril and Methodius, they were known in the Greek service, in addition to the three Liturgies, the stichera of Anatoly and Sophronius, the kontakia of Romanus, the Sunday services of Damascus and his and Cosmas’s holidays, the Lenten services of Theodore and Joseph the Studites. That the songs of Theophanes (d. 850) and Joseph (d. 857) singers have not yet been translated into the Slavs. language - this is partly evident from the life of Methodius, and there is no time for them to come into general use, even in Greece. This is what Nectarius Patriarch of Jerusalem says about this. “From that monastery many books were sent to Rus': the Charter, the Triodion and other books,” says the 14th century traveler, Stefan Novgorodets. From here, of course, it happened that some of the Mother of God canons of St. Theophan in the Slav.Oktoih were replaced by the canons of an unknown hymnist and, it must be admitted, far from being the best songs of Theophan; the latter still remain in Greece. Paraclitic; Patr. Nikon wanted to include them in the Slav.Oktoikh, but did not include them. (Synod, RKP. Octoechos). Stichirary 11th century Tolstov has 2, 1. another 1153 in the Synod. Library (Karamz. 1.497); pictures from Pogodin’s latest: Samples of the Slavs. ancient writings, notebook 1., M., 1840. The service book of St. Anthony (d. 1147) in the Synod. Library No. 605; photograph from Pogodin in Samples; service book of the Anthony Monastery in B. Sof. Sob. No. 5, XII century. (Christ. Tch., 1836, part 4, p. 93). Rumyantsov No. 284, 13th century everyday life; it contains: 1. Slavic Octoechos, i.e., from Sunday. songs of Imp. Leo and Constantine, with daytime services of Theophanes and Joseph the singer; 2. Canons a) to the Mother of God, b) for the repose, c) to the Guardian Angel, with prayer; 3. Rule of communion; 4. Months of words; 5.Troparia for the holidays; 6. Stichera and canons for the great holidays, starting with the Annunciation (March 25th). Metropolitan Hilarion, in praise of Vladimir, says: “The Apostolic Trumpet and the Gospel Thunder announced all the cities.” He also mentions the celebration of the liturgy, the “Divine praises.” Nestor, in the life of St. Theodosius, says that Theodosius’s companions worked at night at work, “awakening the Divine glorification until the end of the year, so that together the singing of the hours came to the Church, especially the Divine Liturgy.” In the Chronicle: “and hearing the blessed. Boris singing Matins.... and having finished the Oxapsalms.... began to sing the Psalter.” Laurel, 57,58. Based on the answers to Cyril’s questions, one can see: a) the Rite of Baptism (“the priest wiped his face with his lip, as if in a prayer book.” pp. 183, 175, 181, 198; b) the Rite of the Presanctified Liturgy (p. 198). Metropolitan John in the 9th Ave. allows the Priests and Bishops to sit while singing the verses: Rise, Lord, Every Breath, Alleluia, the evening Prokimnes and strictly forbids doing the same “a white man or a simpleton, even if there be a Prince or a Prophet.” Novgorod chroniclers noted that in 1187, when they came with a procession of the cross from the St. Sophia Church to the Church of the Archangel Michael, singing the 9th canto, thunder struck and the people fell into fear. Novgorodskaya 1, 2 and 3 years. Simon, see below about the holidays. Joachim's chronicle. Tatishchev vol. I, p. 38. This news is undoubtedly because the Bulgarian tune is still known to us. Step. book, stat.2, chapter 2. Although Nestor does not talk about this case, he notes: “there is another courtyard outside the city, where there is a courtyard of the Demestiks behind the Holy Mother of God (Tithe) above the mountain, the Teremny courtyard.” (Harat. sp. at Karamz. 1, pr. 523). He is also in the life of Pr. Theodosius says that Stefan, the successor of Theodosius' Abbess, was a Church de-descendant. Kalaidovich (preface to the description of the RKP. Tolstov), ​​talk about the Stichirar of the 11th century: “The Old Believers, experts in ancient singing, could not make out the musical signs in it.” This is not at all surprising, because they are poor experts in everything Greek. The Greek notes of Damascus consisted of letters of the alphabet, placed upright, sideways, and lying down. Over time, not letters were made from this, but hooks, but with a specific name; this meaning also transferred to Russia, where at first the names of Greek hooks were retained. But the Russian domestics were not content with the Greek cause, and the further they went, the more they added their badges, their names; Unfortunately for Russian singers and scribes, Greek hooks at the same time experienced their change: those who understood the matter saw that it was necessary to add more symbols to indicate different tone positions; for three-voice singing, signs of upper and lower tones were needed, and those who did not know the matter wrote all this in their own way. Imagine what could come out of the confusion of hooks broken in Greece and Russia! Later Russian hooks came out, schismatic hooks, which someone seriously thought of mistaking for Arabic letters! In the photo of the hooks attached to the description. RKP. Tolstoy, it is easy to find out that the Slavic ancient hooks - the secret of the Old Believer - are pure Greek hooks of the 10th and 11th centuries, to which, if you wish, one could also attach their Greek names. Late Slavic hooks and their different names and images can be seen in Mr. Vostokov. (Description, RKP. Rumyan, art. 651–665). But according to the RCP. even more differences. For a collection of all later names for hooks, see Read. Moscow General East. and Ancient Ross. M., 1846, No. 3, pp. 39–45. Right Metropolitan John (1080) in Russian. Hon. Ch. 1st ed. 1814; However, this edition is very faulty: it contains omissions, errors and no divided rules. Reply of Bishop Sava, Kyriacou, p.195. Oral. 40. de baptiz. §27. See the question of Bishop Fides and the answer of the Council of Carthage, 253, in the letter of St. Cyprian of Carthage. Epist. 59.ad Fidum. St. Ambrose also speaks about baptism on the eighth day. Arab. 10 rights 1st Ecumenical Council: “those born receive a blessing according to the law and charter of the Church, i.e., after the fortieth day after birth; let them be baptized and become Christians without any doubt.” Peter, deacon of the High Church and chartophylax, wrote in 1092: “at what time should a child be baptized? If he is ill there is no limit, but he is baptized. And if he lives, he will live for forty days.” At Armenopul according to the RCP. translation. RKP. Life of St. Theodosius, in the Patericon, the original reading is slightly modified. Ave. 2. Chartophylax Peter says exactly the same thing: “If he is baptized, should he be milked by his mother, who is still unclean? By all means, let the child not perish.” Vladimir - Vasily, Yaroslav - George, Izyaslav - Demetrius, etc. Daniel Hegumen in his walk: “has vouchsafed me the evil name of the Russian Princes to write in the Lavra of St. Sava... These are their names: Michael - Svyatopolk, Vasily - Vladimir (Monomakh), David Svyatoslavich, Mikhail - Oleg", and Kiev Ave. l., 1151 The North asks St. Walsam: “What is your name? By my birth name I am called Balsam, and by my baptism Peter.” (at Ruinart Acta Martyr, sincera de Balsamo). In the Acts of St. Hilarion, Deacon Tatian says: “By my birth name I am called Tatian, and by baptism Christian” (Rolland ad 16th Martir). To this end they admonished Dionysius of Alexandria (pr. Euseb, N. E. 7, 25). Chrysostom (Note 21 in gnnesin). The holy confessors abandoned pagan names, as for example, the Palestinian martyrs “threw down the names given to them by their parents, perhaps because they were the names of idols” (Eusebius de Mart. Paldot. p. 11.). Monuments with words of the 12th century. Questions from Kirik with answers from Bishop Nifont and others, pp. 180, 181 from Kalaidovich, M. 1821. Theophylact Bolgar. in Commentaries, on the 10th chapter of Gospel. Luke, about the ancient custom on St. Gregory of Nazianzus. Orat.40, p.654. Clement of Alexandria (Strom, lib.6) prescribed 12 years for a Jew; in the Apostolic Decrees, (lib.8, p.32) three years were prescribed; - but added: “it is not time that must be weighed, but the way of life.” The 1st Council of Constantinople commanded to be careful against relaxation (Rule 7). The Council of Elvira (Rules 3 and 4) prescribed two years for every pagan, and three for a priest. This is how the announcement of the Burgundians took place (Socrates N. E. 7.30). According to the description of the martyrdom of St. Longinus, Victor and Alexander, the prison guards were announced and baptized on the same night. (Ruinarti acta Mart, sincera); also abbreviated by Epiphanius for one Jew (Hores 28). Monuments of the 12th century, pp. 181, 182, 108. Life of St. Konstantin K. Muromsky according to the RKP. Library, Moscow Theological Academy. Cyril of Jerusalem: “after you have taken off your old clothes and put on spiritual whites, you must be dressed in white... you must have in yourself that which is truly white, light and spiritual.” Tainov. 4, prov. §8. Also in Socrates (N. E. 5, 8), Sozomen (N. E. 7, 8), Gregory of Nazianza (Orat. 39.), Jerome (Er. 128, Er. 57). St. Peacock 12. Epist. ad Severum: Undo parens sacro dncit de fonte sacerdos, Infantes niveos corpore, corde, habitu. Homilia ad baptisandos; Gregory of Nazianzus talks about the same thing. Orat. 23 de Herone. In the ancient Gothic Service Book (in Asseman Cod. liturg. lib. 2, p. 36): baptizati et in Christo coronati. Memorial p.181. Also Savva, who adds about the right hand: “one right hand down in a sign,” that is, as it seems, laid on its back, p.198. Cyril of Jerusalem (Tanov.oglash. 3, §4) speaks of anointing the forehead, ears, nostrils and chest. The later Greek Missal adds anointing of hands (not hands) and feet. Oral, de baptismo 40, p.653. Ambrose de lapsu virg. p.5. Augusti Denkwurd. B.7, S.427. Binterim Denkwurd. Kathol. Kirche B. I. Th.1, S.233. Memory, p.183. Other words about the same pp. 182, 185, 175, 176. “If anyone has been baptized and the Latin faith and wants to join us: let him go to church for 7 days, and first give him a name, then perform 4 prayers a day, which must be repeated up to 10 times; Do not give him meat, nor milk, as if he were a catechumen. On the eighth day, let him wash himself and come to you, and offer him prayers according to custom; let him dress in clean clothes; and you will put Christian vestments and a crown on him and, thus, anoint him with myrrh, and give him a candle. And at the liturgy you will give him communion, and you will hold him like that, like the newly baptized one, if possible, until the 8th day.” Memory p.175. Metropolitan John. Right 30. Ibid., page 194. “Always serve with three proscuri: take one great gift first, where the dead are not imputed, and two for the repose.” p.173. According to the 12th century Service Book of the Anthony Monastery, prosphora are appointed to the rank of Proskomedia. After the description of the action over the main prosphora, the following are shown: a) prayer, may the Lord accept the sacrifice in honor of the Saint; b) prayer for the health and salvation of the servant of God; c) prayer, may the Lord remember the souls of the departed. And nothing more. In another Service Book of the Sofia Library of the 13th century. there is also no count of prosphoras, but the following five are visible from the order: Lamb, Mother of God, Saints, for Health, for Peace. See Christian Reading, 1836, part 4, pp. 95 and 94. Very remarkable in this regard is the Resurrection Service Book, written in 1380 for the rural Priest Mikula. Here is the whole order of prosphora: “The priest will pick up the prosphora and cross it and place it on the proskr. on the side platter, and not on the paten, begin to cut (the verb: like a sheep....) Placing the verb on the paten: the Lamb of God, the Son, the Word of God is laid, take away the sin of all. The family of wine is right. hand, water in the left and raised the mountain with the verb: Into the unity of the Holy Spirit. One of the warriors... points his finger to the chalice, and the Lamb: for three are the witnesses - Spirit, Blood, Water. And the three are one essence. Amen". Then the covering of gifts, etc. Not a word about any other prosphora. Rule of Metropolitan John 16. Memory pp. 182, 189. Niphon says directly: when they want, then let them take communion, keeping the commandment (about abstaining from everything) one day before, and another after, if there is no penance.” p.188. Kirill of Turov in the Homily for Pentecost: “Let us come to the Church of God and stand in fear in it, asking Him for remission of sins, so that we may be worthy to approach the Most Pure Mysteries, the Body and Blood of the Lord.” page 87. Kirill of Turov in the Word for Easter: “By faith, we will partake of the Divine Pascha and anoint our lips with the Blood of God.... Let us taste, brethren, of animal flesh.” Memory p.12. Memory p.185. Kiev 1151 and 1170 Memory p.181. Other questions from Savva pr.25. and John Ave. 11.Right. Metropolitan John 1, 6, 7, 16, 23. For other questions, see answer. Savva 1, 6, 8, 11. Nifont p.186. Renardoti Liturgia orientalis. t.1, p.176. see 12 rights. Savva; words of Nifont pp. 176, 177, 194. Kirik asked: “How should we give communion to the sick and what should we sing if we can’t get on board?” Nifont defines in some detail what to do, pp. 184 and 185. However, Metropolitan John even earlier says: “Communion is given, after the funeral service, as it seems” (i.e., Trebnik), p. 198. RKP. Golden Chain, l. 39, In ​​the same spirit, the Rule of Nifont not to impose any fast on weekdays, Saturdays and Lord's holidays, pp. 195 and 194. Ibid., pp. 187 and 188. From another place it is clear that Metropolitan Clement allowed the priests to do this condescension: “So Klim ordered to give communion to singles on Great Day, let us maintain a purely great fast, even if sometimes we sinned.” (According to the RKp., and in the print. this is omitted on p. 169.) A similar difference in opinions: “I ask, is it worthy to give communion to him even though he has intercourse with his wife during Lent?” He became angry and said: “teach to abstain from your wives during fasting, that is your sin.” I said: “In the charter of the laity (Beleche), Vladyka, it is written like this: observe well during fasting, this is Christ’s fast; if they cannot, then in the first and last week; and Theodosius, it is said, having heard from the Metropolitan, wrote so.” “No,” he answered, neither the Metropolitan nor Theodosius wrote that, but only about the idle (Easter) week, in which every day is a week. If he does this, forbid him to do the same again.” (According to the document, and published in print on p. 185). Theodosius, who is spoken of here, as well as in other answers, was, without any doubt, St. Hegumen of Pechersk, and his contemporary Metropolitan is Metropolitan George, to whom Kiriak referred in another case, p.195. In the Drevlyany, Radimichi, Vyatichi and Severyanakh: “brothers did not live among them, but played games among themselves. I look like I'm going to a game... and I'm stealing my wife for myself, and who's conferring with her? Each name has two and three wives.” Nestor, p.6. RKP. life of St. Sava, A. Serbian. Right v.5. Yaroslav's charter: whoever takes two wives, the Bishop receives 40 hryvnia, and the one who comes along is taken to the Church House, and the first one is kept according to the law; and if he drives recklessly, he will be punished with punishment. Ave. 25. “Third children of a brother (great-grandchildren of a brother and sister) who marry each other, although the law (Civil) allows them, I also subject them to penance for the benefit of the Church and the faithful.” Permission for this is in the laws chosen in 739, from the Justinian Code by the Emperor Leo the Isaurian and his son Constantine, (see Systemat. Code of Laws, vol. II, pp. 264, 337. Poxeipos vopos ed.a Zacharid. p. 53, XXIII, LIII. Lips. 1837.). Right 26. “Those who have intercourse with a brother’s second child (grandchild brother and sister), if they do not obey in order to separate, are subject to complete condemnation.” Right 27. Similarly, it is defined regarding brooding (affinity in property). Cathedral scroll of the blessed one. P. Sisinia; he commands: “Two brothers should not take two cousins. Those who violate this statute will be subject to excommunication.” Rule 14 of Metropolitan John. According to the RCP. in two places; in print ed. these places are released, see pages 199 and 188. According to the charter of Vladimir, dissolution is a divorce, granted to the Church Court and so on. was considered according to the general rules of the Orthodox Church. According to Yaroslav’s charter, a different monetary penalty is assigned for the abandonment of a wife by her husband, depending on the state of the person: in favor of the wife of the Prince and Bishop and “the Prince is executed.” Then, “even if a husband and wife dissolve of their own free will, the Bishop will receive 12 hryvnia; and if he doesn’t get married, the Bishop will receive 6 hryvnia.” There is nothing in favor of the wife here, since she voluntarily leaves her husband. But there is not a word about the fact that each couple, if they wanted to separate, would freely receive permission from the Bishop. On the contrary, Yaroslav’s Charter says that illness is not a reason for divorce. Kirik asked Nifont: what kind of penance should be imposed on those who leave their friendship and understand another? Metropolitan John, based on Vasiliev’s rule, calls such an act adultery (Prov. 22). In another rule (76) he says: to those who, along with other pagan customs (offering sacrifices, etc.), follow the rule of leaving a wife and taking another, “those who are alien to the existence of our faith, are rejected from the Founded Church. And trying with all his might to scold and guide him to the right faith,” etc. Therefore, G. Kranifeld said too much when he wrote: “the husband gave his wife leave from himself, sometimes certified by the Bishop or Priests, and divorces were very common.” (Drawing. Ross. Civil Rights p. 13, 1843 St. Petersburg). Ave. 18. Metropolitan John: he who gave birth to a third wife, and the Priest blessed, whether he knew it or not, he would erupt.” Vasily V. does not dissolve the union of trigamists, but only subjects them to penance (pr. 4, 50). The Council of Union in 920 prohibited the fourth marriage, and the third, although called “as a desecration,” permitted it under conditions. And so the rule of Metropolitan John applies only to the Priest, prohibiting a full wedding for a triple-wed. Syntagma of Vlastar. r. 74. In Memory, page 181. After the Trisagion and Lord have mercy 12, directly: “Prayers are offered for the sick,” and as shown further: Holy Father, “Physician of souls,” the now well-known prayer of the Blessing of Unction; only now it is preceded by the canon of Arseny. Ibid. 181, Nestor in the summer. An example of the Blessing of Anointing being performed on the dangerously ill can be seen in Polycarp’s story about Mark the Grave Digger. Simon's story about the construction of the Pechersk Church. See Goar. Evcholog. Erde. r. 543, 544. ed. Venet. 1730. Ducang. Glossarium med. graec. And not a church in general, as Artsybyshev believed on the contrary, see the words of the chronicle cited by him II; No. 575, 683, 917, 1261, 1890. Memory, p.195. “You wrote about Metropolitan George of Russia, but he’s not there anywhere.” Letop. 1215 and 1231, at Karamz. vol. III, pr. 161, 335. Demonstr. quod Chistus sit Deus. Same Hom. 54. in Math. Hom. 87. in Math, Hom. 21. ad pop. Antioch. The same about Imp. Constantine Eusebius (lib. 3. de vita Constant. p. 2), - Basil V. (De spir. S. p. 27), Origen (Hom. 8. in. Evang. loc.), Author of Questions with the name of St. Justin (Quaest. 118), Ephraim the Syrian: “We, being Christians, will begin to evade the Pagans and Jews.... Man we will crown ours with the precious and Life-giving Cross.” (Lib. de poenitentia), Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem: “Let us not be ashamed to confess the Crucified; Let us boldly depict the sign of the Cross on our foreheads.” (Oklash.13, §18) “Let us not be ashamed of the Cross of Christ; even if someone concealed it, you are clearly a seal on your forehead.” (Obsh.4, §10). Lib. de Jsaac. With. 8. Prudentius Cathemer. 6. Augustine: “Not without reason did Christ deign that His sign should be imprinted on our forehead, as on the spot of modesty; this is so that the Christian will not be ashamed of the reproach of Christ.” (In Psalm 30). Same Tract. 59. in Johan, in Psal. 95. 141. Jerome Comm. in 69. p. Jesait. Epiphanius (Hores.30, §12) about a certain Joseph, “taking a vessel with water, imprinted the sign of the cross on it with his own finger.” Jerome about St. Paul: “holding his finger over his lips, he made the sign of the cross on them.” (Eritaph, s.Paulo). The same Bl. Theodorit about St. Markian (Prol. 2nd November) Philotha de Marciano) and St. Julian. “Calling Jesus and showing the victory sign with his finger, he drove away all fear; (Ibid de Juliano). About Bishop Donatus Sozomen (Hist. E. lib, 7, p.26. p.292). Lecturer Mary of Egypt, knowing that she was flesh, and not a spirit, nor a ghost, made the sign of the cross on her forehead, eyes, lips, and chest. (Ch. Min. April 1st). According to John Moschus, St. Julian, Bishop of Bostra, when a glass of poison was served to him, “put a threefold image of the Cross on the glass with his finger and said: In the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit.” (Meadow of Spirits. Ch. 94). Of the ancients, one is Cyril Ier. He says this: “Let us depict with our fingers the sign of the Cross on our foreheads and on everything.” (Obsh. 13, §18 (36). Of course, it is inconvenient to make the Cross on the forehead or eyes with the whole hand. The Nestorian writer Elijah of Damascus, who lived at the end of the 9th century, wanting to reconcile the Syrian Monophysites with the Orthodox and Nestorians, writes: “And the fact that they disagree with each other in the sign of the cross, this does not interfere at all. Some, for example, depict the sign of the cross with one finger, moving the hand from the left side of the body to the right; others with two fingers from the right side to the left.... The Jacobites are marked with one finger. The Nestorians and Malchites (Orthodox), depicting the sign of the cross with two fingers from the right hand to the left, profess the belief that on the cross Divinity and Humanity were united together.” (Assemani Bibl. Orient. T.3, P.2, p.383). Demetrius of Kizicheskiy, in his epistle about the Jacobites, writ. to Imp. Constantine Porphyron, in the 10th century, depicting the teachings of the Jacobites, said about these customs, among other things: “They invented to mark their face with one finger, confessing thereby one nature in Christ, and they do not do it like we do, who move our hand from the right side to the left, but, on the contrary, moving from the left to the right.” (In 7 T. Gallandova Bib. Max. Bibl. Pat. T.12). In Leo 4, Pope of Rome (847 - 855), the following instruction is read about the blessing of the Holy Cup and Bread: “Sign the Cup and Bread with the correct cross, that is, not around and somehow with your fingers, as many do, but by clasping two fingers and bending the thumb inward, through which the Trinity is signified, try to depict this sign correctly, for you can do no other bless something." (Tom.1. Supplem. Concil. Mansi fol. 911. Sl. Binterim. Denkw. B.4. Th.I. S.519). About the same Pope, in the book about Popes it is said that during a fire he made the sign of the cross with his fingers over the fire (Lib. Ponlific. de Leone.). The words of Innocent 3, Pope of Rome, late 12th century, are known (Lib. 2. fie sacrif. misso c. 42. 25). Leo, Spanish writer of the 13th century. “Every Christian protects his face with the sign of the cross, raising three outstretched fingers on his forehead in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit.” In another place: “By extending three fingers, i.e., the large finger, index and middle, and bending the other two, we signify ourselves and others with the invocation of the Divine Trinity.” (Maxim. Bibl. Patr. T.25, p.229, p.18, p.233). In the first half of the 13th century, Nikephoros Panagiot denounced the Latins: “Why are you not baptized, as we are baptized? By transforming the true cross with three fingers on the head, and on the heart, on the right shoulder, and on the left, we clothe ourselves with its power. You... imagine a cross outside of yourself... and create a cross with two fingers on the ground and kiss it and stand up and trample it with your feet.” (In Makar, Read. Menea for Augustus, l.597. Christ. Reading. 1835, 4. p. 70. In the Cyril Book on l.236). One Greek in the 13th century. denounced the Latins for blessing with their fifth fingers and marking their faces with the big finger, like the Monothelites; meanwhile, in the sign, the fingers should be so positioned that they signify the two natures in Christ and the three persons in the Divinity.” (Binterim. Denkw. V.7. Th.2. f.336.) Köppen list Russian. memory pp. 13, 14. M. Falareta, Conversations on verbs. Old Believer, p.130. Detailed description of these Frescoes in Jur. Min. Nar. Prosv; 1844, January, where a list of three images is also attached. In the same form: a) Holy. Vasily V. is presented in one of the paintings of Svyatoslav’s Izbornik of 1075, b) On the Chalice, found in Kyiv and belonging to the pre-Mongolian period, the following are visible: aa) The Savior blessing: the last two fingers are inclined to the thumb, the index and middle ones are extended. bb) John Zlat. in the omophorion on Phelon, blessing: the fourth finger is inclined to the big one, and the other three are standing. (Proceedings of the Society of Historical and Ancient Ross. Vol. 3, part I, pp. 154, 155). Conversations to verb. Old Believer art. 129. In the same position are the hands of St. Joseph the Much-Sick and Alimpius the Icon Painter, as sincere eyewitnesses say. As proof, it is enough to point to the Monthly Book found in the Ostromir Gospel of 1070. It shows that the celebrations of the Greek Church were accepted in the Russian Church, but accepted in their then form, i.e., not only without the holidays introduced after 1225, but with the order of celebration of that time, which is not entirely consistent with the current one. On the eve, September 2nd, the celebration of John and Paul of Koistantinople. The latter is now celebrated on August 30th and November 6th; September 7th, “Stras. St. Martyr Sozontas under Maximin the King and St. Martyr. Charitinia"; the last one is gone now. “10th and 11th days of Veneration of the Venerable Cross”; not now. “The 13th, 18th and 21st to M. Simeon, according to the flesh of the Lord”; Now it’s not allowed. “21st Consecration (i.e., Church) of St. Mina; Martyr Theodore in Persia"; both do not exist; Theodore is not in Vasiliev's Menolog. "22nd M. Prisca, Martin, Nikola." Prisca is memorialized. 21st Sept.; others are invisible; “25th M. Roman and M. Iya”, the latter is now 11th September. “The 28th of Rapsimiy and her squad,” now the 30th of September. Finally, “29 and 19. M. Trophimus and Dorumedont” is now only 19 September. From these examples it is clear that a) in the Ostromir month book, some celebrations are shown only local ones, such as Saint. 2 Paul, St. 13, 18 and 19 to Simeon, 17 to Harlampius and Panteleimon, 21 to Mina, etc. (see Prologue of the 13th century in Vostokov, pp. 449, 452); b) Other celebrations are a remnant of glorious antiquity: such is the worship of the cross on the 10th and 11th hours. This is a monument to the events under Him. Iraklia. c) Others were moved to another day for the most famous celebration, for example, the memory of Rapsimiy from the 20th to the 30th because the 20th is celebrated to the great John the Evangelist and Apostle. According to the monthly word of the Ostromir Gospel, memorial. Constantine, in monasticism of Cyril, February 14, and in other ancient monuments, etc., in Evan. XIII century, in Rumyantsov (description 175) 6; this is the day of the death of St. Cyril. The memory of Methodius and with him Cyril in ancient times was celebrated among us without any doubt on April 6, when St. Methodius died: so according to his ancient life (in Moskvit. 1843. No. 6, pp. 434, 425). In the Prologues of Glory, a short life of St. Vyacheslav was read, at least in the 12th century, precisely under 28 Sept. For the ancient storyteller about St. Boris and Gleb writes: “Thinking about the blessing of God. Boris, the torment of St. Nikita and the passion of St. Vyacheslav.” (Vostokov in the description of music, pp. 693, 454. Journal Pros. 1859, part 12). A. At the same time, the memory of St. Lyudmila was united on the 16th day of Saint. Posted Oct. 1 in use in the 13th century. (Description of the museum, p. 404). This holiday is not in the Greek monthly books; That’s why it’s not the case in many of our RCPs. Church of the Intercession of Our Lady in Pskov built. 1552 in Novgorod. 1310 Church and miracle from the icon in 1418 (Karamz. 4. pr. 357, 5, pr. 137). Nestor in the life of Prince Boris and Gleb; Soph. Time Under. 1019 Sunday years. at Artsybysh. 1, 217. In the month books of the Gospels of 1164 and 1270, July 24 is stated, “the passion of St. Boris and Gleb;” although 5th Sep. shown: “the passion of the Holy Passion-Bearer of Christ Gleb”; the last one is the day of the murder of St. Gleb. (Vostokova Description. Music. 171 – 174), Nestor a) in the life of St. Boris and Gleb; b) in the summer. 1072 Further Sof. Time about 1072 Resurrection. years, I, 204. In the month of the Gospel. XIII century May 2. Postponed. power St. Boris and Gleb. Nestor did not say in his life that from now on the feast of the transfer of relics was established, but Soph. Time Sunday years. I, 215, another life of the Princes unknown. the writers clearly say this. It should also be noted: a) in Soph. Time strange mistake about M's face; at first it is directly stated that M. George and the Bishops were present; and then “M. John approached with the presbytery.” Vremennik merged two cases and attributed what Nestor says about the discovery of relics to the transfer of relics. Henceforth b) it happened that Time. says: “I commanded you to dig up the dust, and having dug it up, you wore it off from the ground”; whereas according to Nesterov’s biography, the crayfish of the Saints stood in the church from 1020. c) Nestor in the summer. says that, in addition to M. George, the following Bishops were present during the transfer of the relics: Peter of Pereyaslavsky and Mikhail Yuryevsky. Soph. Time and Sunday years. I, 203, they also mention Neophyte of Chernigov and Nikita of Belogorod, while Nikon, years. 1, 165, calls the Belogorodsk Bishop Stefan and adds John of Kholmsky. The latter is without a doubt a mistake: at that time the Hill did not yet exist (Kyiv. years): but the name Belogor. Bishop is true to Nikon. years., and not in Sof. and Resurrection, for Nikita Belogor, with Feolist Chernigov. Lazar Pereyasl., and Danil Yuryevsky was at the transfer of the relics in 1115 (Kyiv. let. p. 6). Kyiv. years. about 1115 Novg. 1 years pp. 1, 18. Vostokov’s Synodik, p. 517. Kyiv. years. “Praise be to our Princes, intercessors of the Russian land... having reigned with Christ, you received the gift of healings from our Savior Jesus Christ, you generously give them with faith to those who come to the church, champions of the fatherland.” About the healing of blind princes in the Smolensk church in 1077 Nov. 1 year old, p.17. See also Kyiv. years. about 1170 About the signs that designated the place of the new church - the house of grace, the most reliable is from St. Nestor in the life of St. Theodosius; about others Simon. In summer. 1073 “The Pechersk Igum Church was founded. Theodosius and Mikhail (Yuryevsky) Bishop, Metropolitan George then exists in Gretsekh.” About the creation and consecration of this church - Simon. He says that at the consecration of the church, which took place on August 14, 1089, there were: M. John 2 and convened by an unknown ambassador, John of Chernigov, Isaiah of Rostov, Luka Belgorod. and Anthony Yuryevsky. According to the chronicle of Nestor, the church was consecrated by the same people. Nestor after Laurus. And Radziv. sp. at Karamz. T. II, pr. 138, 160. Sof. Time says 1, 175 that the relics were transferred by the Bishops: Ephraim of Pereyaslav, Stefan of Vladimir, John of Chernigov, Marin of Yuryev, Anthony of Poros. Here is a new example of the fact that the names of Bishops were assigned according to thoughts about modernity, sometimes not well thought out. Anthony of Poros is not in the Nestor Chronicle according to all its lists, although according to the same chronicle in 1089 he was at the consecration of the Pechersk Church. Opposite “Marin Guryevsky” or St. George, on the river. Rosi, according to Nestor, was at the discovery of the relics of St. Feodosia. In 1095, “Yuryev and Bishop Marin came running to Vyatichev Hill, in Svyatopolchi city” and from that time until the restoration of Yuryev in 1104, the Bishop of Yuryev Porossky lived in Svyatopolchi city, but there was never a special Bishop in this city. About Yuryev and the city of Svyatopolch, see Artsybyshev I, 41, 59. According to the monthly calendar of the 13th century. memory trans. relics of May 31st (Description of Vostokov p.405). Gustin. letop. p.288. According to Novgorod. 3rd summer p.213 i. abbr. The transfer of the relics of St. Nicholas took place in Kyiv (Suprasl) in 1088. A word on the transfer of relics and other things about miracles from Rumyants. p. 697. Celebration of May 9th in Evang. XIII century pp. 174, 175. In everyday life, p. 405. Celebration of the consecration Church of Georgiev on 26 November. to Evan. XIII century p. 172. For churches in honor of Vm. George and St. Nicholas, see Stroev’s key to East. Karam., also Karam. I, pr. 524. II, pr. 56, III, 35. On special respect for St. Nicholas Ipatiev years. 167, 174, 192. Rostov, years. at Karamz. III, pr.27, p.213. Nikon. years. about 1160, see above, pr. 24, 25. Sunday l. II, 66, and Radziv. at Artsyb. I, 177, 178. Soph. Time I, 197. Prologue 1. Aug. and Nikon, L. I, 160, 190. The latter dates the victory and the “establishment” of the holiday to the time of Constantine I and Rostov. Bishop Nestor. There is not a word about the establishment after the Ostromir Gospel. Further a) the victory over the Bulgarians was won in all years. in 1164, and M. Constantine I, died in 1159 b) In 1164 Rostov. The bishop was Leon, who that year made excuses before the Emperor. Manuel in Bulgaria (dispute about fasting) and it is not clear from anything that Nestor was returned to the see after 1157. Therefore: c) it must be assumed that the confirmation of the feast of the Cross of the Lord was, if not under John 3 (1163–1166), then under Constantine 2 (1168–1175). M. Hilarion also spoke a word of praise to the enlightener of the Russian land; however, St. Nestor wrote: “if only we had labored and prayed to God on the day of his repose: and if God had seen our efforts towards him, he would have glorified (Vladimir): for we are worthy to pray to God, because we know God.” It is clear that they were waiting for the miraculous glorification of Vladimirov and did not dare to bring the Saints into the common calendar. The author of the ancient life of Vladimirov (in the Solemn 16th century in Rumyan, 67 7.) says: “We are not surprised, beloved, if he did not perform miracles after death: for many righteous saints did not perform miracles, but they are holy.” The idea is correct! Church in the name of St. Vladimir in Novgorod in 1311. Memory of Blagover. Vladimir on June 11th in the Prologue of the 15th century. (pp. 455, 192), memory of Blagov. K. Olga July 11th Serbian. Prologue of the 13th century. p. 452 and Prol. XV century p. 455. Pr. Nestor wrote: “I was the first to enter the kingdom of heaven from Rus'; This is why the sons praise Rustia as a boss; after death, pray to God for Rus'.” Nestor, Simon, and Polycarp are also called St. Anthony. He appeared to St. John the recluse; and this one said to one brother: “Brother, I say to you, having prayed to this Reverend Moses (Ugrin), he will help you too; Let us take one bone from the relics of him (Moses) and give to the passionate... this one who has ceased to fight.” Polycarp about John the Recluse, see next. approx. The teaching for the Week of All Saints (according to the solemnity of the 15th century No. 406. Rouge) says: “We glorify you, honest father, the Russian affirmation, honest Anthony, honestly we please Prince Igor, having honestly accepted torment.” G. Vostokov notes that this article was probably composed shortly after the death of Prince Igor, who was killed in 1147 in Kyiv. years. to say that on the very day of his death, “people of good faith come to take from his blood and from the cover of what is on his body for salvation and healing... God showed a great sign by lighting all the candles above them in the church.” p.34. Blagov. Igor was killed on September 19th. (Artsybysheva 1, 105. No. 680), but the memory of June 11th. For a thorough examination of the Russian and Greek news of the ancients, see the History of Heresies. and rask. pp.39–60. In addition see Artsybyshev pp. 155, 175, 189.