Архимандрит Порфирий (Попов) Жизнь святого Григория Богослова 2

Conversion of Father Grigoriev to Christianity. – Nonna’s vision of the birth of her son. - Her vow for her son. Purity and Chastity, which appeared to Gregory in a dream. – Gregory’s primary education. – Storm during a trip to Athens. – Meet Basil the Great and Julian the Apostate here. - Farewell to Athens. – Meeting with brother Caesar on the way from there In 325 A.D., several Cappadocian bishops, going to the First Ecumenical Council, stopped for a short time in the town of Arianza, near Nazianza. Here, peacefully and calmly on his estate, one respectable man from the Ipsistarian sect, named Gregory, spent his modest life. His pious wife Nonna managed to predispose him in favor of Christianity. Arriving here, the bishops took advantage of this opportunity and convinced Gregory to accept Holy Baptism 3. Five years after this, one dark night Nonna had a dream that she had a beautiful, angel-like child and that he was named after his father, Gregory. This vision was an answer to Nonna's prayer for a son; at the same time, like Samuel’s mother (see 1 Samuel 1:11), she made a vow to dedicate the requested son to God and, when she was rewarded with the fulfillment of her prayer, she was especially zealous about fulfilling the vow. It was this son of mother’s prayer who later received the name Gregory the Theologian. As soon as her son became able to understand the instructions, Nonna, hugging him, told him that she was betraying him to God just as Abraham did Isaac, begged him throughout his life to conform to her holy desire, and most of all inspired him to read the Holy Scriptures, for which purpose she gave him a scroll of the Holy Scriptures as a child. At this time, “my tender heart,” says Gregory, was like recently shriveled cottage cheese, “which soon takes the form of a vessel” 4. Therefore, his mother’s instructions had such a strong effect on Gregory’s heart that even in childhood he showed some kind of senile sedateness and impulses towards feats of piety; little by little, like cloud to cloud, zeal for improvement accumulated in him, he joyfully read books that preach about God, and had dealings with men who were perfect in morals 5 . Christ “openly talked with His servant” and, when Gregory reached adolescence, he bound him “with love for chastity, curbed ... the flesh, breathed in ... ardent love for Divine wisdom and for monastic life” 6. Gregory's soul was so pure, serene and sublime in contemplation that even in his dreams the Christian virtues appeared before his spiritual eyes in personified form. “So, when I was still a young boy,” says Gregory, “in the midst of deep sleep I imagined that next to me stood two maidens in white robes, both beautiful and of the same age. Their entire decoration consisted in the fact that they did not have any clothing on them. The belt held together their beautiful clothes, which went down their legs to their toes. The head veil covered their cheeks, and they stood with their eyes lowered to the ground. But from under the covers, which fit tightly to their faces, one could notice that both were adorned with a beautiful blush of modesty. Their lips, enclosed in silence, were likened to a rose lying in cups sprinkled with dew. They loved me because I looked at them with pleasure; like a dear son, they kissed me with their lips and when I asked what kind of women they were and where they came from, they answered: “One of us is Purity, and the other is Chastity. We stand before the King Christ and enjoy the beauties of heavenly virgins. Unite your mind with our hearts and your lamp with our lamps, and we, the enlightened one, will carry you through the ethereal heights, place you before the radiance of the immortal Trinity." Having said this, they flew away through the ether, and my gaze followed those flying away” 7. This dream decisively and forever prompted Gregory to reject the heavy yoke of marriage and love the high lot of eternally young beings, that is, Angels; and in the years of courage, Gregory’s heart, in his own words, was long and often delighted with the venerable visions of this unforgettable night and the images of bright virginity. But in his adolescence, when Gregory’s cheeks were not yet pubescent, he was possessed by some kind of fiery love for the sciences 8 . Through this, Providence apparently prepared him for high service in the Church, for which the education that he could find in his parents’ home or in a community of people who cared only about the salvation of their souls, but unfamiliar with the spirit of scientific education, was not enough. Gregory first became acquainted with secular sciences in Caesarea in Cappadocia, but how long he studied here is unknown; in the writings of Gregory there is only an indication that he here began his acquaintance with Basil the Great 9. After this, having previously visited his homeland, he went to Caesarea in Palestine, where the school of eloquence 10 also flourished and where he listened to the rhetorician Thespesius. Then he collected some information in Alexandria 11 and from here, driven by a fiery love for acquiring knowledge, he went to Athens in the month of November, the most dangerous time for sailing by sea. When they were rounding the island of Cyprus, a terrible storm arose and for twenty days kept everyone sailing in excessive fear and fear for their lives. At the same time, the ship's servants, the ship's owners, and the travelers - all, even those who did not know God before, unanimously called on Christ for deliverance from ordinary death. But for Gregory, internal death was even more terrible; In this he mainly blamed his misfortune and therefore tore his clothes and raised cries that drowned out the strong noise of the waves; At this time he wept and grieved most of all because the murderous waters deprived him of the cleansing waters, without which he did not hope to unite with God. In a fiery prayer to Christ, having counted all the miracles of God described in the holy books, Gregory uttered such words filled with strong faith: “For You, Lord, I will live if I avoid extreme danger. You will lose Your servant if you do not save me. And now Your disciple is overwhelmed by the waves. Shake off the sleep or come on the waters and end the danger” 12. This was soon followed by the fulfillment of the petition. The sea waves began to subside, and the ship landed at Rhodes. This quick taming of the storm was considered by all those who were with Gregory on the ship to be the acquisition of one of Gregory’s prayers, and those of them who were pagans accepted Christianity on this occasion. Subsequently, Gregory learned that he was delivered from danger through the prayers of his parents, who were notified of his misfortune through a dream and who, remembering the dream, also earnestly prayed to the Lord for the deliverance of their son. From Rhodes, where the ship stopped for some time, Gregory soon arrived in Athens and here he attended Athenian schools for about six years, especially listening to the lessons of the best teachers of that time - Imeria and Proaresia; he called the eloquence of the latter a new thunder in Attica. But Gregory remained grateful to Athens not so much for science as for establishing friendship with Vasily. “Athens, the abode of science,” he says, “is truly golden for me and has brought me a lot of good things. They introduced me more completely to this husband, who alone was superior in life and word to everyone. Seeking knowledge, I found happiness, having experienced the same thing as Saul; Saul, looking for his father's donkeys, found the kingdom, so that the appendage to the matter turned out to be more important than the matter itself (see 1 Samuel 9–10). Something similar happened to me” 13. Inseparably spending time with this friend and sharing with him all the sorrows and joys, Gregory, in his own words, lived here, as always, in the fear of God and not only did not get carried away with those who, in fits of brave impetuosity, indulged in excesses, but he himself attracted his friends to spiritual perfection 14 . The experience of quickly and accurately distinguishing good comrades from bad, but feigned ones is represented by his judgment about Julian the Apostate 15, who at that time also took lessons in philosophy and eloquence from the Athenian sophists. “They didn’t foretell anything good for me,” says Gregory, “an unsteady neck, moving and leveling shoulders, fluent, insolent and fierce eyes, legs that do not stand firmly but bend, a nose expressing insolence and contempt, funny facial features that express the same thing, loud and immoderate laughter, bending and throwing back the head for no reason, slow and intermittent, the questions are random and incoherent, the answers are not the best, not firm and not subject to rules. And as soon as I saw him, I said to those with me: “What evil is being fostered by the Roman Empire!” 16 Having predicted this, Gregory wanted to be a false soothsayer, but, unfortunately, he later saw the justification of his prediction 17. Despite the strictness of Gregory's life and pickiness in his acquaintances, even his frivolous and dissolute comrades loved and revered him very much 18 . This was especially evident when he was leaving Athens. When the thirtieth year of his life came, Gregory decided to return to his fatherland with Vasily. They began to beg both of them to stay in Athens. Vasily presented many reasons that required an early departure. But for Gregory, even violence was added to the spells and tears. With great haste, all the strangers, close acquaintances, peers and even teachers surrounded him. Tightly grabbing him by the clothes and hands, they said: “No matter what happens, we won’t let him out of here. Venerable Athens must not lose you. According to the general verdict, they will give you primacy in literature.” Remembering all this already in old age, St. Gregory notes: “...how could one oak tree resist so many tears and convictions, and I yielded to the request, although not completely. I was attracted to my fatherland... There, devoting myself to philosophy seemed to me the most beautiful thing. My parents, burdened by old age and time, also attracted me there. Therefore, I did not stay long in Athens, disappeared from there almost secretly and set off on the road” 19. Here Gregory unexpectedly met his brother Caesarius, who was returning from Alexandria, and was all the more happy about this meeting because he considered it not an accidental coincidence, but a special action of Providence. “The mother, releasing her children, fervently prayed to God that He would return us at the same time as at the same time we went, although to different cities and schools” 20. And her prayer was heard. A general view of Gregory's sorrows. – Hesitation in choosing a lifestyle. – Memories of a visit to the Pontic desert. – The reason for Vasiliev’s removal to the hermitage after his ordination as a presbyter. – Return to Nazians for Easter at the request of my father. - The reception given to him, and the words spoken by him upon his return. – Gregory’s concerns about consoling his father when some of his flock were separated from him due to unfavorable rumors about his brother Caesarea. – The meaning of Gregory’s accusatory words against Julian. – Gregory’s concern for the reconciliation of Basil with the Bishop of Caesarea. - His letter on this occasion to Eusebius. – Help Vasily in the fight against the Arians. – Gregory’s grief at the death of Caesarea. – Inducements to pronounce funeral Words for him and his sister Gorgonia. – Response to Basil to his invitation to Caesarea. – Nonna’s disease. – Visiting Basil after his ordination as a bishop and defending him upon his return to Nazianz. – Assisting father and Vasily in the fight against the Arians The life of Gregory the Theologian, following the period of education, is nothing more than the story of his misfortunes; at least that’s what Gregory himself calls her. The very ordination to presbyter and elevation to the episcopal see for Gregory was the cause of deepest sorrow. Therefore, in his biography, most of all you will have to follow the revelations of his sorrows. The expression of these heartfelt sorrows is the main subject of many of his historical Words and poems, therefore, the reasons and strength of Gregory’s various sorrows can only be explained by conveying the content of most of his writings. To refuse an explanation, to remain silent about the impressions that certain events and positions entrusted to him made on Gregory, would mean leaving him without a biography or, at least, without depicting his characteristic properties. Gregory the Theologian himself had a presentiment that his sorrows could not be understood by everyone, therefore he wrote: “There is an ancient legend that if an evil viper sets its teeth and inflicts a destructive wound, the wounded one will only willingly tell about it to the one into whom the merciless viper with its scorching poisons poured the same destruction, for only such a person knows the intolerance of destruction. So my story will be accepted with love and will want to know the secrets of a tearful heart only by those who have the same sadness as me, the same suffering and the same burden of the cross. But I would excite laughter by telling about my sorrows to another, especially in whom faith is slightly imprinted on the surface of the heart, into whose interior strong love for the Heavenly King has not penetrated, who lives on earth, thinking more about what is one day. May such people perish..." 21 . From this we can see what the disposition of the heart must be in order for information about Gregory’s future life to be accepted with complete sympathy. Gregory returned to his parents' shelter from distant travels undertaken in order to obtain a comprehensive education around 356. His fellow citizens certainly wanted to experience what and how he had studied for so long, and therefore, submitting to their desire, he showed them the experiments of his eloquence, but what they consisted of is unknown. Gregory only assures that he had in mind neither applause, nor talk of surprise, nor rapture, nor worship, which the sophists admire among the crowd of young people, and that these experiments served as a kind of preparatory exercise for future exploits or the threshold of the most important sacraments. Probably, soon after returning to his fatherland, Gregory received Holy Baptism; it, according to the assumption of most scientists, was postponed for so long out of imitation of the example of the Savior, who was baptized, “he was like thirty years old” (Luke 3:23). This was followed by the final choice of the type of life. Gregory thought hard and for a long time about this one of the most difficult questions in life. “Having decided to bury everything carnal into the depths,” he writes about himself, “when I began to consider the very paths of the divine, it was not easy to find a better and smoother path. Elijah the Tishbite, the great Carmel, the heritage of the Forerunner - the desert came to my mind. On the other hand, the love for divine books and the light of the Spirit, drawn from deepening into God’s word, overpowered, and such an activity is not a matter of silence and desert. Many times I wavered back and forth and finally pacified my desires, stopping in the middle. I took some kind of middle path between hermits and ascetics living in society, I took the composure of mind from some, and from others the effort to be useful to society” 22. By these others, Gregory means ascetics who spent a celibate life, not retiring into the desert and being engaged in public affairs. “I was forced to prefer this last kind of life,” Gregory says about himself, “and gratitude to those who gave birth to me, to whom I was in debt; I wanted to cherish their old age, to lead them by the hand, so that I myself could have a happy old age, pleasing their old age” 23. This choice was also made because Gregory, as a rule of wisdom, ordered not to show that he was working for the most excellent life. Caring for his parents, all the more necessary since Caesarea's brother soon went to serve in the imperial court, could sufficiently cover his zeal for pleasing God. Having established himself in this way of thinking, Gregory, contrary to the promise he made to Vasily in Athens, and despite his repeated invitations, for a long time did not find the opportunity to go to his newly built monastery. After spending some time with him in the Pontic desert, and upon returning to his Arians, he often recalled with great pleasure the activities that he shared here with his friend. This is all the more surprising since life in the parental home differed very little in its severity from the life of the Vasiliev monks. And at home, Gregory also occupied himself with the thought of God and prayer, ate the most moderate and simple food, practiced the word of God, but he was much outraged by the behavior of the servants over whom he was entrusted to look after and of whom, apparently, there were many on his father’s estate. “To rule over servants,” Gregory complains in one poem, “is a veritable net of destruction. They always hate cruel rulers, and shamelessly trample on the God-fearing; They are not lenient towards the evil, they are not submissive to the good, but they breathe unreasonable anger towards both.”24 Much greater sorrow was caused to Gregory by his dedication to the priesthood, performed by his father on the feast of the Nativity of Christ (probably in 361). And after the extensive education that he received in various schools, the high and honorable title of an altar server seemed to Gregory the same as sunlight for weak eyes 25. Gregory's father knew his son's view of the priesthood, but, prompted by fatherly love, completely against his will, he ordained him as a presbyter. Although Gregory submitted to the will of his parent, accepted initiation from him, he was so upset that he forgot everything: friends, parents, fatherland, clan - and, in his own comparison, like an ox wounded by a horse fly, he went to Pontus, hoping there to find a cure for grief in his divine friend 26. By this removal, he, among other things, wanted to enlighten those who, as he put it, with unwashed hands and unclean souls, take up the most holy work, crowding and jostling around the Holy Meal, as if revering the holy order not as a model of virtue, but as a means of subsistence and a superior who does not give an account 27 . Other, more important reasons for this removal were the unexpectedness of the ordination and the love of silence and contemplative life. Here are Gregory’s own words about this: “I was especially amazed by the surprise; like a man struck by sudden thunder, he did not gather his thoughts and therefore violated the modesty to which he had accustomed himself all his life. Then some kind of attachment to the blessings of silence and solitude took possession of me. Loving him from the very beginning, as hardly anyone involved in science has loved, and in the most important and most dangerous circumstances for me, having made a vow to God of a silent life, I could not bear the coercion. It seemed to me that the best thing to do was to close off one’s senses, to gather oneself within oneself, without touching anything human unless absolutely necessary, to carry within oneself divine images, always pure and not mixed with earthly and deceptive impressions, to comprehend the blessings of the future age while still on earth, to leave the earth and be lifted up by the Spirit.”28 In addition, Gregory vividly imagined the painful struggle that a shepherd must wage against the insolence of heretics, against the vices of weak Christians, as well as the threats to unworthy servants of the altar, uttered in Scripture. Remembering all this, says St. Gregory, did not leave him day and night, dried out his brain, exhausted his flesh, deprived him of vigor and did not allow him to walk with his eyes raised high 29 . “I admit that I am weak for such warfare... until my mind is purified, until I far surpass others in closeness to God, I recognize it as unsafe to take upon myself the care of souls and mediation between God and people, which is also the duty of a priest... Do not honor me as fearful beyond measure; on the contrary, even praise my foresight” 30. “Considering the most skillful men of antiquity, I find that of those whom grace had chosen to be rulers or prophets, some readily followed the election, while others were slow to accept the gifts; Moses reproached God, and Jeremiah was afraid of his youth, and Jonah fled from the face of God, but these, who denied for fear, were not condemned” 31 . These were the motives for which Gregory immediately retired to Pontus after his ordination. It is clear that Basil the Great did not condemn his friend for such a course of action, otherwise he would not have allowed him to remain in his desert from the Feast of the Nativity of Christ until Easter. From everything it is clear that Gregory was very pleased to live with his friend, but his father repeatedly and even with threats convinced him to return to Nazians. One could be afraid that tenderness might turn into an oath 32, according to the usual property of angry innocence 33; and the Nazians greatly desired the return of their priest. Gregory struggled for a long time with thoughts of what to do, being between two fears; Finally, he was overcome by the fear of being disobedient to his father. “I stand in the middle,” he says in explanation of his actions, “in the middle between those who are too bold and too timid. I am more fearful than those who cling to every authority, and more daring than those who run away from everything. It was just time that the feeling of distress in me weakened” 34. St. Gregory said to himself that “against the fear of being a boss, perhaps the law of obedience will help, because God rewards faith and makes the one who places all their hopes in Him a perfect leader” 35 . The strongest urge to return was that he remembered ancient times and, having encountered an old legend, extracted from it instruction for himself in the present circumstance. This is the story of the flight of the prophet Jonah. For Jonah, “since he foresaw the fall of Israel and foresaw that prophetic grace would pass to the Gentiles,” for this reason, perhaps, “it was excusable to renounce the prophetic ministry. But would there be any excuse or room for justification left for me if I began to persist longer and deny the yoke of service placed on me? 36 So, Gregory decided to return to his parents’ house by Easter and make peace with his offended father and the citizens of Nazianza; It seemed to many of them that Gregory was not himself, had become a different person, resisted and persisted more than was permissible. The parents accepted Gregory with joy and love, although he upset them with his unexpected departure to Pontus; but this was not visible from the Nazianz citizens. On the very first day of Easter, in his first Word to his flock, Gregory first of all asked for forgiveness and meekly explained the reasons for his delay, but on this day many of the citizens did not come to church and did not show him the attentiveness that could be a guarantee for the future. This again and greatly saddened Gregory, especially since they themselves called him from Pontus; the bright holiday for Gregory turned into not a holiday 37. Soon he spoke the other two Words; in one of them, he expressed several meek denunciations of the inhabitants of Nazianza for the incomprehensible and sad for him variability of their feelings or vicissitudes in disposition, and in the other he explained in detail all the reasons and motives for his removal to Pontus (this is where everything that was previously said about this came from) 38 . Through these two Words, Gregory regained the love and affection of the citizens. And in the troubled times of the reign of Constantius 39, the distinguishing characteristic of the Nazianzian flock was steadfastness and serenity, so that they were often called Noah’s Ark because they alone escaped the global drowning and kept within themselves the seeds of piety 40 . Of course, this was in accordance with the concerns of the bishop and his son the presbyter; but with the accession of Julian to the throne, divisions opened up in the Nazianza diocese due to the fact that Gregory’s father, in simplicity, subscribed to the creed compiled by the Semi-Arians (in which the word ομοούσιος - “consubstantial” was replaced by ομοιούσιος - “similar in essence”). Although Gregory’s father, as his son put it, in this case did not sin in thought and did not blacken his soul with ink, 41 the Nazianz Christians separated from their shepherd; even the most monks, strict in life and distinguished by special devotion to their bishop, although later than others, left him and asked neighboring bishops to ordain one of the chosen elders as a presbyter 42 . The reason for unfavorable rumors about Father Grigoriev was also given by Gregory's brother Caesarea, who remained in the service at the imperial court during the reign of Julian. "Both among our own and among strangers, no matter how many we know," according to Gregory, "it has become a constant practice to say the following: 'The bishop's son is now already in the service, seeks worldly ranks and glory and is overcome by greed; and so now everything is inflamed by a passion for money and people do not spare their souls for it. How now will bishops persuade another not to be defiled by communication with idols, how now to punish who have committed something else, when the bishop himself does not dare to say a word because of what happened in his house?” This is what we hear, or much worse, every day, both from those who say this, perhaps out of friendship, and from those who attack out of hostility.”43 In such circumstances, Gregory, like a devoted son, was a true comforter for his parents. His father was so upset by such rumors about Caesarea that life itself was a burden to him. Therefore, to calm him down, Gregory assured that Caesarea would soon give up his place and would no longer cause grief to his father. From his mother, Gregory used various inventions to hide the news about his brother Caesarea and the rumors because of this, out of fear, as he himself says in one letter, “that the empress mother, if she hears something unpleasant about you [Caesarea], will fall into completely inconsolable grief and that she, as a woman, due to extreme reverence, is unable to observe moderation in such cases” 44 . In a letter to Caesarea, Gregory urged him to leave his service at court and revealed all the unfavorable consequences that could be expected from this service. From the letter it is clear that Gregory did not like the court service of Caesarea not only under Julian, but also under his predecessor 45. Gregory was not silent for long on the occasion of the separation of the flock from his father. The very silence had the purpose of attracting the Spirit and “belching out 46 the word good” (Ps. 44:2) 47. Gregory later attributed the cessation of confusion to the prayers and admonitions of his father, but, however, he allowed himself the following words: “... and I participated in his piety and activity, for I helped him in every good deed and, as it were, accompanied and watched over him, which is why I was honored to complete most of the work.” 48. But what labor this reconciliation cost him is unknown. Only one word of his has reached us, 49 which was spoken after the reunification of the monastics. Here, thanks were already expressed to the Lord for the reconciliation of those who were divided, and the exhortation was directed only to the strengthening and consolation of those who had joined the Church. Of course, those two accusatory Words against Julian, which were pronounced by Gregory shortly after the death of this apostate, also had an important influence on the Nazianese flock. This was the best counter to the laudatory speeches in which the learned pagans extolled the deceased, and among them especially Libanius 50 . Gregory’s words were written, it seems, on the advice or even with the help of Vasily, because at the end of the last Word there are such expressions addressed to Julian’s face: “This is brought to you by Vasily and Gregory, your opponents and adversaries, as you yourself thought and assured others, encouraging us with their threats to greater piety” 51. From these same accusatory Words of Gregory, it is clear that Julian strenuously persuaded his brother Caesarius to take the side of the pagans and, when he was convinced of the futility of his conviction, he said with grief: “Prosperous father, ill-fated children” 52; with the last expression he clearly hinted at Gregory. A year after this, Gregory took an active part in the reconciliation of Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea 53, with his friend Presbyter Basil. Bishop Eusebius caused great turmoil in Caesarea solely through his envy of his friend Gregory. The oppression of Vasily was so obvious that his admirers, monks and other Christians of Caesarea, wanted to separate from the bishop. This separation could be even more dangerous in its consequences, because Emperor Valens 54, the patron of the Arians, who had already installed Arians as bishops in many Orthodox churches, began to threaten Caesarea with the same thing. Both friendship 55 and zeal for the good of the Orthodox encouraged them to take possible measures to prevent evil. Therefore, as soon as rumors spread that the monks of Caesarea were separating from their bishop because of Basil, Gregory himself came to Caesarea, advised Basil to leave ministry in Caesarea for a while and retire to his monastery, and upon returning to Nazianza he wrote a letter of intercession for Basil to Bishop Eusebius. This letter clearly testifies to Gregory’s strong love for Vasily and for justice, and besides this, it is remarkable for the courage with which the priest, inspired by a sense of rightness, writes to his metropolitan. Here is an extract from this letter: “How I rejoice that you do me honor and invite me to spiritual meetings and conferences, so heavy is the insult that the most honorable brother Vasily suffered and still suffers from your reverence, from the very beginning I chose and to this day remains for me a companion of life, teaching and the highest philosophy... you, humiliating him and honoring me, in my opinion, are doing almost the same thing, as if someone began to stroke the same person on the head with one hand and hit him on the cheek with the other, or, having broken the foundation of a house, began to paint its walls and decorate its exterior. If you are at all convinced by my word, you will do it my way. And I ask you to make sure, because this is fair. If you treat Vasily as you should, he will serve you. And my job is to follow him, like shadows following a body." 56 Eusebius was offended by such a letter, but Gregory did not consider it necessary to ask for an apology and in the next letter he said no less boldly: “Although you are higher in degree, give me a little freedom and fair boldness, and therefore be more favorable to us. If you judge my letter as the letter of a minister who is obliged to look you in the eye, then in this case I will accept blows and will not cry” 57 . Although even after this letter Eusebius accused Gregory of baseness 58, when Gregory appeared in Caesarea at a new invitation, Eusebius willingly promised to write a letter of petition and invitation to Vasily himself as a sign of reconciliation 59. Having learned about this, Gregory, for his part, immediately notified Vasily about this, urging him not to bring his bishop to such humiliation, but to warn him either with his letter or with his immediate return. This high feat of love was completely to the liking of Vasily - he immediately appeared in Caesarea and successfully destroyed all the plans of the Arians gathered here. In this matter of fighting the Arians, Vasily was helped by Gregory, who came here at his call, but what his help consisted of is unknown; This important assistance is indicated only by the following hidden expressions of Gregory in his laudatory Word to Basil: “If Barnabas, who speaks and writes about this, labored with Paul, then thanks be given to Paul for this, who chose him and made him a collaborator in the labor” 61. The course of speech clearly shows that by Paul we mean Basil, and by Barnabas the author of the word. Of Gregory’s activities in the next six years of his life, before Vasily’s elevation to the archbishop’s throne, only his domestic concerns and concerns are known. The brother of Gregory of Caesarea, although he left service at court during the reign of Julian, was again called there under his successors. The sovereigns even bickered among themselves about which of them was more kind to Caesarea and who had more right to call him his most sincere friend and close associate 62 . Due to the position of custodian of the royal treasury, which was given to him in addition to the position of the first physician, he had to live for some time in Nicaea of ​​Bithynia. But here in 368 a terrible earthquake occurred, from which almost only Caesarea, among the noble inhabitants, escaped. This deliverance from sudden death was all the more gratifying because Caesarea had hitherto only been among the catechumens and had not yet been baptized. Gregory had many times before in his letters convinced his brother to leave worldly life, and now, with the very feeling of living gratitude for the miraculous deliverance, he persuaded him to accept baptism and at the same time asked him to return to his home 63. He also persuaded Basil the Great to write to Caesarea about the same thing. Caesarea obeyed, but died soon after baptism. Gregory was greatly affected by his death 64. In a feeling of deep sorrow, Gregory hugged and kissed everything that reminded him of Caesarea, 65 but his death, deplorable for truly brotherly love, brought Gregory many other griefs. Numerous imaginary creditors of his son began to appear to Caesar's father. During his lifetime, the property of Caesarea was in the hands of servants and people who kept too little, and this little, at the request of the deceased, was distributed to the poor. While it was possible, Caesarea's parents paid off their imaginary creditors, so that many even regretted that they had not asked for more. But, looking at the example of those who warned 66, others began to announce false claims 67. The father entrusted his son, who lived with him, to seek the justice of these claims. Gregory had to spend time among the excitement of crowded meetings, he had to listen to the objections of his opponents. The guardians of the laws were bribed by seekers of other people's property. None of his relatives helped Gregory. All these worries weighed down and tormented Gregory all the more because in the future no one could free him from the care of his parents’ home and from the unbearable supervision of the servants. Previously, Gregory firmly relied on Caesarea for this, who really rejected all concerns from him and revered him as no one else revered him, and respected him as someone else respected only his beloved father 68. At the same time, Gregory was often carried away in his thoughts to the memory of a peaceful life in the Vasiliev desert, and a deep repentance was born in him that before he did not have the strength of spirit to forever choose a desert life for himself: “There [in this desert], living alone far from people, I would carry the whole Christ in my heart, lifting up a pure mind to the One God. Until now I have not experienced such strong and numerous sorrows, I did not suffer so much when I lay on the stern of a ship for twenty days and nights awaiting the horrors of a shipwreck, I did not grieve so much during the earthquake in Athens and when, while twisting a rod, I injured the curved corner of my eyelash. I have suffered many disasters, but never before have I encountered such misfortunes as those that finally befell me. I am a new Job, the only thing missing is a similar reason for my suffering. I am the only one known to everyone, not because I have an advantage over others in words or in the strength of my hand, but because of my sorrows and lamentations. My glory is in sorrows: from Thy sweet hand upon me, O my King Christ, Thou hast exhausted all the bitter arrows” 69. However, despite all this intense grief, Gregory had the courage to pour the best Christian consolations into the soul of the grieving parent and honor his brother with a laudable Word 70. Such a Word was also necessary because some circumstances in the life of Caesarea required explanation. So, for example, Caesarea did not accept baptism for a long time and did not leave court life for quite a long time, even when Julian the Apostate was emperor. Around this time, Sister Gorgonia, who was married to a pagan, also died; before her death, however, she converted him to Christianity 71 . Her strict and pious life was very well known to the Nazianese flock; Not only relatives, fellow citizens and neighbors resorted to her advice, but also everyone who knew her in the surrounding area, and her admonitions and instructions were considered inviolable laws for themselves 72 . And therefore, Gregory honored her memory with a commendable Word - as much for the consolation of those who mourn, as much for the edification of others by the example of her life and for preserving her memory in posterity. “We should pay more attention,” says Gregory, “not to the opinion of ill-intentioned people who can accuse of bias, but to the opinion of well-intentioned people who demand what is due. It is most incongruous to think that we will act justly by depriving one of our own of the word, through which we are especially obliged to serve good people and can give immortal memory to the dead.” 73 In 370, both his friend and his father became ill, and soon his mother too. A serious illness befell Vasily shortly before his election as bishop. When the bishops began to gather in Caesarea, after the death of Eusebius, to elect his successor, Basil had already recovered quite well in his health, although he invited Gregory to himself, citing illness. There are reasons to think that Vasily called on his friend in order to reject the episcopal see from himself and, in the presence of Gregory, point to him as one of the best candidates for occupying the Caesarian throne. The following expressions of Gregory from his letter to St. lead to this thought. Vasily: “You called me to the metropolis when it was necessary to consult about the election of a bishop. And what a plausible and convincing pretext! You pretended to be sick and on your last legs, wanting to see me and convey to me your last will. I’m surprised that you think that not the same thing is appropriate for both you and me, who in the beginning were so united by God that life, teaching, and everything we have in common, and how you thought that here they would present themselves as reverent people, and not strong in the city and loved by the people” 74. Be that as it may, in any case, the news of Vasily’s illness greatly upset Gregory, he shed fountains of tears and set off on his way, but having learned that bishops were gathering in the city, he went back, and instead of himself sent Vasily a letter with the following final words: “I will see your reverence when things are settled and time allows me; I’ll see, and then I’ll scold you more and harder” 75 . After some time, Gregory’s father himself decided to go to Caesarea to attend the council on the matter of electing a bishop to Caesarea. But Gregory did not want to accompany his sick father either; even after Vasily had already been ordained a bishop, Gregory hesitated to appear with congratulations to his friend, despite new invitations. He did this out of concern for the glory of his friend and to avoid the vain talk of envious people. Here are his words: “When everyone else thought that I would rush to the new bishop or, better, share the leadership with him, and when all this was concluded based on our friendship, then, avoiding arrogance and reasons for envy, I stayed at home, violently curbing the desire to see you. And even now I am not in a hurry to come to you, and you yourself do not demand this, firstly, in order to preserve your honor for me and so that they do not think that you are gathering adherents out of ignorance of decency and out of ardor, as envious people may say, and secondly, so that I myself can acquire constancy and impeccability” 76 . To Vasily this seemed to be a cooling in friendship, and he reproached Gregory for neglecting himself, like an abandoned berry on a vine. To this Gregory responded with amazement: “As if anything of yours is for me the same as a withered berry on a vine! How did such a word escape from you from the fence of your teeth, O divine and sacred head! How dare you say this!.. How the thought was stirred, the ink was written, the paper accepted!.. Don’t you know me or yourself? How can anything of yours, the eye of the universe, the sonorous voice and trumpet, the chamber of learning, be unimportant for Gregory! Why else would anyone on earth marvel if Gregory does not marvel at you? One spring a year, one sun between the stars, one sky that embraces everything, one voice above all... and this is your voice" 77 . Around the same time, Gregory’s mother also suffered from some kind of illness; this further delayed the meeting with Vasily for some time, and he wrote to him: “It depends on your reverence to put my affairs in order, for I continually sit at the bedside of the Empress Mother, who has been suffering from illness for a long time now. And if I can leave her out of danger, rest assured, I will not deprive myself of your sight. Only with your prayers help her to recover, and for me to complete my journey." 78 In a short time, Nonna received relief from her illness and for this she considered herself indebted to her son. One day, when Gregory came up to her early in the morning and began, as usual, to ask how she spent the night and what she needed, she, without hesitation and eloquently, said: “You yourself, my dear, fed me and then you ask about my health.” By this she was hinting at a dream in which she imagined that her son Gregory appeared to her at night with baskets of the largest loaves, then said a prayer over them and, having sealed them with the sign of the cross, gave them to her to taste and thereby restored her strength; and after this dream she really began to noticeably improve 79 . After his mother recovered, Gregory visited his friend; however, he stayed with him for a very short time, not even waiting for the Caesarea holiday in honor of the martyr Eupsychius. Vasily offered Gregory both the rank of bishop or the place of his first presbyter, but he did not accept either one or the other, also avoiding envy and taking care to prevent rumors that were unfavorable for Vasily 80. Upon returning from Caesarea, Gregory had an opportunity to defend his metropolitan at some feast. This is how Gregory himself retells it in a letter to Vasily: “There was a feast, and at the feast there were many noble people, and among them was someone bearing the name and image of piety. The feasting had not yet begun; the word has spread about us, who, as usually happens at feasts, instead of any other activity during the breaks, become the subject of general discussion. Everyone marvels at your perfections, adds me to you, talks about our friendship, about Athens, about our unanimity and like-mindedness in everything; but the monk who was here loudly expressed his displeasure and said: “What is it, my sirs, you lie a lot and why do you allow such flattery? Let Vasily and Gregory be praised for something else, if you like, I don’t argue with that, but for Orthodoxy they praise Vasily in vain, and Gregory in vain; one betrays the faith by what he says, and the other by what he tolerates.” “I, for my part,” continues Gregory, “asked this new “Dathan and Abiron” (see Num. 16:1-33; Deut. 11:6; Ps. 105:17) out of arrogance: “Where did you come from, you empty man, with such a right to teach? And how dare you make yourself a judge in such subjects?” “I am now,” he said, “from the council that was held by the martyr Eupsychius, and he is a witness that this is really so. There I heard how the great Basil theologized: about the Father and the Son excellently, very perfectly and how it would not be easy to say to anyone else, but in the teaching about the Spirit he deviated from the straight path, expressed his thoughts unclearly, as if casting a shadow on the teaching, did not dare to speak out the truth, throwing into our ears expressions more suitable for a resourceful person than for a pious one, and covering up double-mindedness with the power of words." - “This is because,” I said, “there is a fierce battle near Vasily, the heretics are trying to catch every word from his lips, so that after everything is captured from us, this man, the only spark of truth and vitality almost remaining with us, and this man could be expelled from the Church, and after this from this Church, as if from some kind of ambush, the evil of the Arian heresy would spread throughout the entire universe. Therefore, it is better for us to be thrifty with the truth, yielding a little to time, which darkened us like a cloud, rather than bring the truth into decline by clear preaching. The truth lies not so much in the word as in the thought. But the Church [will be dealt] great damage if the truth is expelled with one person." Those present did not approve of such caution, calling it untimely and even a mockery of them, they blamed us for protecting our timidity rather than the teaching of the Church."81 Gregory heard a lot of other things on this matter and he himself spoke more and even beyond measure and custom expressed his indignation at those who contradicted, but for the better To improve the matter, he asked Vasily for instructions in writing on what theology should extend to about the Spirit and what words to use so that he could reason with his opponents. Vasily was beyond his expectations offended by the news of this and called Gregory himself only to repel the attacks of Emperor Valens, and hurried to Caesarea with the aim of installing an Arian bishop here. Before Caesarea, Valens headed his way to Nazianza and brought with him several Arians in the hope of enslaving the Nazianzi diocese for himself. But the opposition of the two Grigorievs was so strong that he was not at all successful in his plans. This can be seen from the words of Gregory the Theologian about his father: “And here he provided us with considerable help, both himself and, perhaps, through me, whom he, like a young dog of a good breed, took out against these fierce beasts for exercise in piety” 82. Unfortunately, there are no other legends about what exactly this young dog, in Gregory’s humble expression about himself, did at that time... Having driven the fierce wolves away from his herd, Gregory hurried to Caesarea to help his friend, who was facing a terrible struggle with both the prefect Modest and the emperor himself. Gregory, as we know, witnessed Basil’s conversation with the king about Nazianze, but what services he rendered to Basil and the Church is also unknown. Only one letter from Basil shows that the saint of Caesarea expected much from his presence in this turbulent time; Here are the words of Vasily: “Bend to my request, share my labor in the upcoming feat and come out with me against those who have taken up arms against me. For, if you only appear, we will stop all striving, scatter those gathered and stop all unrighteous lips of daring heretics” 83. Gregory's grief after his consecration as Bishop of Sassim. – Word on a visit to Gregory of Nyssa. – Refusal of the Sasim diocese due to Anfim’s threats and a quarrel with Vasily. – Gregory’s assistance to his father as a vicar. – Care for the Nazianzian flock after the death of his father. – Retirement to the Seleucia Monastery In 372, Gregory was ordained Bishop of Sasima. This was a cause of even greater sorrow for him than his initiation into a presbyter; only at the same time he complained most of all about his friend, and not about his father. “What happened to you? - he wrote already in old age, turning his speech to St. Vasily. “Why did you suddenly throw me so far away from you?” May the law of friendship, which respects friends so little, perish in the world!.. For me, this otherwise most untruthful friend has become a liar. More than once he heard me say: “Now everything must be endured, even if the worst happens. But as soon as my parents are no longer in the world, then I will have the full opportunity to leave my business and at least gain from a homeless life the benefit that I will easily be a citizen of any place.” He heard this and praised my reasoning. But at the same time, together with my father, he forcibly elevates me to the episcopal throne...” 84 St. Gregory was frightened by the idea of ​​​​the destination itself - Sasimach. “On the high road that runs through Cappadocia,” he says, “there is a place where travelers usually stop, from which one road is divided into three, a waterless place that does not grow even blades of grass, devoid of all amenities, the village is terribly boring and cramped. There is always dust, the sound of carts, tears, sobs, tax collectors, instruments of torture, chains and inhabitants - strangers and vagabonds. This was my church in Sasima; here I would not have had bread to break with the stranger; here I, a beggar, would have taken over the people who were also beggars, not seeing any way to render them a service; here I had to pick only thorns, and not roses from thorns, reap only disasters, not covered by any benefits” 85. These are the reasons that prompted Gregory to vehemently renounce the episcopal throne. However, although with deep sorrow, although involuntarily, he allowed the dedication to be performed on himself and, without bowing in spirit, nevertheless bowed his neck under the hands of Saint Basil and his father, who were firm in their determination. The word that Gregory himself uttered at his initiation made one think that in a few moments he would come to terms with the news of his situation 86 . Explaining here the reasons for his tears and suffering, Gregory asked Vasily for guidance in carrying out the pastoral service entrusted to him, but with all this it was impossible to hope that the newly installed bishop would immediately decide to take over the administration of his diocese. In the same Word at his ordination, he clearly and forcefully expressed the idea that he could not blame himself for his fear and lamentation about his unworthiness, because Isaiah also cried out: “O accursed one” (Is. 6:5); and Manoah, after the appearance of the Angel, said: “We perished, for we saw God” (Judges 13:22); and the Apostle Peter asked the Lord Jesus to leave the boat, for he considered himself unworthy of God's appearance and conversation (Luke 5:8). This fear and this humble consciousness of his unworthiness did not leave Gregory even after his ordination. And so he again became a fugitive, took refuge in some mountain, devoted himself to his beloved way of life, enjoyed it and reasoned with himself: “Let there be honors and labors for others, battles and distinctions for victories for others, but for me, avoiding battles and delving deep into myself, it is enough to live as best I can, as if on a light ship to cross a small sea and gain from the meagerness of this life.” a small abode for yourself in the future life. Perhaps more base, but also more cautious, the thought shows - to equally move away from both heights and falls” 87. In the deserted mountain where Gregory had disappeared, he spoke to himself and the following speeches: “In the future I will not trust friendship; Why should I rely on a person? “For every man walks deceitfully” (Jer.9:4). What benefit do I have from this zealous and celebrated friendship, which began in the world and passed into the spirit? What was the benefit of having the same shelter and food, the same mentors and lessons? What is the benefit of this, more than a brotherly merger of hearts and subsequently sincere unanimity? Will they really not allow me to remain below during the rule and exaltation of a friend, when many are striving for the opposite, that is, to rule with friends and participate in their prosperity? 88 However, after some time Gregory himself called this sadness and despondency both clouding of the mind, and arrogance, and arrogance. “Thus I thought while it was still possible to write shadows and feed the mind with empty fictions” 89. Requests and persuasion from the father continued to be repeated, and he changed his thoughts and called his change a more fair and more decent thing. He openly expressed all this in a short Word upon his return from his solitude. Soon after this, on the feast in memory of unknown martyrs, Basil's brother Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, came to Nazians to console Gregory. And on this holiday Gregory spoke the Word; in it, Vasily’s act was called unworthy of the Spirit living in him, however, he already expressed such readiness to doom himself to the exploits of episcopal service that he refused consolations, as completely unnecessary after the end of the days of sorrow. “Your coming is dear to me,” he said, turning to the Bishop of Nyssa, “however, I reproach you for coming later than the need required. What is the use of a helmsman after a storm and a medicine to heal a wound?” 90 Based on these words, one would think that the storm of sorrows had completely subsided in Gregory’s heart, but in reality this was not the case; feelings and thoughts remained in him, which at times still weakened his firm resolve and showed a state of hesitation. While he was going to Sasima, in Nazianza he heard a lot of talk about the unpeaceful Anthimus, the bishop of the neighboring city of Tiana. Indeed, Anfim strenuously sought to annex the Sasima diocese to his metropolis and took away the horses from Vasily himself, guarding the borders of his metropolis. People who were disposed towards Gregory, out of flattery or out of conviction, told him with regret that he had been abandoned by Vasily, like the most dishonest and worthless vessel, or like a support under the vaults, which, according to the fold of the vault, was taken out and considered for nothing. When Anthimus himself appeared in Nazians, he was not ashamed to express several threats to the newly installed Bishop of Sasima, and upon leaving Nazians, he boldly reproached the two Gregori - father and son - in a letter to them for their adherence to Basil. All this prompted Gregory to abandon the Sasim department, despite new requests from his father and written reproaches from Vasily. Vasily, in order to encourage Gregory to move to Sasima, made his refusal from the throne out of laziness and negligence for the good of the Church and even called him an uneducated person, rude, unworthy of friendship, and even life itself. Here is Gregory's answer to this. “You reproach me for laziness and negligence, because I did not take your Sasimov, I was not carried away by the episcopal spirit, I do not arm myself with you to fight, as dogs fight among themselves for a piece thrown to them... [but I] boast so much about my carelessness that I consider the greatness of the spirit in this to be a law for everyone and I think that if everyone imitated me, then there would be no worries for the churches, I would not tolerate reproaches faith, which everyone now turns into a weapon of his curiosity” 91. St. Gregory also says about himself that he did not touch the Sasima church given to him at all, never once served God there, did not pray with the people, did not lay hands on any of the clergy 92 . However, all this did not mean that he decisively broke off his friendship with Vasily; on the contrary, at the same time he helped Vasily in his opposition to Anfim. This can be seen from the following words of Gregory himself. “I am tired, listening to reproaches to you and defending you in front of people who are well aware of both our previous and current relations with you” 93. He had a long conversation with Anthimus about the fact that the latter had unfairly assigned Sasima to his district, and by informing Basil that Anthimus wanted to end the matter peacefully at a general meeting with the other bishops, he put an end to the six-month indignation that had existed between the bishops of Caesarea and Tyana 94 about the Sasima See. Even before the conciliar meeting of bishops on the matter of the Sasim See, Gregory provided important assistance to Basil by ordaining Eulalia as bishop of the city of Doara. How important this was can be judged by the fact that Anfim especially argued about this city; because of it, Anfim’s adherents were even ready to lay hands on Gregory. But, having renounced his diocese, Gregory, one might say, remained his father’s vicar. His father, convinced of the impossibility of sending his son to Sasima, in the strongest terms persuaded him to take charge of the Nazianzi church. “Give a few days to the remains of my days,” he told him, “give a few days, and dispose of the rest of your life as you please. Do me this favor, do it, or someone else will put me to death. I determine this punishment for disobedience” 95. Gregory agreed to his father’s demand, but agreed only on the condition that he be allowed to relinquish care of the Nazianza Church immediately after the death of his parent. This vicariate of Gregory lasted about two years. Of his actions relating to this period of time, only two Words are known: one was said on the occasion of the devastation of the fields by an extraordinary hail, and the other on the occasion of some indignation of the inhabitants of Nazianz 96 . In the spring of 374, Gregory's father died, and soon after him his mother. Gregory, having paid his last debt to them, thought to leave Nazianz and devote himself to a solitary life. But several reverent people insistently demanded and implored him to continue caring for his father’s church, saying that otherwise it would become the prey of many godless people, that is, heretics 97 . It was extremely difficult to refuse, and for a short time he remained in Nazianza, but had care for the Nazianza church, like a stranger about a stranger’s church. Meanwhile, an illness soon befell him, and to cure it he went to Tiana. While he lived in Tiana, a certain Julian, a comrade and friend of Gregory from school, received an order from his superiors to carry out a national census. Having learned about this, Gregory, despite his illness, in a short time wrote three letters one after another to Julian from Tiana. In each of these letters, he asked and convinced Julian to be philanthropic when imposing taxes on the inhabitants of Nazianza and especially urged to exempt beggars, clergy and monks from the census. As soon as Gregory returned from Tiana, many urgently asked him for the Word as a duty, and, moreover, promised complete submission to his instructions, which is why he spoke a Word about the possibility of pleasing God with various virtues for everyone, and in this Word he more than once turned to Julian, again asking him to free beggars, clergy and monks from taxes 98 . How long did St. take treatment? Gregory in Tiana, unknown. But all this time, the bishops whom Gregory asked to elect a successor to his father did not at all think about fulfilling his request. This upset him extremely, and he, without waiting at all for the consecration of the new bishop, secretly left Nazianzus for Seleucia, to the monastery of St. Fekla, and spent about four years here. Soon after retiring to Seleucia, St. Gregory received here the news of the expulsion of Gregory of Nyssa from his diocese by the Arians; Here, after some time, I heard about the death of Basil the Great 99. This news and his own illness filled his heart with such deep sorrow that he himself expected death as his only consolation. This is evident from his letter to the rhetorician Eudoxius; Here, among other things, we read: “Our affairs are extremely bitter. I lost Vasily, I lost Caesarea, I lost both my spiritual and my physical brother; my father and mother left me. I am sick in body, old age is over my head, a lot of worries have accumulated, things have been crushed, there is no loyalty in friends, churches without shepherds, the good is dying, the evil is out there; you have to sail at night, there are no directional lights anywhere. Christ is sleeping. What do I need to endure? For me, the only way to get rid of evils is death, but what’s there is also scary, if you guess from what’s here” 100 . Condition of the Church of Constantinople. – Restoration of Orthodoxy in it by Gregory. - Patiently enduring insults from the Arians. - The cunning of Maxim the Cynic. – Gregory’s vain attempt to leave Constantinople. – The arrival of Emperor Theodosius here and the taking away of the main church from the Arians. – Attempt on Gregory’s life. - Confirmation of him in the rank of Archbishop of Constantinople. - His look at church property wasted by the Arians. – Gregory’s voice in favor of Paulinus of Antioch. – Renunciation of the See of Constantinople. - Farewell words. – Testimony of Gregory about his activities and way of life in Constantinople Towards the end of Gregory's four-year life in the Seleucia monastery, several Constantinople Christians and many of the bishops visited him. Both of them convincingly asked Gregory to appear in Constantinople to defend Orthodoxy. It was impossible not to be touched by the pitiful situation of the Christians of Constantinople. In the new capital of the empire, Arianism dominated for forty years (from the time of Macedon). Treasures of trade flowed here, learned people settled here, legislation of taste and opinion began to be formed here for the entire East, therefore the Arians who had established themselves in Constantinople had a lot of means to spread their false teaching in remote areas, especially since the Arian sophists, the most skilled in dialectics, were here. In addition, in the capital there were many Macedonians, Novatians, and Apollinarians, but there were so few Orthodox that they could all fit in one private house, which was their chapel. The fight against the Arian sophists could not seem difficult for Gregory. However, Gregory himself admits that, despite significant dreams, not of his own free will, but forcibly carried away by others 101, he decided to go to the noisy capital to defend the doctrine of the Holy Trinity. Upon his arrival in Constantinople (in 379), Gregory settled with his relatives, probably Nicobulus and Alipiana. Their pious, God-loving and generous house was for him, according to him, the same as the house of the Shunammite woman for Elisha (see 2 Kings 4) 102. Here, at first, in simple conversations, Gregory revealed to the Orthodox the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, resolved the current objections of the Arians and warned the Orthodox against useless disputes with heretics in squares and markets. Soon the number of visitors began to increase more and more; then Gregory turned his relatives' house into a church, named it Anastasia 103 and from the church pulpit began to refute the heretical teaching. Arians soon learned about all this and carefully began to observe his words and way of life. After secretly mocking Gregory, they decided to openly persecute him, outraged the people against him and incited the mob to arbitrary reprisals. Demophilus, the Arian bishop, and the priests subordinate to him inspired the common people that Gregory was a teacher of polytheism, and the city fell into great unrest; There were even people who, to please Demophilus, were not afraid to throw stones at Gregory when they saw him passing along the street. Then they dragged Gregory as a murderer to the rulers of the city, who had one law - to seek the people's favor. But somehow, in an unknown way, Christ (according to Gregory) helped the defendant’s defense and even glorified him at the trial of biased judges 104. Having experienced the unexpected assistance of God, Gregory firmly continued the work he had begun, especially since people who valued the true faith showed all sorts of signs of perfect attention to his teachings. In the cramped church of Anastasia, people rushed in waves to the grille, which was the closest place to the pulpit. The cursive writers hurried with all their zeal to write down everything that came out of Gregory’s mouth. All this, Gregory himself said, sufficiently convinced him that the Orthodox had the same attraction to him as iron has to a magnet, and reinforced the hope of grace-filled assistance in the success of preaching. The fame of Gregory's exploits and his fight against heretics spread far beyond the borders of Constantinople. Blessed Jerome hurried from the Syrian desert to Constantinople solely to listen to the defender of Orthodoxy. Saint Peter, Archbishop of Alexandria, who had earned the reputation of a confessor, sent Gregory a letter that could also serve as considerable encouragement for him. At the same time, although attacks and insults from heretics were repeated, patiently enduring them further increased affection for the defender of Orthodoxy. So, one day Gregory was forced to stop the sacrament 105 because Arian monks and beggars burst into the church and began throwing stones at Gregory at the very time when he was performing the Sacrament. By virtue of the decree of Emperor Theodosius 106 issued around this time, it was possible with firm hope to seek justice against heretical self-will, but, despite this, the saint considered it best to ward off such violent attacks of heretics by feats of generosity. It is true that such a peaceful treatment of heretics was subject to criticism from bishops, but only from those who were unfamiliar with the course of affairs in the capital of Arianism. To admonish such people, Gregory wrote: “What happened is disastrous and the height of disasters... but, of course, it is better to be generous and show an example of generosity, for the common people are not so much convinced by words as by deeds - by this silent admonition. I consider it important to punish those who have offended us, because it is useful for the correction of others; but it is much higher and more divine than this to patiently endure an insult. The first stops the mouth of vice, and the second convinces people to become good, and this is much better and more perfect than not being only evil” 107 . And indeed, in the same letter Gregory says that those who insulted him have already had a need for him and have already sufficiently come to their senses. At the same time, those five Homilies on theology were pronounced, for which the Church honored Gregory with the name of Theologian 108. Seeing such a great influence of Gregory's sermons on the inhabitants of Constantinople, most of the Orthodox wanted to give Gregory the archbishop's see. But among those close to Gregory there was one of the most worthless people, 109 one of the most cunning ambitious people. He lived with St. Gregory under the same roof, ate food with him at the same meal, shared his opinions and assumptions, and although he was expelled from his fatherland for shameful deeds, he assured that he endured this for the sake of God. Gregory, deceived by the appearance of strict piety and the white clothes of the cynical school, honored this stranger even with a laudable Word 110 and gave him primacy in honors and in the co-throne of the presbyters 111. Meanwhile, this cynic found followers in the clergy of Constantinople, bribed seven strangers from Egypt and some bishops; the latter decided to secretly consecrate him as Bishop of Constantinople, without asking anyone for any consent. From the church, where the execution of the ungodly plan began, this crowd of wicked people was soon driven out not only by Orthodox clergy, but also by people of dubious faith, and therefore the dedication was completed in the house of some pipe maker. The whole city mourned this incident, everyone was embarrassed by Maxim’s impudent insolence, but there were also people who were ready to blame Gregory for his lack of foresight and from this incident to conclude in general about his inability to distinguish good people from vicious ones 112 . In addition, Gregory learned that his enemies, the Arians, considered the division that had taken place to be the overthrow of the teaching itself, and he immediately decided to return to his solitude. But Gregory’s friends, attentive to his state of mind, soon noticed in him a desire to secretly leave Constantinople. To prevent the fulfillment of this intention, they formed an inconspicuous guard around him, guarding all his movements, exits and returns. That their fear was well-founded was soon confirmed by events. In the last conversation, out of the sorrow of his father’s heart, he uttered the following farewell expressions: “Keep the Whole Trinity, as the most generous father gave to you, beloved children, remember, dear ones, and my labors” 113. It was easy to understand where the speech was heading, and the listeners, like a swarm of bees driven out of a hive by smoke, suddenly rose up and deafened the meeting place with their screams, everyone was seething with anger at the enemies of Orthodoxy and love for the shepherd, and in order to achieve what they wanted, they resorted to strong spells and prayers; They began to ask Gregory not to take on the burden of being a shepherd, but that he would just stay with them, help them and not hand over his flock to the wolves. This expression of commitment rendered Gregory speechless. He felt some kind of darkness in himself, he was unable to stop the noise or promise what was asked for; but as it continued, the spectacle became even more touching. The women strained their voices in fear, the children cried, everyone swore that he would not give up on his advances, even if the church became a beautiful tomb for him, he would not give up until he wrested from his beloved teacher of the faith one desired word. There was one person who knew how to influence Gregory with one strong phrase, namely, he told him: “You are harassing the Trinity with you.” After this, Gregory the Theologian gave his word to remain in Constantinople, but only for a while, until some of the expected bishops arrived. This calmed the people; After this, everyone, although with difficulty, went home 114. Having given his word to remain in Constantinople, St. Gregory continued to confirm the faith of the admirers of the Trinity with his conversations. “Those who accepted the bonds of dogma,” says the saint himself, “when they saw what I was subjected to, loved me even more deeply. Some were brought to me by the preached Trinity, and in others there was respect for my words; others flocked to me as a patient ascetic. Others were pleased to see me as the work of their own hands. But even among the heterogeneous heretics it was difficult to find someone so stubborn who would not incline their ears to my words. Some were captivated by the power of the teaching, others were made meek by the way of expression. Without enmity, not so much with reproach as with compassion, I spoke, complained, and did not amaze and did not exalt myself, like others, with the fleeting and fickle time” 115. Meanwhile, circumstances apparently favored the fulfillment of the people's desire to see Gregory as Archbishop of Constantinople, not only for a short time, but for his entire life. On November 24, 380, the Emperor of Theodosius himself arrived here and promised to immediately hand over the main church of Constantinople to the Orthodox, and at the first meeting Gregory showed such respect and spoke to him so favorably that the latter felt a thrill of pleasure. This is all the more remarkable because he did not value the respectful receptions of the autocrat. “It would be too shameful,” he wrote later, “if they thought that I value such things dearly...” 116 The sovereign's promise seemed incredible. The Arians prepared with all their might to retain the magnificent church, but at the appointed time execution actually followed. At the same time, while everyone was still alive with the joyful impression made by the praise of God in the magnificent church, everyone turned to the sovereign to appoint Gregory Archbishop of Constantinople - as the restorer of Orthodoxy. This was the demand of both officials and commoners. The women also cried out about this, almost forgetting what decency requires of them. Everything was resounding with some incredible peals of thunder. But Gregory was very far from the idea of ​​taking advantage of such circumstances to assert the department for himself. Because of embarrassment and fear, his voice lost strength, he ordered one of the elders to stand up and through his lips he uttered the following speeches: “Hold your cries, now it’s time for thanksgiving, after that we’ll get down to business” 117 . Thus, through these few words, for a few more days he skillfully evaded the archbishop's see that he did not want. After this triumph of the Orthodox, the heretics, as Gregory put it, stopped their menacing roars at him, but their secret plots against him still did not stop. So, one day, when Gregory was sick and stayed at home, among several commoners, a pale young man, with disheveled hair, in sad clothes, came to him, fell at Gregory’s feet, cried, sobbed, wrung his hands, but could not answer all the questions in a single word. Only from others did Gregory learn that this man, tormented by his conscience, had come to ask for forgiveness for the deliberate attack on his life. Touched by clear signs of repentance, Gregory, for his part, only advised his enemy to thank God for protecting him from bloodshed. What and how this young man was stopped in his evil intention to take Gregory’s life is unknown. Only this event soon spread throughout the city as a hundred-year-old rumor and convinced everyone that Gregory was under God’s special protection. Soon after this, at the request of the people, Gregory was appointed Archbishop of Constantinople by the emperor himself. And now the resistance to his appointment was so strong 118 that it extremely upset some of even his most zealous admirers. However, although he was appointed archbishop against his will, Gregory devoted himself wholeheartedly to the concerns of diocesan administration. “...I cared,” he himself says, “for the poor and the monks, for the virgins serving at the church, for strangers, for passers-by, for prisoners, for psalmody, for all-night vigils, for husbands and wives... and for everything that pleases God Himself when done decently” 119 . Gregory’s opponents spread a rumor that the new archbishop did not have enough people to fill the vestibules of the donated church, but with the frequent preaching of the word of God, Gregory had the consolation of seeing not only the Constantinople church, but even several churches full of people. Only the order regarding church property was not liked by most of the clergy and people, but Gregory assures that he meant to exalt the holy faith and its sacraments. This is what this order consisted of. The main church of Constantinople, received under control from the Arians, was formerly known for its enormous wealth and many treasures; but Gregory, after occupying the archbishop's throne, did not find any account of this either in the records of the former primates or in the economists. At the same time, others not only advised, but also forced an inspection of church income and property, but the saint did not enter into the search, mainly out of fear that this would not serve as an insult to the sacrament. And to reflect the censure for this act, Gregory wrote: “Whoever is above the addiction to wealth will greatly approve of me for this. If, in any case, gluttony is bad, then it is even worse to be spiritually insatiable. If everyone talked about money like this, then there would never be such disorder in the Churches” 120. Meanwhile, Gregory's enemies did not fail to spread the rumor that he was coveting the throne of Constantinople, and bring it to the ears of Gregory. To expose them St. Gregory, in the presence of the king, spoke a Word in which he irrefutably proved the incorrectness of the widespread interpretations 121. In 381, the Second Ecumenical Council was held in Constantinople under the chairmanship of Meletius, Archbishop of Antioch. The Fathers of the Council approved the see for Gregory, given to him by the people and the emperor. This statement had a very calming effect on Gregory and even made him quite happy. “...In the dreams of a vain heart,” he said later, “I assumed that as soon as I acquired the power of this throne... I would immediately bring into agreement... those who were estranged from each other” 122. No matter how natural such a hope is in the deepest humility, it was not justified, as if to assure him that even the slightest arrogance is displeasing to God; Gregory soon saw that even in such a holy matter as conciliar conferences of bishops, it was difficult to reconcile those who disagreed. The death of Meletius gave rise to extraordinary disputes about who should be his successor, while this issue did not require any consultations, because Meletius had a worthy colleague, Paulinus, who did not enjoy the respect of the eastern bishops only because he was elected to the Antiochian throne by the western bishops. After many meetings on this issue, Gregory, with the firmness of a man convinced of the truth, said to the fathers of the Council: “It seems to me, friends, that not all of you comprehend the matter equally. While Meletius was alive, it was still possible to offend several Western bishops. Now accept my offer - a prudent one, beyond the wisdom of the young. Let the throne be given to the power of the one who owns it, that is, Peacock. This will be the only end to the unrest. Let the Westerners defeat us in small things, so that we ourselves can win the most important victory - to be saved for God and save the world.” Thus spoke Gregory, but the other bishops each shouted their own; according to Gregory, “it was the same as a flock of jackdaws gathered in one heap; a riotous crowd of young people, a general working class, a whirlwind raising dust in a cloud, and raging winds. No one who has the fear of God and respect for the episcopal throne would want to enter into a conference with such people. They were like wasps that dart here and there and suddenly rush right into everyone’s face” 123. “A little later, the Egyptian and Macedonian bishops arrived at the council. Both of them came together like wild boars, sharpening their fierce teeth at each other and squinting their fiery eyes” 124. They considered the very confirmation of Gregory on the throne of Constantinople to be inconsistent with the laws, since he was ordained Bishop of Sasim. As this was soon hinted at, Gregory happily seized on the excuse to leave the see and, here, expressing the well-known comparison of himself with the prophet Jonah, voluntarily and decisively renounced the throne. Immediately after this, he went to the emperor and asked permission to leave Constantinople forever, so as not to be the envy of other bishops. The king, in the presence of some dignitaries, listened with applause to Gregory's last speech, but with difficulty agreed to his request. It was even more difficult to convince the people to accept it indifferently 125. And before, many tears were shed for Gregory, many loud exclamations, complaints, and incantations were expressed when, on the occasion of the controversy about the See of Antioch, he stopped appearing at cathedral meetings and declared his desire to lead a desert life 126; and then many more said: “Respect your labors, with which you exhausted yourself, and give the rest of your breath to us and to God. May this church guide you out of this life.” Now one could even more expect tears, requests and spells; this is because when the Council expressed unquestioning consent to his dismissal from Constantinople, many of the bishops, as soon as they learned about the decision of the Council, flowed out like arrows of lightning, covered their ears, threw up their hands and did not even want to see another being elevated to the throne of Constantinople. Under such circumstances, it was necessary to use kindness, praise and applause for people with malicious intentions, so that the people would not harbor anger towards them, and Gregory allowed himself to do this out of fear of popular indignation 127. For greater consolation of his children by faith, St. Gregory, in the presence of one hundred and fifty bishops, said the most touching farewell conversation to the Constantinople flock 128. In this conversation, he submitted his case to the court of the archpastors, pointed out, as much as humility allowed, his labors for the good of the Church, the weakness of his bodily powers, which required calm, explained the necessity of those of his actions that were subject to gossip, and repeated the essence of the teaching he preached here; in conclusion, he asked to let him go with prayers, and in his place to choose someone who would be from among those who arouse envy, and not regret, from among those who do not yield to everyone in everything, but who can otherwise resist for the greater good. After this conversation, he soon left Constantinople. Both in a poem about his life and in some Words spoken in Constantinople, Gregory had the opportunity to depict in rather vivid terms the image of his two-year life in Constantinople. In order to more accurately judge the circumstances that were favorable to the restoration of Orthodoxy in the capital of Arianism, for this purpose it is not only appropriate, but also necessary to make extracts from these works. This is what Gregory himself says about what he did for Constantinople and what means he used for this. “Once upon a time this flock was small and imperfect, without order, without supervision, without precise limits... But now, whoever appreciates my words, see the Council, the elders, adorned with gray hair and wisdom, the deanery of the deacons, not far from the same spirit, the modesty of the readers, the love of teaching among the people. Look at husbands and wives - everyone is equal in virtue; And among the men, look at the wise and simple - all are wise in the divine; superiors and subordinates, everyone is well managed here; for warriors and nobles, for scholars and lovers of learning; all are warriors for God, all are truly learned, all are ministers of the true word. Some of them are the work of my words, the generation and fruit of my spirit, and I am very confident that the grateful among you will testify to this, or even that all of you will testify to it. Look: the tongues of the opponents have become meek and those who have armed themselves against the Divine are silent before me. And these are the fruits of the Spirit, and these are the fruits of my doing. For I do not teach as an unlearned person, I do not strike my opponents with reproaches, but I prove my warfare for Christ by the fact that I fight, imitating Christ, Who is humble and meek.” 129 “...I also had another... the law of teaching is precisely the following: not to recognize this easily acquired and harmful throwing of the tongue as the only way to piety, not to throw out mysterious teachings without any mercy at shows, at feasts, during raptures, amid laughter, when the heart is softened by songs... but to prove piety most of all by fulfilling the commandments, by feeding the poor, receiving the strange, going after the sick, constantly spending time in psalmody, prayers, sighs, tears, reclining on the bare ground, restraining the belly, killing the senses..." 130 When the Emperor Theodosius lived in Constantinople, “everyone then bowed to the pride of the dignitaries, especially those who had power at court and were incapable of anything else but collecting money; It’s hard to say with what zeal and with what machinations they then came to the very gates of the king, accused each other, misinterpreted, used even piety for evil... I alone recognized it as better for myself to be loved and not persecuted by hatred. I wanted to gain respect for myself by being rarely seen, devoting most of my time to God and purification, and leaving the doors of the mighty of the earth to others” 131. “Did I bow, bend, fall to his [the emperor’s] right hand? Did you say any pleading word to him? Did you send as intercessor any other of your friends, the most powerful at court and especially disposed towards me?” 132 “We can rather be accused of rudeness and ignorance of secular decency than of caresses and servility; Even to those who are very committed to us, we sometimes turn out to be harsh, as soon as they act in something, in our opinion, illegally” 133. Indeed, “I’m not talkative, I’m not funny, I can’t please those with whom I’m with, I don’t attend public meetings, I don’t know how to carry on conversations and exchange a word with whom it happens and how it happens, so my speeches are unbearable... I don’t go from house to house to satiate my belly with affection, but I mostly sit at home gloomy and sad, busy with myself in silence” 134 ; “I am not vain about the burden of the table and seasonings for an insensitive belly, I behave in the old-fashioned and philosophical way, I do not stock up for tomorrow and therefore differ little from animals that have neither vessels nor supplies” 135; “I have neither a rich table, nor clothes appropriate to the rank, no ceremonial appearances, no majesty in deportment... I didn’t know that I needed to ride excellent horses, stand brilliantly in a chariot, that I too should have meetings and receptions with servility, that everyone should give way to me and make way for me, like a wild animal, as soon as they even see someone coming from afar” 136 . This is the way of life of St. Gregory in Constantinople; From these remarks of his, comparing them with the circumstances, one can easily understand that the strong influence of the archpastors on the people and even the zeal for visiting churches depend very little on the importance and formidable majesty of the bishops or the amazing ritualism and magnificence combined with theatricality during worship, which the pastors of the Roman Church are especially concerned about. On the contrary, according to Gregory the Theologian, these conditions are more and more often needed only when the shepherd lacks the spirit of true piety. Reasons for the removal of Gregory from Constantinople. His sadness is about the Constantinople and Nazianza churches. - The fight against the Apollinarians. - Sorrows from Helladius of Caesarea. – An explanation of the reasons why he did not accept the invitation to appear at the Council. - His letters of intercession for the pacification of church affairs. – His way of life is in Aryanza. - His silence during Lent and the reasons for this vow. - An insult from a relative of Valentinian and a letter to him. – Prayer for death. – External features of his face One of the main reasons why Gregory resigned from the leadership of the Church of Constantinople was poor health. So, even before the arrival of the emperor in Constantinople, due to illness, he retired from here for some time to some village lying on the seashore, and here he was engaged in pious reflections, especially about the vanity of life, which at the same time or later he expressed in poetic language. When Maxim's like-minded people began to dedicate him, Gregory was so ill that he could not walk. He was in the same position when the one who was plotting against his life came to him with repentance for his terrible enterprise; and at this time he could barely hang his leg from his bed, on which he lay, not having the strength to move from one place to another, and, in his own words, did not do business; and this gave reason to Gregory’s envious people to say that he was indulging in bliss in solitude 137 . Therefore, in his farewell Word, he boldly pointed out before the bishops and before the people who knew him about the weakening of his bodily strength. “Calm me down,” he says, “from long-term labors, respect my gray hair. You see the state of my body, exhausted by time, illness and labor. Why do you need an old man who is timid, weak, dying, so to speak, every day, not only with his body, but also with his worries - an old man who can hardly pronounce even this” 138. Thus, illness could sufficiently justify the removal of Gregory from Constantinople, but, besides this, to those who looked at this removal with suspicion, the saint pointed out other reasons in his justification. “Not lightly and not somehow,” he wrote to some Philagrius, “but having examined the circumstances with great care, I began to resolve the matter. I am tired of fighting with envious bishops who violate the general unanimity and place the cause of faith below private strife. You write that it is dangerous to leave the church. But which one? If it’s mine, then I confirm the same; if the church does not belong to me and is not assigned to me, then I am not subject to liability. But maybe I should have stuck to the church, because I had been taking care of it for some time? True, in this case, work is worthy of reward, but refusal is not subject to responsibility, especially since work and illness brought me back” 139 . Convinced, therefore, of the innocence of his refusal, Gregory joyfully left Constantinople. “I am looking for one thing for myself,” he wrote, “to live far from the evil, where I could seek God with one mind, where my old age would be nourished by the comforting hope of heavenly blessings, where I would avoid envy and storms” 140 . This hope was calming and joyful, but an attentive reader of Gregory’s works will easily notice that these comforting moments of hope were not free from a surge of sadness. Gregory himself says that at times a feeling of sorrow for the orphaned spiritual children still manifested itself in him, and he did not know what would happen to the people 141. He also asked himself the following questions: “What did envy do to me? Why did she separate me from my sacred children, who labored for a long time, illuminating them with heavenly teachings, and pouring out a stream for them from a stone? What kind of justice is there in this? It was my work, I was in danger, for the first time imprinting piety in the city, and now another makes his heart happy with my labors, unexpectedly ascending to someone else’s throne, to which I was elevated by God and God’s good servants” 142. From Constantinople, Gregory considered it necessary to go first of all to Caesarea and here he honored his deceased friend with a word of praise. But even after returning to his fatherland, Gregory was not left by sorrowful thoughts and feelings. The Church of Nazianza could no longer be compared with the ark of Noah, which was saved from drowning in the waters of heretical teaching, as was the case under his father; this was a people suffering from anarchy, like a ship that, having lost its helmsman in the depths, is overwhelmed by the waves. Especially the Apollinarians mercilessly tore and plundered the good flock. “And I, although I accepted the rod of another flock,” St. wrote on this occasion. Gregory, “however, I am sick, seeing the destruction of my father’s works” 143. Gregory wished and used all possible measures to ensure that Presbyter Eulalis was ordained Bishop of Nazianza, a man, according to him, completely capable of withstanding the breath of the storm; but many of the Nazians strenuously opposed this. Therefore, while neighboring bishops hesitated in ordaining a bishop in Nazianza, Gregory himself took care of his father’s flock, and although he lived not in Nazianza, but in Arianza, but, depending on the news that he received from Presbyter Kledonius, he indicated certain measures to stop the turmoil of the church. Particularly important in this regard should be considered two of his messages to Kledonius, which could significantly facilitate the fight against the Apollinarians. Soon Gregory wrote several poems, which also contained a refutation of the errors of the Apollinarians. These poems could not help but weaken respect for the psalter and verses that were written by the Apollinarians and were revered by them as the third testament 144. At the time when Gregory was being treated in the warm waters of Xanxarides, the Apollinarians installed their bishop in Nazians. Having learned about this, the saint asked Olympius, the governor of Second Cappadocia, to somehow punish their arrogance, and Theodore, Bishop of Tyana, asked to use all possible measures to elect an Orthodox bishop in Nazianza 145. With the relief of his illness, Gregory was consoled by the election of Eulalis as Bishop of Nazianza, but at the same time he was not a little offended by the fact that Helladius, Archbishop of Caesarea, entered into an investigation of his affairs and for this did not resort to spiritual means and set the goal not to observe church rules, but to satisfy his anger. This was all the more offensive because Helladius was in apparently friendly correspondence with Gregory and on holidays sent him either gifts or letters of congratulations 146 . It is clear that Helladius wanted to leave Gregory as Bishop of Nazianza until his death, but the saint answered all those who shared the thoughts of the Metropolitan of Caesarea: “If I had enough physical health to be able to rule the Church in Nazianzu... then I am not so pathetic and ignorant of Divine decrees that I would either despise the Church or pursue the conveniences of life” 147 . Retiring to Arians, St. Gregory wanted, like a small boat, to watch from afar as others were defeated or struck down their neighbors 148 . Indeed, even from his solitude he carefully observed the contemporary course of church affairs; however, at the same time, as much as he could, he himself tried to give them a direction favorable to the Orthodox. It is true that he refused to take part in the meetings of the ongoing Council of Constantinople, despite the double invitation of Emperor Theodosius, but he refused because of distrust of the fathers of the Council, and even more because of a dangerous illness. “If I must write the truth,” Gregory wrote to the emperor’s dignitary through whom the invitation was made, “then my thought is to avoid any meeting of bishops, because I have not yet seen a single meeting that would have a useful end in all respects and would more relieve evils than increase them. Curiosity and ambition...beyond any description... 149 Now I am prompted to such a decision by illness, from which I am always almost at my last breath and cannot use myself for anything” 150. However, although Gregory refused to be at the Council, with his letters he contributed greatly to curbing the willfulness of heretics. Thus, in a letter to his successor at the See of Constantinople, he asked to petition the king to prohibit heretics, especially Apollinarians, from having their own meetings 151. After some time, Gregory learned about the proposed Council in 385, and at that time he earnestly asked the then consuls, Postumian and Saturninus, as well as two powerful dignitaries at court, Mardarius and Victor 152, to take possible measures to pacify the churches during the Council. This is how the letter to Postumian ends: “... do not consider anything so decent for your superiors as this one thing, so that under your leadership and your labors the churches should be pacified, even if for this it would be necessary to punish the rebellious with special severity. And if I seem strange to you that, having retired from business, I do not abandon my concerns, do not be surprised at this. Although I gave up the throne and high rank to those who wished, I did not give up piety with this, but I think that now I will seem to you more worthy of trust, as serving not my own, but the common good” 153. Gregory's advice was indeed respected, as can be seen from the fact that the Emperor of Theodosius repeated his previous decree, by which heretics were forbidden to have their own meetings, but which had hitherto remained unenforced. What a strict ascetic life Gregory led after leaving Constantinople can be seen from some of his poems: “One foolish man,” writes Gregory in one poem, “rich and arrogant, recently decided to assert that I am luxurious; among other things, he also says that I am rich because I am free from business, I have a garden and a small spring. To this I answered him: “You are silent, unfortunate one, about tears, about the bridle placed on the belly, about ulcers on the knees and about the night vigil.” In another poem, mourning the suffering of his soul, Gregory describes his way of life in this way: “I have died to life, I can barely catch my breath on earth; I run around cities and people, talking with animals and cliffs; I live alone, far from others, in a gloomy and unfinished cave, in one tunic, without shoes, without fire; I feed only on hope... my bed is tree branches, my bed is hair shirt and dust on the floor, soaked with tears. Many sigh under iron chains... others, showered with winter snow, stand like trees for forty days and nights... having one God in mind. Another closed his mouth and put a bridle on his tongue, which... loosens only for hymns alone... Another closed his eyes and put doors to his ears, so that the sting of death would not sting him from somewhere inconspicuously. I also used such methods of healing against hostile flesh” 155. Gregory’s concern for curbing the tongue is especially remarkable. In 382, ​​Gregory imposed silence on himself for the entire Pentecost. He himself explains the purpose of his feat as follows: “...noticing that the swiftness of a fluent word knows neither weight nor measure... I completely retained the word in my highly intelligent heart, so that my tongue would learn to observe what it can say and what it cannot” 156 ; silence “will also tame irritability, which does not express itself, but is absorbed in itself” 157. Perhaps, by imposing silence on himself, he wanted to somehow warn others against vain, and even more so, against harmful idle talk. Of course, such a vow of silence seemed even strange to many, especially those who came to the saint at that time and could not get a single word from him, except for some expressions and gestures that were more necessary for an answer. Gregory agreed to listen to others if only they spoke about something good and necessary, but he himself did not give clear answers to anything 158. At this time, the Nazianz city governor Keleusius visited Gregory, but even for him, breaking his vow was not allowed. The mayor accused Gregory of rudeness and discourtesy, but in response to this he received a letter in which Gregory wrote with all his courage: “My voicelessness is better than your eloquent speech” - and reminded him of the proverb: “Then the swans will sing when the jackdaws are silent” 159. The very letters that he wrote during his silence and of which seven have reached us are distinguished by their extreme laconicism. At the same time, the holy man of silence wrote two poems: “On anger” and “Conversation on those who often swear”; here the reasons that prompted Gregory to take a vow of silence 160 are partly explained. No more than a year before the death of St. Gregory was further insulted by a relative named Valentinian. In Arianza, opposite the place where Gregory spent his silent life, Valentinian settled women of shameful behavior. Gregory, due to the purity of his heart that he had loved since childhood, of course, had nothing to fear, but despite this, Gregory and the people close to him hastily fled from his desert, although it was very kind to him both due to family memories, and because his parents were buried here and the relics of the Nazianz martyrs rested here, in whose honor the festival was held annually on October 29. The situation of the voluntary exile was extremely sad. The greatness of the grief was clearly expressed in the poem written on this occasion. Here he says the following about himself: “I had only one homeland left, but an evil demon expelled me from there, raising black waves against me. Now I am a lonely wanderer, wandering on a foreign side, dragging out a sorrowful life and decrepit old age, I have neither a throne, nor a city, nor children, although I am burdened with worries about my children...” 161. And the letter to Valentinian contains a similar complaint, it is here that he reprimands his offender: “In the most wicked way they are driving us out of our homeland, not in word, but in deed, and very cruelly; it would be much better to declare the order of removal as an explicit command, rather than to violate the sanctity of our lives by settling women directly against us. If it is not bold to say, then through Eve you cast us out of paradise. It is true that it is not difficult to find a plausible excuse and say that you are doing us honor through such proximity, that you want to receive us in a friendly and kindred manner, but words are not deeds. When you come to this place, we receive you and kiss you, but we are in the same hurry to get away from the housekeeping of women as we are from the raid of echidnas. Therefore our matter is over. We were outwitted and gave ourselves up to flight, abandoning both the labors of our hands and our hopes and making many excuses before the holy martyrs. Of course, this is difficult and unbearable, but it is part of the wisdom of our chosen life” 162. From this letter it is clear how vigilant and strict the saint was with himself. Gregory even when encountering such temptations, which he had nothing to fear at all, and how unfair complaints about the severity of ancient rules about the behavior of monks in such circumstances are. The letter produced repentance in Valentinian, and St. Gregory could spend the last days of his life in Arianza. The circumstances of his death are unknown. It is usually believed that he died in 389 or 390. Death was so fearless for him that he himself often asked God for it in his prayers. Shortly before his death, he also wrote a tombstone for himself in poetry; Here he briefly listed the sorrowful and joyful events of his life, mentioned his labors for the glory of the name of God, and also that from his youth he carried pure aspirations in his soul 163. The Prologues preserve a description of the appearance of St. Gregory. Precisely, this is what is said here: St. Grigory was short in stature, pale, had straight eyebrows, a meek and affectionate look; the right eye, which was reduced in one corner by a wound, is squinted; the beard was not long, but rather thick, the end of the beard seemed to have a dark tint; There was very little hair on the head; in youth it was blond, but in old age it was completely gray. His relics were transferred from Nazianza to Constantinople in 950 at the request and with the participation of Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and now they are kept in Rome in the Basilica of St. Petra; they were brought here by Greek nuns during the Crusades 164. Some character traits of St. Gregory, extracted from his letters. – Respect for him in the Ancient Church and comparison of him with Basil the Great In addition to the biography of St. Gregory, we find it necessary to acquaint the reader with some features of his moral character, which there was no reason to talk about in the sequential presentation of the events of his life and the exploits of his service to the Church. We borrow information about this from the letters of Gregory 165. The thought of God was so constant in Gregory that he, without any doubt, allows the following expressions about himself: “I speak about the Most Holy Trinity more often than I breathe, I speak in the midst of dangers and when there are no dangers” 166. Like his friend Vasily, he considered it a consolation to intercede for the unfortunate, and his intercession, as far as can be judged from his letters, was for the most part respected. The rulers of Second Cappadocia, to which Nazianzus belonged, greatly respected Gregory, although some of them were pagans, for example Nemesius. This is especially evident from the letters of gratitude that Gregory wrote to the city governors upon the news of their transfer to other positions. It is also known that, at his intercession, the Nazianites were twice granted forgiveness, despite the fact that for the indignation they caused, it was intended to completely destroy the city itself. All intercessory letters of St. Gregory received 67, but 24 of them ask for favors to Gregory’s relatives, especially to his nephew Nikovul 167. Gregory was so concerned about his upbringing that he asked for attention and supervision over him through his letters from all the sophists and rhetoricians who were at those schools in which Nikovulus studied at different times. This was all the more necessary because Nikovul, despite his very good abilities, was not distinguished by proper diligence. The pious uncle sometimes asked the bishops to take care of finding an apartment for his nephew, but closer to the church 168. Unselfishness was so kind to the soul of Gregory that, when selling his rhetorical books to Adamantium, he was afraid that the buyer would not consider him self-interested; and therefore, without setting a price for the books, he only announced that whatever the price was, it would go to the poor. “Only money came,” he wrote, “and the beggars will decide the objection” 169. In his letters, Gregory often mentions the large number of his friends, but at the same time he notes: “When I call someone friends, I mean wonderful, kind people, united with me by bonds of virtue” 170. Therefore, when he recommended to someone the Strategy of one co-presbyter Sacerdote, he added: “When you see [Sacerdote], you will say: “Gregory is truly a lover of all that is beautiful.” 171 Most of the Vasilievs’ friends were, apparently, also Grigory’s friends. These are Master Sophronius, St. Gregory of Nyssa, Bosporius of Colonia, St. Amphilochius of Iconium. From the latter, Gregory received up to a thousand letters. “Whether I am awake or asleep, I do not cease to care about your affairs,” Gregory writes to Palladius, “and you became a kind bow and a harmonious lyre, settling in my soul after you, writing thousands of letters to me, improved in the knowledge of my soul” 172. Gregory made especially many friends for himself, and, moreover, from among the first dignitaries of the empire, living for two years in Constantinople. Such were, for example, the two consuls to whom he addressed requests to pacify church affairs. But the first and sincere friend, just like Vasily, was St. Gregory calls Sophrony. Gregory’s friendship with Vasily, on the occasion of his refusal from the Sasim throne, apparently was not far from breaking: on the one hand, there were sharp and caustic reproaches for laziness, and on the other, for pride, but actions consistent with these letters, in both of them, showed high mutual affection and respect. Gregory’s deep devotion to his friends is clearly indicated by a letter to Amazonius, written shortly after leaving Constantinople. This is how it reads: “If one of our mutual friends (and, as I am sure, there are many of them) asks you: “Where is Gregory now, what is he doing?” - boldly answer that he philosophizes in silence, thinking as much about the offenders as about those about whom he does not know whether they ever existed in the world. So he is irresistible! And if the same person asks you: “How does he tolerate separation from friends?” - then don’t boldly answer that he is wise, but say that in this he is very cowardly. For everyone has their own weakness, and I am weak in relation to friends and friendship...” 173 . Among Gregory's friends there were many sophists and rhetoricians. At every opportunity, he persuaded them to abandon the pursuit of sophistry 174, and one of them, namely the rhetorician Eudoxius, inclined to the monastic life for the following reasons: “... firstly, you, as it seems to me, have your own rules of life, a quiet and simple disposition, incapable of resourcefulness in the world; secondly, you have a gifted soul, sublime and easily given to speculation; thirdly, morbidity and bodily weakness, and this seems important to Plato in the matter of philosophy. Moreover, you are at an age when passions begin to be subdued”; “Your tongue is not evil... your race is not bad, and you are not at all a person for the public square... Therefore... do not agree to have superiority among jackdaws when you are able to be an eagle!.. How long can you play with dolls with children and be delighted by applause?” 175. The confidence that the implementation of this advice will bring many comforting fruits, this strong confidence prompted Gregory to conclude the letter with these words: “And I very much know that you will not praise me much now, but soon incomparably more, when you see yourself in the state that I promise, and when you find that this is not empty bliss, not fictions of the mind, but reality itself” 176 . Gregory’s letter, written in defense of his niece Alipiana (who was the daughter of Gorgonia), is very remarkable in art and feeling. Alipiana's husband blamed her for her short stature. Therefore St. Gregory wrote: “You ridicule Alipiana among us, as if she were small and unworthy of your greatness, a long and huge giant in both height and strength. Now I have only learned that the soul is measured, and virtue is valued by weight, that wild stones are more expensive than pearls and crows are preferable to nightingales. Take the size and height of several cubits and be in no way inferior to the Ceresian reapers. You ride a horse, throw a spear, your concern is chasing animals, but she has no such things to do; It doesn’t take much strength to wield a shuttle, handle a spinning wheel, or sit at a weaving mill—and this is an advantage for women. But if you add how Alipiana bows to the ground in prayer and always converses with God with high movements of her mind, then what do your height and your physical growth mean in comparison? Look at her timely silence; listen when he speaks; Consider how she is not attached to clothes, how courageous she is as a woman, how she cares about her home, how she loves her husband; and then you will say in the words of one Lacedaemonian 177: “Truly, the soul is not measured, and the external person should have in mind the internal one.” If you take this into account, you will stop joking and laughing at her short stature, and call yourself happy for being married to her” 178. Let us now talk about the respect that Gregory enjoyed in the Ancient Church. In the works of ancient church writing, not a single word of praise to Gregory the Theologian has come down to us, but the very name of him the Theologian, adopted by the Church from the fifth century 179 and identical with the name of the beloved disciple of Jesus, this name alone speaks better than all the praiseworthy Words of high respect for him. According to the assurance of Presbyter Gregory (who lived in the 8th century), this name was given to Gregory of Nazianzus, because no one, either before or after, captivated him so much with his dogmatic conversations, or made him fall in love with theology as much as Gregory of Nazianzus. Indeed, in one year for an unknown stranger to restore Orthodoxy in a capital in which Arianism had dominated forty years before, this is a truly amazing feat, which undoubtedly testifies to the great abundance of grace-filled gifts in the preacher. St. Basil the Great wrote to Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata: “If Gregory had to entrust the administration of a church corresponding to his talents, then such would be the entire Church gathered under the sun” 180 . Events showed that these words did not require great restrictions to be understood. Even when Gregory was not ordained a presbyter, St. Basil called him in a letter to the Caesarea monks 181 a chosen vessel, a deep well and the mouth of Christ. What would Vasily say about Gregory if he had lived to see 381? And in the West the name of Gregory the Theologian was in great glory. Blessed Jerome thought to greatly elevate himself through the fact that he called Gregory the Theologian his teacher in the explanation of Scripture. Rufinus was an enemy of Jerome, but he, too, revered Gregory so much that he recognized disagreement in anything with the teachings of Gregory the Theologian as an undoubted sign of deviation from Orthodoxy. Our Orthodox Church in one of the hymns (namely the kontakion) calls Gregory the Theologian “extreme mind.” It is known that so many interpretations have been written on no one’s paternal works as on the works of Gregory of Nazianzus. So, in the 5th century he wrote interpretations of St. Gregory Nonnus of Pentapolis, in the 7th century - St. Maximus the Confessor, in VIII - Elijah, Metropolitan of Crete, Gregory the Presbyter, who described his life, and many others in the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries. All this, of course, was a tribute to sincere respect for the universal teacher and a consequence of the height of his teaching, and not at all the darkness of the presentation of thoughts, although it is also true that works filled with profundity require greater effort to understand than those works that amaze more with the colors of oratorical eloquence. After this, it seems not superfluous to touch upon the questions: what are similar and different between Basil the Great and Gregory the Theologian? Does one have any advantage over the other, or are they equal in everything? These questions occupied some people in ancient times. The church writers closest, for example, to the time of Basil the Great and Gregory the Theologian, were at a loss as to which of them to give precedence. Here are the words of the church historian Socrates about this: “The memory of Basil and Gregory, preserved by all people, and the learning of the books written by them already sufficiently testify to the celebrity of both; at one time they brought a lot of benefit to the churches; they were considered flames of the faith. But if someone wanted to compare Basil with Gregory, to imagine the spiritual properties, the way of life of both and the virtues inherent in each, he would find it difficult which of them to prefer, for in their way of life and in education, that is, in their knowledge of the Hellenic sciences and the Holy Scriptures, they were equal to each other” 182. Gregory the Theologian himself writes about himself that he always preferred the great Vasily to himself and therefore put his letters in front, and his own behind them; Vasily, according to him, preferred Gregory to himself 183. In the 12th century, during the reign of Alexei Komnenos, in Constantinople matters even came to disputes on this subject. Some respectable and kind people put Vasily above Vasily, while others were especially devoted to Gregory the Theologian, saying that in his grace and variety of presentation, in the sonority of his words and in the floweriness of his expressions, he surpassed all famous scientists, both pagan and ours. Still others exalted Chrysostom as more humane in his teachings and for his many honeyed words and power of thought. Some were therefore called Basilians, others Gregorians, others Johannites. A considerable time after these disputes, these saints appeared to John, Bishop of Euchaitis, first one by one, and then all, and said to him: “We, as you see, are one before God; each of us at one time, guided by the Divine Spirit, compiled a teaching for human salvation. There is neither the first nor the second between us. Therefore, standing up, command those disputing to stop arguing because of us. Unite us on one day and, as you see fit, celebrate a holiday in our name and convey to our descendants that we are equal before God. And we will certainly contribute to the salvation of those who will celebrate the holiday in our common memory.” The consequence of this vision was, as is known, the establishment of a holiday in honor of the three saints on January 30, 184. The undoubted difference between Gregory and Vasily is only that the former was much more sensitive than the latter; Therefore, Gregory, as soon as he noticed the envious dislike of some, wanted to shy away from the field of his ministry, so as not to give rise to unfair rumors about himself. And Vasily had to endure no less from his envious people, and especially from the Eustathians, but, once called to the line of his ministry, he firmly defended his rights, and repelled slander and accusations only by private letters, without leaving the position itself. From the moral side, both are, of course, lawful. But where there is more self-sacrifice is difficult to decide. A lot of patience, of course, is also needed when one remains in one’s position, despite the fact that others call constant zeal for the good of the Church pride or stubbornness. And such exploits are obviously combined with self-sacrifice, since our honor and glory form part of our well-being. And this firmness and strength is mainly the property of Vasily. As preachers and orators, Vasily and Gregory are truly indistinguishable. The real shade of difference between them seems to be that in Gregory’s sermons one can often find speech that is more concise than picturesquely detailed and generally understandable. In general, the perfection of their eloquence is very uniform; This should also be the case because, despite the uniformity of direction, they listened to the same mentors and had the same successes in all sciences. It is true that there is more grace and completeness in the five Homilies of Gregory on theology than in the five books of Basil against Eunomius, but this difference is explained by the very purpose of the writings. Basil refuted Eunomius's apology in relation to the order of its words and thoughts, and Gregory was busy resolving oral objections, which he naturally had to adopt in an order more appropriate to church conversations. Moreover, although the latter notes that he does not want to build his conversations on someone else’s basis, he often repeats Vasily’s thoughts almost in his own words 185. Reprinted from: Archimandrite Porfiry (Popov). Life of Saint Gregory the Theologian. M., 1864. Links to pages of the works of St. Gregory the Theologian are given according to the publication: St. Gregory the Theologian, Archbishop of Constantinople. Works: In 2 volumes. M.: Siberian Blagozvonnitsa, 2007. (Complete collection of the works of the holy fathers of the Church and church writers in Russian translation; vol. 1, 2). (Next in the collection - St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations). – Ed. See: Funeral homily for Father Gregory (St. Gregory the Theologian. Sermon 18 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. pp. 223–245. – Ed.). Here is more detailed information that Gregory conveys about his parents, either in his funeral words for them or in his poems. “My father was a wonderful, very kind old man, simple in character, a true patriarch, the second Abraham; he was a branch of the root, which was made up of two opposites - from pagan error and legal wisdom, that is, he belonged to the sect of the Ipsistarians, who, honoring the one Almighty, rejecting fruits and sacrifices, worshiped fire and lamps and, respecting the Sabbath and observing the decrees about animals to the smallest detail, did not accept circumcision" (see: St. Gregory the Theologian. Homily 18 // Creations. Vol. 1. P. 225; A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 197). However, even before converting to Christianity, Gregory’s father was known for many good spiritual qualities. In paganism, he was so distinguished by his chastity that he was at the same time very amiable and the most modest, and at the same time showed voluntary submission to his wife; his truthfulness was so great that, while holding the first positions in the state, he did not increase his estate by a single drachma, although others, as you know, were swollen from vile extortions (see: St. Gregory the Theologian. Sermon 18 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 225). Gregory's mother Nonna, descended from pious parents, at first surpassed her husband in piety and was only a woman in body, but superior to men in morals (see: Ibid. T. 1. P. 225; T. 2. P. 197). “I think,” says Gregory the Theologian, “that if someone, looking for the most perfect marriage for himself, went around all the ends of the earth and the entire human race, he would not find the best and most harmonious. “All the excellent male and female qualities were so united in him” that marriage, in all fairness, could be called “a union of virtue” (Ibid. Vol. 1. P. 225). Some of the wives are usually distinguished by frugality, and others by piety, but Gregory’s mother surpassed everyone in both and reached the pinnacle of perfection in each. With her care and vigilance, she multiplied everything in the house so much, as if she knew no piety at all. But she was so zealous for God and everything Divine that she didn’t seem to do household chores. Knowing how to acquire the necessary acquisitions, she also knew how to do charity, and she had such an exorbitant desire to give alms (and this distribution lay in her hands) that if they had allowed her to draw from the Atlantic or another vast sea, even that would have been lacking for her. She considered all the property that was in her house to be meager for works of charity and repeatedly said that, if it were possible, she would give herself and her children to the benefit of the poor. In addition, she, more than anyone else at that time, showed respect to the hand and face of the priests. It is impossible not to recognize the importance of the fact that “she never turned her back to the venerable meal, did not spit on the floor in the temple of God; having met a pagan, she never joined hands with each other, did not touch lips to lips, even though the one she met was distinguished by modesty and was one of the closest; she not only voluntarily, but also under compulsion, did not share salt with those who ate an unclean meal” (St. Gregory the Theologian. Sermon 18 // Ibid. Vol. 1. P. 227). What is even more surprising is that although she was greatly struck by sorrows, even those of others, she never indulged in carnal weeping to the point that a mournful voice would erupt before thanksgiving, or that at the onset of a bright holiday, sad clothes would remain on her. Her husband’s heterodoxy was so heavy on her heart that she fell to God day and night, fasting and with many tears asking Him to grant salvation to her husband. In addition to prayer and her own zeal for piety, she used other available means to convert him to the path of truth: reproaches and admonitions, services and excommunication; with all this, she understood that she needed, like water, to break through a stone, constantly falling on it drop by drop, and from time to time expect success; Finally, one dream of her husband presented her with a wonderful opportunity for his conversion to Christianity. “It seemed to my father,” says Gregory, “that he was singing the following verse of David: “We rejoiced at those who said to me: Let us go to the house of the Lord” (Ibid. p. 228). His mother explained the dream in the kindest possible way, and he soon agreed to be baptized. During baptism, when he emerged from the water, an extraordinary light shone upon Gregory, which was seen by many of those present, especially those who baptized and anointed him. After some time, Gregory was ordained a presbyter, and soon a bishop. Despite the fact that his flock were like pastures overgrown with forest and wild, he had no difficulty in softening their morals both by prudent pastoral instructions and by offering himself as a model of every excellent deed. Wanting to instill zeal for worship, he donated part of the money for the construction of such a church (see: Ibid. p. 243), better than which the Nazianites could not have wished. After his ordination as a bishop, Gregory was in no way inferior to his wife in compassion and generosity towards the poor, and at the same time he was distinguished by deep humility, but he expressed humility not by bending his neck, not by lowering his voice, not by bending his face down, not by walking, but by admitting his unworthiness before God. In gentleness, he could equal Archdeacon Stephen: he had no time interval between reprimand and forgiveness, so the speed of pardon almost always covered the grief that was associated with his reprimand (see: Ibid. p. 234). Among the threats there were wheels and whips, the executors of punishment also appeared, there was the danger of shaking the ears, a blow to the cheek, a blow to the jaw, but this stopped the threat. The dew retains the sun's ray falling on it in the morning longer than any residue of anger is retained in it. Yes, he did not need to be irritated, because he was terrible for insulters and by his piety alone. He did not utter a single word of prayer or oath that was not immediately followed by either long-term benefit or temporary sorrow. Many of those who upset him soon suffered a clear punishment from God: some were thrown up by oxen, crushed by a yoke, others were thrown to the ground and trampled by horses, hitherto the most submissive and meek, and some were overcome by a strong fever and tormented by dreams of their own misdeeds. With frequent painful attacks, Gregory sought consolation and reinforcement only in prayer and in the celebration of the liturgy, and, what especially surprised everyone who knew him then, with this remedy, on Easter, he was cured of such an illness, the end of which could not be expected in the near future. During the reign of Julian, he so openly and fearlessly opposed the insidious plans of the apostate, as can only be imagined in an ardent zealot of faith and piety (see: St. Gregory the Theologian. Homily 18 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. Vol. 1. P. 239). As for his mental qualities, although he began to study the Word of God late, but, having studied it with all zeal, in a short time he acquired so much wisdom that he became a teacher of Orthodoxy (see: Ibid. p. 230), a father and shepherd of shepherds, and even some kind of power of shepherds. Without listing other merits of his parents, St. Gregory, in his laudatory Word to them, allowed himself to make the following appeal to his listeners: “You all know my parents, their virtues are visible and audible, you imitate and marvel at them, and you tell them to those who do not know, if there are any, choosing for this one this, the other that, and it would be impossible for one to retell everything. Such a thing, no matter how tireless and zealous one may be, requires more than one language” (St. Gregory the Theologian. Homily 7 // Ibid. p. 137). St. Gregory the Theologian. Cry. About the suffering of his soul // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 300. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. P. 198. St. Gregory the Theologian. Poems about myself // Ibid. P. 188. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Cry. About the suffering of his soul // Ibid. pp. 300–301. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 198. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 43 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 510. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 7 // Ibid. P. 137. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 207. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 43 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 517. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 200. Julian the Apostate (331–363) – Roman emperor in 361–363. He received a Christian upbringing, but, having become emperor, declared himself a supporter of the pagan religion; issued edicts against Christians. – Ed. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 5 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 116. From this review St. Gregory about Julian can also be seen that, in his opinion, the science known under the name of physiognomy is not the fruit of superstition alone, but has quite solid foundations for itself. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 43 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 522 St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 201. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 7 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 140. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Poems about yourself // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 184. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. P. 202. St. Gregory the Theologian. Poems about yourself // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 182. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. P. 202. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 3 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 29. There were a lot of such “dared souls” at that time. “The majority of us (not to say all of us), says Gregory, “before we learn the names of the holy books, we learn to recognize the writings and writers of the Old and New Testaments, if we only confirm two or three words about piety, and then by hearsay, and not from books, if we know even a little about David, if we know how to deftly put on a cloak or look like a philosopher from the waist up, we are already wise and tall, ourselves.” we initiate into heaven and wish for the title of teacher” (cf.: Ibid. p. 42). Therefore, for people with a superficial view of the pastoral ministry, the removal of Gregory, so familiar with the sciences, could, of course, be very instructive and even accusatory. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 3 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 29. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 3 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 59. That is, into damnation. – Ed. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 203. Compare: St.: Gregory the Theologian. Word 3 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 59. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 2 // Ibid. P. 24. This refers to Word 3. – Ed. Constantius II (317–361) – Roman emperor from 337–361, supported Arianism. – Ed. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 6 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 130; Word 18 // Ibid. P. 231. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 18 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 231. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 4 // Ibid. P. 64. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 7. To brother Caesarius // Ibid. T. 2. pp. 421–422. Ts.-sl. burp - “say”, “utter”. – Ed. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 6 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 125. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 18 // Ibid. P. 231. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 6 // Ibid. pp. 125–136 Libanius (Libanius; 314 - about 393) - pagan rhetorician, a famous representative of the so-called second sophistry. – Ed. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 5 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 123. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 7 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 143. Caesarea of Cappadocia, predecessor of St. Basil the Great in the department. – Ed. Valens (c. 328–378) - Emperor of the eastern part of the Roman Empire from 364 - Ed. Although Gregory was firmly convinced that Vasily was superior in life, word and rules to everyone known to him, he did not consider it unnecessary to give him his advice and, as it were, encourage him to virtues. Thus, soon after his ordination as a presbyter, also against his will, he wrote to him about the need for patience and zeal in fulfilling the duties of the new rank. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 12. To Eusebius // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. pp. 429–430. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 17. To Eusebius // Ibid. P. 430. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 18. To him // Ibid. P. 430. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 19. To Basil the Great // Ibid. P. 431. Here: allegorical, containing a figurative meaning. – Ed. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 43 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 528. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 7 // Ibid. P. 143. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 20. To brother Caesarius // Ibid. T. 2. pp. 431–432. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 7 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 144. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 30. To Philagry // Ibid. T. 2. P. 436. That is, those who filed claims first. – Ed. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 29. To Sophronius the Iparch // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 436. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Poems about myself // Ibid. P. 184. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Complaints about their suffering // Ibid. P. 273; Poems about myself // Ibid. P. 186. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 7 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. pp. 137–149. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 8 // Ibid. P. 153. Wed: Ibid. P. 150. It is remarkable that, having mentioned in this Word about Solomon’s image of a good wife, Gregory adds: “If I were to praise my sister for such qualities, then this would mean praising a statue by its shadow or a lion by its claws, leaving out what is most important and perfect.” From this it is obvious that Solomon’s image of a woman, in the opinion of Gregory, does not contain many of the perfections with which Christian wives should be adorned, and therefore it seemed insufficient to become familiar with all the good qualities of Gorgonia. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 40. To Basil the Great // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 442. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 45. To Basil the Great // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 447. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 46. To him // Ibid. P. 447. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 60. To him // Ibid. P. 457. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 18 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 237. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 43 // Ibid. P. 531. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 58. To Vasily // St. Basil the Great. Creations. T. 2. pp. 455–456. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 18 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 242. Wed: St. Basil the Great. Letter 71. To Gregory // St. Basil the Great, Archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia. Creations: In 2 volumes. M.: Siberian Blagozvonnitsa, 2008–2009. T. 2. P. 566 St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 204. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. pp. 204–205. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 9 // Ibid. T. 1. pp. 161–162. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 10 // Ibid. P. 164. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 11 // Ibid. P. 167. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 49. To Basil the Great // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 449. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. P. 206. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 48. To Basil the Great // Ibid. P. 448 See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 50. To Basil the Great // Ibid. P. 450. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. P. 206. St. Gregory the Theologian. Words 16 and 17 // Ibid. T. 1. pp. 208–222. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Words 16 and 17 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 206. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 19 // Ibid. pp. 246–253. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 80. To Eudoxius the rhetorician // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 470. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 208. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 26 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 325. "Anastasia" translated from Greek means "resurrection." – Ed. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 209. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 77. To Theodore, Bishop of Tyana // Ibid. P. 466. Theodosius I (about 346–395) - Roman emperor from 379 - Ed. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 77. To Theodore, Bishop of Tyana // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 466. In many of his conversations, St. Gregory expounded the dogmatic teaching and refuted the errors of the heretics of his time, but since ancient times these five of his Words on theology against the Eunomians and Doukhobors have enjoyed special fame (see: St. Gregory the Theologian. Words 27–31 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. Vol. 1. pp. 327–391). In them, with possible simplicity and clarity, the properties of Christian theology are defined and the doctrine of the Holy Trinity is presented, refuting the most plausible objections to this teaching. While St. Gregory restored Orthodoxy in Constantinople, [the famous Arian heretic] Eunomius lived in the suburbs of Constantinople, Chalcedon, and attracted a great number of visitors. His followers, according to Gregory the Theologian, took advantage of every opportunity to spread their false teaching; every square was resounding with their speeches, they caused boredom at every feast, with every complaint they sought consolation in the proposal of theological questions, and in every woman’s chamber they disturbed the calm with haste in words. When meeting with them, the Orthodox were ashamed to avoid discussing the objects of faith. At the same time, it happened that many too hastily called each other saints, and atheists, and schismatics, and heretics (see: St. Gregory the Theologian. Homily 27 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. Vol. 1. P. 331). And therefore St. Gregory, in his first Discourse on Theology, first of all rebels against the passion for controversy, complains that everyone themselves wants to be theologians, and in others it is no more than possible to breathe theological learning in one day. After these denunciations, St. Gregory also offers rules for when and with whom one can enter into a conversation about God. Who has read carefully the four Words of St. Athanasius against the Arians, as well as the book of Basil the Great on the Holy Spirit and his five books against Eunomius, of course, will agree that in these Words of Gregory, too little is new or, as they say, original. Here the usual Arian objections are resolved, and for the most part they are resolved in the same way as St. Athanasius and Basil the Great. Thus, those writers who claim that St. Gregory the Theologian is original in every word and in every line. If this originality is applied only to the presentation and arrangement of thoughts, then one must agree with this. All the Words of Gregory bear clear traces of such a strict finishing in language and in arrangement, which cannot be found either in Basil the Great in his books against Eunomius, or in St. Afanasia; but the content of all these works, with the exception of the “Tale of Theology,” and even the disclosure of this content are very similar. This was to be expected because, among other things, the books of Basil against Eunomius and on the Holy Spirit of St. Gregory read it even before leaving for Constantinople. We say this because in his eulogy to Basil, spoken immediately upon his return from Constantinople, Gregory the Theologian speaks of all of Basil’s writings as works that were very well known to him, and, moreover, those that served as a guide and aid for him when thinking about the objects of faith. But it goes without saying that to deny the originality of Gregory the Theologian, attributed to him by imprudent panegyrists, does not at all mean to encroach on his significance as a universal teacher. In the matter of faith, in dogmatic teaching, all the Fathers of the Church cared not about originality, but about observing and understanding the exact apostolic teaching, successively transmitted from one to another. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 211. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 25 // Ibid. T. 1. pp. 304–316. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 212. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 214. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 222. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 26 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 324. St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 225. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 36 // Ibid. T. 1. pp. 425–431. St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 225. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 231. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 42 // Ibid. T. 1. pp. 496–509. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 42 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 501. St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 219. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 36 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 426. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 33 // Ibid. P. 410. St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 42 // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 1. P. 507. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // Ibid. T. 2. P. 224. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Word 42 // Ibid. T. 1. P. 505. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 87. To Philagry // Ibid. T. 2. P. 473. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. A poem in which Saint Gregory retells his life // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 233. St. Gregory the Theologian. To the priests of Constantinople and to Constantinople itself // Ibid. P. 195. St. Gregory the Theologian. To myself // Ibid. P. 280. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 101. To Presbyter Kledonius // Ibid. P. 485. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 125. To Olympius // Ibid. P. 496; Letter 152. To Theodore // Ibid. P. 510. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 172. To Helladius // Ibid. P. 519; Letter 120. To him // Ibid. P. 494. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 183. To Theodore the Bishop // Ibid. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 87. To Philagry // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 473. Speaking in this way, St. Gregory, apparently, relied very little on conscientious and thorough reasoning about the subjects of faith and deanery, even at councils, with the ambition of bishops. But in the present case it is easy to understand that such a review of the councils is a consequence either of Gregory’s too lively impressionability, or of his incorrect conclusion from one or two cases about all or most of the cases. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 130. To Procopius // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 498. See also: Same. Letter 131. To Olympius // Ibid. P. 499. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 202. To Nectarius // Ibid. P. 537. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 133. To Victor // Ibid. P. 499; Letter 136. To Mardarius the military leader // Ibid. P. 501. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 173. To Postumian // Ibid. P. 520. See also: Same. Letter 132. To Saturninus // Ibid. P. 499. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Poem 44. On hypocritical monks // Ibid. P. 294. St. Gregory the Theologian. Cry. About the suffering of his soul // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 298. St. Gregory the Theologian. On silence during fasting // Ibid. P. 285. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 107. To Kledonius // Ibid. P. 490. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 114. To Eleusius // Ibid. P. 493. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letters 111–118 // Ibid. pp. 491–494; Theological poems, 24 and 25 // Ibid. pp. 124–143. St. Gregory the Theologian. Poem 43. To myself. In questions and answers // Ibid. P. 294. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 203. To Valentinian // Ibid. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Epitaph to himself // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 323, 324. See: Muravyov A. N. Roman letters: In 2 vols. M., 1846. Of all the letters of Gregory the Theologian, 243 have reached us. Many of them are more remarkable for their learning and eloquence than for their revelation of the subjects of Christian faith and activity. However, there are also those in which dogmas of faith and moral issues are considered. The most important in content are two letters to Cledonius against the Apollinarians. These messages earned the high approval of the fathers of the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon. Of the letters of moral content, one sets out the doctrine of oaths, in others St. Gregory exhorts sometimes to unanimity in the matter of faith, sometimes to entering the monastic rank, or to forgiveness of insults, or to complacently endure sorrows, as well as to fulfill the will of the parents. There are letters in which he denounces crimes, prohibits divorce and gives instructions on how to celebrate Christian marriages. There are quite a few letters of intercession. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 100. To Gigantius // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 478. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 175. To Eudoxius the rhetorician // Ibid. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 157. To Theodore, Bishop of Tyana // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 513. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 235. To Adamantium // Ibid. P. 556. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 39. To Sophronius // Ibid. P. 442. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 169. To Stratigius // Ibid. P. 518. Wed: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 171. To Palladius // Ibid. P. 519. In other publications this letter is signed “To Amphilochius.” However, these words of St. Gregory can be understood not so literally, but as simply indicating the multiplicity of these letters. Moreover, these letters to St. Amphilochia to St. Gregory did not reach us. – Ed. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 94. To Amazonius // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 476. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 190. To Eustochius the Sophist // Ibid. pp. 529–530. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 178. To Eudoxius the rhetorician // Ibid. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 178. To Eudoxius the rhetorician // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 523. St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 12. To Nikovol // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. P. 427. Work by Rev. Neil of Sinai “On Eight Thoughts.” Wed: St. Basil the Great. Letter 98. To Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata // St. Basil the Great. Creations. T 2. P. 601. See: St. Basil the Great. Letter 8. To the Caesarea monks // Ibid. P. 456. Socrates Scholasticus. Church history. IV, 26. See: St. Gregory the Theologian. Letter 53. To Nikovol // St. Gregory the Theologian. Creations. T. 2. pp. 452–453. February 12, new style. – Ed. The Prologue under the 30th day of January says: “If it is necessary that among people there should be some example and monument, made up of all the virtues piece by piece, it was the great Gregory. Surpassing all those distinguished by their activities in purity of life, he succeeded so much in theology that with his wisdom he surpassed everyone both in the power of speech and in the knowledge of dogmas, which is why he received the name Theologian.” But here it is also said about Basil the Great: “He surpassed in eloquence not only his contemporaries, but also those who lived before him. Having studied all the sciences, he was the first in each. Being just as perfect in fulfilling the rules of philosophy, he achieved through this the contemplation of existing things.” This review, apparently, was expressed in accordance with the vision of the three saints of John the Euchaite. (From the monthly Journal of Soulful Reading, 1864.)