III. Язык Нового Завета

In considering the New Testament we must first of all resolve the question of Semitism. Without a doubt, such things should be expected in the N.Z., firstly, because it contains excerpts from the Greek (properly Hebrew) V.Z., the nature of which was described above, and secondly, because the entire world around him was Semitic and - especially - Aramaic. This is evident from names like Yeshua-Jesus, Cephas, Boanerges for the sons of Zebedee, all proper complex names beginning with Bar- (Bar-) - “son of such and such”, etc., further - from various Aramaic language remains in the New Testament, for example, Abba, Ephphatha, Talitha Kumi (b), from the words of the Lord on the cross “My God, My God, I have forsaken thou,” as they are expressed in Greek, from the saying of the Apostle Paul (1 Cor. 16:22) “Maranatha” (“Our Lord has come”), from the use in N.Z. of parables, which is not in Greek 40, finally, from the testimony (in Eusebius T.I. III, 39, 16) of Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, that Matthew wrote down the words of the Lord in Hebrew (ἑβραίοι διαλέκτῳ). since the Hebrew language itself was no longer alive at that time and it is unlikely that the “publican” Matthew could have mastered it so much through special study, it is usually (although far from indisputable) assumed that Papias must understand the Aramaic language 41 . By the nature of the language, both in the speeches of the Gospels, especially Matthew and Luke, and in the sources of the Book of Acts, Aramaic features are noticeable. Dahlmann stated 42 a whole series of combinations of words, - for example, ἐλθών, ἐρχόμενος with verbum finitum (Matthew 5:24), etc., ἀφείς, καταλιπών (Matthew 13:36) and etc., καθίσας for some actions in a sitting position (Matthew 13:48), etc., ἑστῶς, σταθείς for verbs of petition, etc. (Matthew 6:5) and others, ἀναστάς and ἐγερθεὶς with verba finita (Matthew 9:9) and others, and it turned out that pure Heuraisms are found almost exclusively in Luke. Dalman also shows the Aramaic origin for a number of concepts, for example, βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν with its combinations, αἰὼν μέλλων, ζωή αἰώνιος, κόσμος in a religious sense, κύριος about God, πατὴρ ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς, υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, Χριστὸς, υἱὸς Δαβεὶδ about Christ. This means that Semitisms are undeniable in the New Testament. 2. The language of the New Testament and κοινὴ Based on the independent dictionary of N. Z., they have long spoken about the “language-forming power of the Holy Spirit.” No one can and in no way can deny that every spiritual movement creates for itself its own verbal shell. I had to read that the ratio between the dictionary of Shakespeare and that of a London coal peddler is 10,000:500. And how much poets, philosophers and, in general, the best writers have contributed to all languages! Shouldn’t such a spiritual movement as Christianity have a creative influence on language and create its own vocabulary? And anyone who considers it not as something earthly, but as the Revelation of God in His Son, is obliged to recognize its language-forming power. This way also fulfilled the promise of Christ to the apostles about the believers (Mark 16:17): καιναῖς γλώσσαις λαλήσουσιν - new tongues will speak. However, the number of new vocabulary formations in N.Z. is not as large as one might think. The number of New Testament ἅπαξ λεγομένων gradually decreases in accordance with the increasing popularity of the papyri dictionary. There are still only about 50 such words left out of the total amount of them in N. 3. of 5,000 43 , and even of those we can assume that they were only found in writing only in the New Testament books, and were often used orally - in living speech: if papyri or inscriptions of undoubtedly pre-Christian origin contain any word hitherto known only from N. T., then we must draw knowledge of it from there. Deisman presents a growing number of convincing examples that a number of words revered exclusively by the New Testament were in fact used previously (or simultaneously) in non-Christian circles. And so the composition of the New Testament ἅπαξ λεγομένων can be reduced every day. Upon further impartial examination, there are many consonances with the New Testament and in the language of the Hellenic mysteries. Dietrich notes 44 that the designations of mystics in their relationship as ἀδελφοί or as υἱοί, priest - πατήρ in the mysteries of Mithras, and no less in the mysteries of Isis, Attis and in some forms of the Dionysian cult, are used in exactly the same way as in Christianity. But here everything is decided by the question of primacy. Here Dietrich himself states 45 that we know the terminology of the Mithraic degrees in full only from Roman sources of the 4th century, and from other (early) sources only fragmentarily. And such an expert in the Mithraic religion as Fr. Cumont certified 46 that the latter, in the later sense of the word, was first developed in Asia Minor and that the sea robbers defeated by Pompey were its first confessors. At the same time, one should not overlook the fact that this news is found only in Plutarch, who wrote almost two centuries later († around 120 AD). And one more consideration encourages caution: all the ancient mysteries were tolerant of each other, and their verbal formulas and religious rituals circulated mutually. But Christianity from the very beginning treated all of them intolerantly and irreconcilably, not wanting to have anything to do with them. And under such conditions, how could Christianity borrow religious sayings from there for itself?! From a religious-historical point of view, this is incredible 47. Reitzenstein expressed 48 that the self-designation of the Apostle Paul (Phil. 1:1) δέσμιος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ goes back to the usage of the mysteries, and for this he refers to one place in St. Hippolytus (Refutatio, proemium, p. 4, lin. 28 according to Schneidewin's edition) that the mystics were called δέσμιοι and as such had to undergo a period of trial. However, all this is unconvincing. Let’s not say that this designation was found here already in the third century AD. Chr. from the Christian writer and in a different combination, for St. Hippolytus actually speaks of δέσμιος τῆς ἁμαρτίας, which sounds like a completely Christian usage. In addition to all this, we must remember that the Apostle Paul calls himself, first of all, πρεσβύτης and only then adds: νυνὶ δὲ καὶ δέσμιος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ (Phil. 1:9), resolutely marking with this increase his new position at that time. And the Epistle to Philemon was written from Rome, or in any case from the place where the Apostle Paul was in prison. Under such circumstances, his term δέσμιος receives a completely different light, stating that the evangelist was at that time a prisoner wearing bonds for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, just like Epaphras, noted in this position (Phil. 1:23). In the same sense, the “bonds” of the apostle often appear in the Book of Acts. Sayings like γένεσις πνευματική, also used in the language of the Mysteries, again - like δέσμιος - are traced back to St. Hippolytus (ibid. V, 9, p. 170). But this expression is found in the Christian-Gnostic sect of the Nassens, and therefore, objectively speaking, we cannot deny the likelihood of Christian influences here. This is true in many other cases as well. In fact, there is no doubt that Christianity borrowed many expressions from worldly, pagan life, but supplemented them with new content, giving them a new spiritual meaning. And that for the humanity of that time this was often news, we see, for example, from the attitude of Nicodemus to the speech of the Lord Savior about ἄνωθεν γεννηθῆναι, which expression he was ready to understand in an externally literal sense (John 3:3), meanwhile, Christ meant inner life (spiritual rebirth). In this way, purely secular, worldly speeches were endowed with rich, new content. And even Deisman himself pointed out 49 that the word ἀγάπη originally belonged to a non-literary folk language and was used here in a sensual sense, in which it is later used in the LXX, for example, in the Song of Songs, as well as in the (fragmentary) Pisidian inscription of the imperial period, but of pagan origin. As far as is known so far, this word no longer appears in the literature. Then there is a process of spiritualization on the way to religious and moral significance already in LXX, Philo and (once) in (Pseudo-) Aristaeus. And in the New Testament it is used by the Apostle Paul (1 Cor. 13:1–13) for the spiritual “Song of Songs” and serves to designate “heavenly love” 50. b) Phonetics of the New Testament It is very difficult to speak with confidence about the phonetics of the New Testament language, because the manuscripts are too distant from each other in place of origin and time, and therefore it is very risky to use them to restore the original form of New Testament spelling. It would be extremely hasty to assume that a manuscript from the 4th century, in orthographic terms, accurately represents the text of the N.T. as it came out of the hands of one or another sacred writer. λογία and λογεία could be used equally. Due to the similarity of pronunciation ει, ι, η, ῃ, υ, υι, οι, they could easily be interchanged, as well as αι with ε, о with ω. There are εἵνεκεν along with ἑνεκεν, and, on the contrary, only εἰς. Final -ν is often not assimilated. It is equally difficult to establish commonly used rules regarding ν-efelkisticon at the end of the corresponding verb forms. And here, in particular, one cannot hope for a completely accurate reproduction of the original text. The same goes for reductions. Attic closed forms alternate with Ionian open ones. Often here it is necessary to take into account the personal predispositions of the biblical writers. Interesting is N.Z.’s attitude to spiritus asper, a thick aspiration at the beginning of some vowel-beginning words, an average between the sharp χ and the spiritus lenis, which we cannot express in writing, and therefore imperceptible to perception (thin aspiration, corresponding to the Hebrew aleph) at the beginning of such words that in our country begin with pure vowels. In a number of languages ​​there is a clear tendency to weaken this aspirated sound more and more. Thus, this is noticeable in Assyrian, where in the outline of the word-initial vowels we see a gradual transition from thick κ to thin (soft) g and from this to a barely noticeable overtone '', similar in Hebrew. In French, especially in northern France, h aspirée also tends to give way to h muette. Quite similar in Greek. Here, in Lesbian, Elidian, in general in Asian aeolism, in Asian-Ionian, Cypriot-Greek and partly also in Cretan, the spiritus asper already disappeared in prehistoric times in the language of everyday life, and in all other Greek it gradually disappeared from the year 400 BC. Chr., why it no longer occurs at all in the modern Greek folk language. The harbinger of such a disappearance is only some instability in its use, when in oral speech it appears where the grammatically consistent language does not allow it, and vice versa. Such fluctuations are most clear when foreign-speaking peoples come into contact in the linguistic field. But in relation to κοινὴ, control here is very difficult, because the Greek usually did not write either breaths or accents. However, it is possible to trace this phenomenon in various indirect ways. Firstly, this is served by the borrowed words we have already mentioned in extra-Greek languages. The Copt and especially the Semitic emphasize aspirations extremely sharply and try to express even the weak pre-sound of spiritus lenis. And so, if the word that is normally written in Greek ελπιζεν, εθνος, the Copt transcribes helpizein, hethnos, then it is quite clear that he should have heard spiritus asper here: if, on the contrary, we find īdeos (willingly, pleasantly) instead of the normal Greek hīdeos (ἡδέως), then here they did not feel the spiritus asper at all. Equally the Jew around the time of Jesus Christ writes ipothiki, ĕdra (איפוקי אךִרא) for ὑποθήκη, ἕδρα along with chakra, chenaz (חקרא, חנץ) for ἄκρα, ἐννεάς, and the Syrian hes, epih for εἰς, ἐπί. In the New Testament, as it is said, we cannot control words beginning with vowel sounds, because the manuscripts do not use aspiration marks. But the situation is different with complex words. If in the Epistle to the Philippians (Phil. 2:23) we read (formed by analogy with ἀφοράω) ἀφίδω, where in normal Greek one would expect ἀπίδω, if in the Gospel of Luke (Luke 6:35) it occurs ἀφελπίζοντες, where ἀπελπίζοντες would be expected, or in the Acts of the Holy Apostles (Acts 12:18) οὐχ ὀλίγος instead of the normal οὐκ ὀλίγος, - then there can be no doubt that there were in fact such unusual uses of aspiration. Similar indications regarding later linguistic forms are ἐχθές instead of χθές. This feature should be deduced from the later reluctance to have two aspirated consonants immediately follow one another, but it can equally be explained by the fact that the Semitic did not tolerate two consonants at the beginning of a word, why instead of the ancient קוע (muscle, arm), the later Hebrew language writes ועַ אֵןִ ֿ ־ו, and in borrowed words the modern Jew uses estratija for στρατιά, and the Syrian ĕstoli for στολή. The same is true for Greek loanwords in Coptic. From these forms, although secondary, one can clearly see that the Greek language of N.Z. stands in the chain of the development process of κοινὴ and serves as an abundant source for the latter, as it itself is largely clarified from it. c) Grammatical forms in the New Testament And in the field of grammatical forms, we find in the New Testament the desire for equalization and simplification that we have already stated in κοινὴ, so that as few forms as possible serve as many purposes as possible. So with both names and verbs - according to the Ionian precedent - the dual number in the New Testament completely disappeared down to the indeclinable δύο, although this was already the case in the LXX. Equal to names. case is increasingly appearing instead of the vocative, and in certain forms of declensions a desire for equation is increasingly being discovered. For example, a special Ionian form of the gen. and dates cases in words starting with α: σπείρης, μαχαίρῃ, still rare in the LXX, often found in N.Z., and regularly in papyri. With Attic abbreviated forms, we often find full Ionian ones in New Zealand, for example. ὀστέων. At the same time, jumps from the 1st to the 2nd declension are noticeable, because words starting with -αρχης can also be inflected in the form -αρχος, and ὁ δεσμός can have a plural. the number οἱ δεσμοί along with τά δεσμά. A transition from the 2nd to the 3rd declension is also visible, for example, σαββάτῳ in the second, σάββασιν in the third, then ὁ πλοῦτος and τό πλοῦτος. Occasionally there is also a transition from the 1st to the 3rd declension, for example, ἡ νίκη along with τό νῖκος; the latter form is found, for example, in a quotation from the Old Testament (Hos. 13:14) in a famous place in the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 15:55): ποῦ σου θάνατε τὸ νῖκος. The already emphasized tendency of κοινὴ to attach ν to the ending of wines. pad. 3rd declension and in this way align it with some roots of the 3rd declension, especially from wine. pad. 1st and 2nd declensions - this feature appears many times in New Testament manuscripts and is of high quality. Hence, it is not entirely unreasonable to assume that the New Testament writers themselves used this form when composing the corresponding writings 51 . However, the Attic 2nd declension in New Zealand is already tending to extinction - in accordance with the process of linguistic development in general, as can be seen in Modern Greek, where this declension does not exist at all 52. In very good manuscripts (John 1:14) and (Acts 6:5), where wine would be expected. pad. πλήρη, the form of names occurs. pad. πλήρης. There is no reason to doubt that at least in John this form is authentically authorial 53 . And from the papyri it is clear that πλήρης, at least in names. and wine fallen., it was undecidable why the form used in the Gospel of John (John 1:14) is completely Greek for that era. The Apostle Paul in the Epistle to the Ephesians (Eph. 3:8) from the superlative degree ἐλάχιστος also forms the comparative ἐλαχιστότερος - and although this form has not yet been discovered in papyri, it is quite consistent with the linguistic taste of that time, judging by the papyrus μεγιστώτατος. Both in the papyri and in N. 3., dual comparativeness is allowed through the comparative degree from the comparative, for example, (3 John 1:4) μειζότερος, and here again a parallel is noticed between N. Z. and κοινὴ. Already from classical times, the reflexive ἑαυτοῦ of the 3rd person invades the area of ​​the first and second. So, for example, in (John 18:34): ἀφ’ἑαυτοῦ [ἀπὸ σεαυτοῦ] σὺ τοῦτο λέγεις... Along with the LXX, the New Testament increasingly reveals a tendency to deprive verbs of -μι of their special character, equate them with verbs starting with -ω 54. Consequently, the desire for monotony also prevails here. And regarding the relationship between both aorists noted above, the New Testament agrees with κοινὴ. In classical Greek we have the forms εἶπον, ἤνεγκον, ἔπετον, and in the New Testament they receive the aorist sigmatic ending, the so-called. weak, and sounds εἶπα, ἤνεγκα, ἔπεσα, etc. This means that N. Z. here belongs to that process in the linguistic movement that achieved victory in modern Greek, where only about twelve of the ancient strong aorists exist, while the rest are converted into weak ones. And when a weak aorist could not supplant a strong one in this way, it is at least used there in place of the latter. Thus, the Apostle Paul in the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 7:28) writes ἥμαρτον, and in the Epistle to the Romans (Rom. 5:14) - ἁμαρτήσας 55. A different kind of tendency towards equalization is observed in verba contracta. As is known, in classical Greek there are three kinds of such verbs: -άω, -έω and -όω. But in a number of Greek dialects, first of all in Northern Greek, as well as in Ionian and Macedonian, the forms of the present tense of verbs in -άω began to be mixed on phonetic grounds with the forms of verbs in -έω. This development is also inherent in κοινὴ, LXX, and also N.Z., and then later captured forms from other times. And partly in the critically established text of the New Testament, partly in the variants we find many similar forms, for example, ἐλεῶντας ( Rom. 11:16) along with ἐλεεῖ ( Rom. 9:18), ἐλεᾶτε ( Jude 1:23), νικοῦντι ( Rev. 2:7 ) according to the Alexandrian Codex. According to κοινὴ, the New Testament also has a Dorian form of the future πεσοῦμαι 56. From all this one can discern the internal kinship of the New Testament language with κοινὴ. And regarding increment - its use and omission, syllabic and temporal increment - the New Testament operates according to the rules known from inscriptions and papyri. As for inclinations, already in the depiction of κοινὴ we saw that the desirable, so beloved by Attic writers, the further, the more it loses ground - primarily in papyri and inscriptions. Accordingly, it is very rare in the New Testament: in Paul - 31 times, in Luke - 28 times, in Peter - 4, in Jude - 2, in Matthew and in the Epistle to the Hebrews - once each, and in the rest it is not there at all. The middle voice in the Greek language gradually and progressively disappeared: both in the papyri and in N.Z. 57 d) Syntax of the New Testament 58 And in syntactic terms, the language of N. Z. is a part and part of κοινὴ. In classical Greek plural. the neuter number is connected to the unity. the number of the verb, because the neuter gender, as denoting the totality of these things, was taken as something collective, collective. Attic inscriptions adhere to this rule, as well as N.Z. But - on the other hand - plural. the neuter number, when referring to animate beings, for example, ἔθνη, agrees with the plural. number of the verb. Particularly instructive examples of changing unities. and plural numbers of the verb when plural. Among the neuter gender are places such as (John 19:31) and (Rev. 1:19). Then, it is often found in N.Z. and the connection of several subjects with a verb into units. number, or so-called Pindaric construction: for example, in (1 Cor. 13:13) hope and love are taken as an integral unity, which will always remain when all other spiritual gifts cease. The formula εἰς τὸ ὄνομα was also discussed a lot, especially when considering the meaning of the sacrament of baptism 59 . From the latest research in the field of papyri, it turns out that here ὄνομα is often used in the legal sense of “person”; one priest buys land εἰς ὄνομα θεοῦ, in the name, that is, for God; the capitalist allows, through his banker, money εἰς ὄνομα to be transferred to someone, i.e., in his debt: requests εἰς τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὄνομα are mentioned, i.e. in the name of the king. Therefore, βαπτίζειν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα of the Triune God means bringing into essential unity with Him in order to restore belonging to Him and assimilation by Him. Of course, this construction could also be Semitism, for in Hebrew שֵם is used to replace the term “person” (person), and in later Hebrew God himself is called רישם - “name” and speaks of שם־בעל or “the name of Baal.” One cannot omit such passages as (Jer. 15:16): “Thy name is called upon me, O Lord, God of Hosts,” that is, I am Your property or personal belonging. Finally, we must also pay attention to the fact that in κοινὴ the use of εἰς from wine. pad. began to intensify due to ἐν from the dates. Pad., as well as dates in general. pad. during development it disappears more and more, until in modern Greek it completely dies out 60 . From this side, εἰς τὸ ὄνομα would be equivalent to ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι. However, how careful one must be in ascertaining Semitisms is also shown by the turn in Mark (Mark 6:7) that Christ sent His disciples δύο δύο, that is, in twos or in pairs. This phrase is truly Greek, since it is found even in Aeschylus and Sophocles, in papyri of the 3rd century. to r. Chr., equally in Central Greek and hitherto in Modern Greek. The fact that this phrase is found in the Greek and Semitic languages ​​can be explained, perhaps, by the fact that both units and twos are recalculated asyndetically. The sacred writer seems to contemplate that the disciples of Christ leave the face of the Lord in pairs - one pair after another. The Latin, with his singuli, bini, terni, expresses in plurality what the Greek, and equally the Semite, noted with the double name of singularity. Name pad. in the Apocalypse it is often used where it would not be expected, for example, as an application to a noun in another case. Rare ( Rev. 1:4 ) ἀπὸ ὁ ὢν... seems to be understood in the sense of a proper name, and ὁ ὢν is a translation of the name of God: “Who is” or “Who is,” although ὁ is a member, and not a relative pronoun, which it - in itself - could be. Numerous uses of names. pad. with a member in appeals (appeals), of which there are up to 60 cases in N.Z., there is a sign of an even more prevalent later expansion of names. pad. due to the increasingly disappearing vocative. There are many examples of this both in papyri and in inscriptions. Dat. pad. used in N.Z. in various meanings. Turns like ἀκοῇ ἀκούσετε were often considered Heuraisms; however, it should be noted that constructions such as γάμῳ γαμεῖν are also proven in vernacular Greek. The superlative degree in New Zealand is already heading towards extinction. Unlike the comparative degree, the superlative most often expresses only intensification in the sense of “very” (very), which use is also found in papyri. How well the language of inscriptions can help us in solving exegetical, or, in fact, biblical-theological problems - for this we can point out, for example, a particularly important example from the field of member syntax. An old dispute about (Titus 2:13) whether the whole phrase – τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ Jesus Christ, who will then be our “great God,” or does she indicate separately two persons: “the great God” and “our Savior Jesus Christ.” It is clear that this is very important for the Christology of the Apostle Paul, just as accurate grammatical interpretation (2 Thess. 1:12; Jude 1:4; Eph. 5:5; 2 Pet. 1:1; Acts 20:38) is essential for understanding these passages. And in one inscription of the 2nd century BC. Chr. there is a turn τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ εὐεργέτου καὶ σωτῆρος [ἐπιφάνους εὐχάριστου], where it is indisputable that both definitions refer to one person, the deified king. Moreover, a number of papyri of the 7th century AD. Chr. proves that such use of the penis was then dominant. But first of all, it is important that the rule that the term is placed once is confirmed in the most ancient papyri if two nouns refer to the same person. Accordingly, in the Epistle to Titus (Titus 2:13), the Apostle Paul calls Jesus Christ alone “our great God and Savior.” From this it is clear that the study of κοινὴ (auxiliary) can provide extremely important results for theology 61 . The numeral εἷς acquired the meaning of an indefinite pronoun. Already in Aristophanes it is difficult to distinguish between εἷς and τις in the speeches of the persons he describes who speak popular Greek. We find something similar in the papyri: ἐπελθόντες ἐπ μίαν μου οἰκίαν (papyrus 30 from the collection of Lord Amherst from the 2nd century AD) and exactly the same in N.Z. The latest linguistic research has also taught that, starting from the concept of the so-called. “modes of action”, we paid attention to the meaning of individual tenses. So, for example, it is necessary to distinguish between μή with the imperative mood of the present tense and μή with the subjunctive mood of the aorist: μὴ θορυβεῖτε means those who are already making noise and calms them down, and μὴ θορυβήσετε presupposes those who could only raise the noise, and warns them not to start it. This means that if, during moral exhortations, the Apostle Paul in his Epistles uses μή 47 times with the imperative mood of the present tense and only 8 times with the subjunctive mood of the aorist, and if in general in the New Testament the first appears 134 times, and the second 84 times, of which 29 times in Matthew, 9 times in Mark and 19 times in Luke 62, then the latter proves how The position of the Savior who commanded and commanded Christ was authoritative and powerful, and the first certifies that the Apostle Paul - in the words of Prof. J.H. Moulton 63 - did not fight against air mills, recommending abstract rules for an unknown future, but expressed very real warnings against vices that were already present in communities or were ready to be revived 64. Consequently, the latest grammatical research actually puts in our hands some means of more clearly elucidating the moral history of Paul’s communities and determining their true moral level in the sense that they too had to struggle, that for them the Gospel was still leaven. What important results come from this, apparently incidental, study of New Testament grammar and κοινὴ in general! Prof. J. H. Moulton indicates 65 such meanings for μὴ ποίει - “stop”, “do not do” (from time to time, from time to time), “do not dare to do” (for you are already ready to do it), “do not be tempted to do it.” Noteworthy cases for the difference in times are, for example, the following passages: (Rom. 6:13) μὴ παριστάνετε - stop again daily exposing your members to sin, and naturally a moral struggle should be assumed, in comparison with παραστήσατε - finally present yourself to God and do so free. It is very instructive (Acts 15:37–38): Barnabas wants Mark συμπαραλαβεῖν, he only thinks about taking him as a companion again and recognizing him as such. On the contrary, the Apostle Paul does not want him συμπαραλαμβάνειν: he thinks about the friction and trials that can happen every day to an unreliable person if you take him with you. In the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 22:16): “wash away your sins by calling on the name of the Lord Jesus,” the aorist βάπτισαι indicates something that has already been accomplished, so that the Apostle Paul was baptized. It is also very instructive (John 17:2): God gave the Son at the very moment of His sending (ἔδωκας) power over all flesh, so that all the imperishable fullness of His being (δέδωκας), eternal life, He would give to them if they come to Him (δώσῃ); Eternal life consists in the constant knowledge of God, the true God, and Christ whom He sent. There are a number of other places where attention to the form of time is important (for example, Phil. 2:7 ff.; John 17:4; 19:2, etc.). During the development of the Greek language, the past perfect tense gave way to the aorist and died out to very insignificant remnants. One should pay attention to whether there are signs in the New Testament of the beginning decline of the past perfect. In the area of ​​the future, a shade of duration and immediate or upcoming action is now distinguished. If in the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 15:28) the Apostle Paul says: τότε ὑποταγήσεται, then, according to prof. J. N. Moulton 66, this could mean that the second coming of the Lord was thought of as something that would usher in a new kind of subordination of the Son to the Father, and not a continuing state, which was quite visible already in advance. The middle voice notes that “the action does not pass from the sphere of the given person” and ceases in him. Accordingly, you need to understand such places as (James 4:12ff.; 1 John 5:15; Mark 6:22–25; 10:35,38) and others. If philologists have established that in κοινὴ the further away, the more ἄν disappeared, then N. Z. can only confirm this view. From the one given by prof. J. N. Moulton's 67 table it is clear that in James ἄν with the subjunctive mood is only once, and ἄν with the indicative or desirable - not at all, in the Apocalypse the first is 5 times, and the second is not there either, in Mark the first is 30 times, the second with an aorist is once. With the indicative of the long-past tense ἄν is found in the New Testament only once in John, with the desirable aorist - only three times, and precisely in Luke. ἄν is used most often in Matthew - 63 times. The belonging of the New Testament Greek language to κοινὴ is revealed in the fact that μή increasingly gains predominance over οὐ. First of all, οὐ was completely supplanted in participles, and N.Z. loves οὐ μή just as little as he does papyri, and the overwhelming majority uses this combination in quotes from V. 3. and in the sayings of the Lord Savior. Prof. J. N. Moulton 68 of the opinion that in the sacred language speeches of a completely decisive tone are preferred 69 . It should be noted that here in most cases we must reckon with the Semitic originals. It also coincides with the character of κοινὴ that in the New Testament the desirable mood is used so rarely - 15 times μή γένοιτο and 23 times others, with 15 cases in the Apostle Paul alone. The same applies to the use of the indefinite mood and participle. With the latter, the negation is expressed through μή, and when denying an undoubted fact in the New Testament, as in the papyri, οὐ is placed. Regarding the use of οὐ and μή with participles, it is instructive (Matthew 22:11 ff.). The king goes out to the feast to see the guests and finds there a man οὐκ ἐνδεδυμένον ἔνδυμα γάμου. Since reality can be judged by words, this is an indisputable fact. But then the king turns to this man with the following question: how did you enter here? The man did not put on wedding clothes, but he could and had the convenience to do so. But, on the other hand, this could express that the king wants to give him another opportunity to correct himself and make up for his mistake against good custom. And here we see with what subtlety the differences are noted in the New Testament language and how difficult it is to convey them in other languages. The New Testament is not an artificial product, like Attic literature, but as a γραφή θεόπνευστος is the work of a human pen that is not accustomed to writing and does not set it as its own goal. This is shown by the striking rarity of indirect, indirect speech, so prevalent among writers like Thucydides and Livy. Usually all speeches are conveyed in direct form. 3. Rhetorical parallels between the New Testament and ancient monuments The latest research on κοινὴ has also opened our eyes to the rhetorical modes of expression in the New Testament. If the Lord says: “I am the door of the sheep... I am the good shepherd” (John 10:7,11); “I am the way and the truth and the life” (John 14:6); then it is as Eastern-royal as it is completely Greek-folk. King Sargon I of Babylon proclaims: “Sargon, the mighty king, the king of Akkad, I am.” Mesha of Moab (9th century BC) speaks similarly in an inscription found in 1868 in the Trans-Jordan region (east of the Dead Sea): “I am Mesha, son of Kemoshmelek, king of Moab.” Here are two examples out of many. The cult inscriptions dedicated to Isis begin in the same way (cf. Diodorus I, 27): “I am Isis, mistress of all life... I am the eldest daughter of the young god Kronos.” Similar things can be read in many magical papyri. Then, in modern times, the question has been sharply raised about whether Paul’s writings and similar ones in the New Testament are letters or epistles? In the first case, these would be documents of mutual communication only between these individuals, intended not for the public and openness, but for one or several people, in essence purely personal monuments. In the second case, we will have literary works for the general public, but only in the form of letters. Deisman in his studies 70 came to the conclusion that all Paul's writings, 2 and 3 John are letters, and James, Peter, Jude, Hebrews and (surprising as it may seem) the Apocalypse are more in the nature of messages, and 1 John can be recognized as a religious diatribe or an edifying treatise, where Christian reflections are set out without any special connection for the general instruction of all believers. However, it is still questionable whether Deisman's distributive classification can be directly applied to New Testament writing 71 . If in the Epistle to the Colossians (Col. 4:16) the Apostle Paul expresses the desire that the Colossian and Laodicean churches exchange messages received from them, then it is obvious that his writings to individual communities were not so private that they would not be suitable for others. Of course, Paul's epistles contain an extremely large amount of intimate things, but they always contain an abundance of data and general (dogmatic) merit. One might even say that these epistles were meant to replace oral apostolic preaching. If in the second chapter of the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, St. Paul writes about the “day of the Lord,” then he wants to clarify a fundamental question, and in this case, didn’t he foresee and foresee the fate of his message in advance? After all, the prophets foresaw this (cf. Is. 30:8, etc.). It is permissible to think with determination that the Apostle Paul assimilated a much greater meaning to his epistles than any of the authors of the letters found in Egypt did in relation to theirs. It is true that Paul’s epistles were caused by one or another contemporary circumstances of a certain moment, but they had to act and bear fruit until the coming of the Lord and further into eternity. If the evangelist were asked how long the exhortations expressed in his messages remain in force, then, of course, the answer would be that they are binding until the second appearance of the Lord. Such an epistle as to the Galatians, by its entire nature, is intended for a wider circle and therefore, from this side, approaches to a certain extent the Epistle of James, addressed to “the twelve tribes that were scattered abroad” (James 1:1). In general, the external form cannot be exaggerated. Christianity also took the external forms of scripture in order to fill them with a new spirit, as in the field of vocabulary, so that long-familiar forms here express something completely different 72 . Likewise, the change between ἐγώ and ἡμεῖς in Paul’s Epistles 73 has parallels in later Greek literature and in papyri. However, regarding the change of singular and plural numbers there are no openly defined laws. Thus, in the Hibeh-papyrus from 253 it reads: ὁρῶντες... ὤιμην. Perhaps it can be noted that Paul's epistles are written more from the point of view of an orator - a preacher who sees his listeners in front of him and involuntarily unites with those closest to them 74. So, when considering the New Testament language in its connection with the language of the people, we see the sacred saying fulfilled (Matthew 21:16): κατηρτίσω αἶνον. Cp. Prof. Ed. Norden, Antike Kunstprosa, S. 509 (817 f.), 538. Cp. Prof. Gustaf Dalman, Worte Jesu 1 (Leipzig L898), S. 45 ff. Ad. Deismann, Licht vom Osten, S. 2 50. As for new formations and transformations on the part of Christianity in the linguistic field, one can currently judge at least from the reports of missionaries on biblical translations into unknown languages. K. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie (Leipzig 1 1903), S. 149 ff. François Cumont, Die orientalischen Religionen im römischen Heidentum (Leipzig und Berlin 1910), S, 168. Cp. also Prof. C. Clemen, Der Einfluss der Mysterienreligionen auf das älteste Christentum, Giessen 1913. On the question of the relation of the mysteries to Christianity, see Prof. N. N. Glubokovsky, The Gospel of St. Apostle Paul according to his origin and essence, book. II (SPb., 1910), pp. 99, 7, 166, 1147 ff., 1159 ff., 1170–1175, 1181–1186, 1195, 1196, 1197, 213. Prof. R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, ihre Grundgedanken und Wirkungen (Leipzig und Berlin 1910), S. 71, 75, 81. "Theologische Literaturzeitung" 1912, Nr. 17, Sp. 522 f. in the report edited by prof. Kögel's new, 10th edition of the Kremer Dictionary. See Prof. George Milligan, The New Testement Documents, p. 58–59: “it would be somewhat redundant to say that the word ἀγάπη was born in the depths of revealed religion, but it is remarkable that not a single completely clear example of its use has been found in secular Greek literature, and it is so characteristic of the biblical writings that it can be considered its own for them in the fullness of the special meaning assimilated here.” Wed. and Prof. S. M. Zarina, Modern discoveries in the field of papyri and inscriptions in their relation to the New Testament (St. Petersburg, 1914), p. 60. See Proff about this term. James Hope Moulton und George Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament illustrated from the Papyri and other non-literary Sources, Part I (for which see Rex. Prof. James Moffatt "The Exportier" 1915, II, p. 189–192), London 1914, p. 2, and "The Exposieory Times" XXVI, 3 (London: December 1914, p. 139 a). However, Prof. J. H. Moulton (A Grammar p. 49; Einleitung. S. 72) expresses doubts against such a guess. We cannot help but cite here at least one example of Luke’s accuracy in conveying facts: in the Book of Acts (Acts 19:27), the silversmith Demetrius speaks of the Ephesian Artemis ἡ μεγάλη θεά, and in Art. 37 (Acts 19:37) γραμματεύς calls her ἡ θεός ἡμῶν. And, indeed, ἡ θεός is the classical form, and more importantly, it is often found in the Magnesian inscription as a designation of the great goddess of the city. This “official” form is what Luke puts into the mouth of the official, while the common man uses the usual common colloquial form. Consequently, Luke carefully and deliberately allowed these variations (cf. A. T. Robertson, Kurzgefasste Grammatik des neutestamentl. Griechisch, Leipzig 1911, S. 42). Prof. J. H. Moulton (A Grammar, p. 50; Einleitung, S. 74) wishes to restore precisely this form, at least in John and even in Mark. This phenomenon dates back to Western Greek influence. But the end of 3 l. plural the numbers of the aorist in N.Z., it seems, have not yet penetrated into the region of 3 l. plural numbers of the past imperfect tense (Prof. J. H. Moulton, A Grammar. pp. 51 52; Einleitung, S. 76). For many other details see Ad. Deissmann, Neue Bibelstudien S. 17 ff. (and in English: Bible Studies, Edinburgh 21909, p. 189 sqq.), A. T. Robertson, Kurzgefasste Grammatik des neutestamentl. Griechisch (Leipzig 1911), S. 59 ff. Winer-Schmiedel, Grammatik in the relevant departments. If, by careful comparison of linguistic features in manuscripts and inscriptions belonging to a certain time, a coherent “internal history” in the development of κοινὴ could be presented, if we had before us in full the distinctive features of the Egyptian, Syrian, Asia Minor κοινὴ, then we would be able to quite accurately determine the manuscripts of N.Z. But κοινὴ can help and in resolving some issues of New Testament introduction. According to the traditional church view, the writings of the Apostle John the Theologian See Hermes, Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6. Wed. about this from prof. N. N. Glubokovsky, The Gospel of St. Apostle Paul I (St. Petersburg 1906), pp. 726, 215; II. pp. 1175, 1204, and prof. S. M. Zarina, Modern discoveries in the field of papyri and inscriptions in their relation to the New Testament, pp. 96 ff. According to this, one could understand the peculiar phrase in the Gospel of John (John 1:18): ὁ ὢν εἰς τον κόλπον τοῦ πατρός - “He who is in the bosom of the Father,” literally in classical Greek - “He who is within in the bosom of the Father.” But the preposition εἰς from wine. pad. could be used instead of ἐν from dates. fallen, and then this saying would express that the Logos (Son) exists within, in the bosom of the Father. However, Prof. L. Radermacher, Grammatik, S. 158 does not want and does not advise relying much on grammar, considering it possible to see only grammatical carelessness of construction here. Likewise Schmiedel. But in this case we fall into arbitrariness. Cp. Prof. J. H. Moulton, A Grammar, b. 122 sqq.; Einleitung, S. fi., 199, where lists are given for individual books of N.Z. A Grammar, p. 126; Einleitung, S. 204–205. It is noteworthy that the peacock scholar Luke, who wrote for linguistic Christians, uses the imperative mood of the present tense 27 times versus the subjunctive mood of the aorist 19 times; Matthew has the ratio 12:29, Mark has 8:9, John in the Gospel and Epistles has 19:1, Paul has 47:8, James has 7:2. A Grammar, p. 126; Einleitung, S. 204. A Grammar, p. 149, Einleitung, pp. 234–235. A Grammar, p. 166; Einleitung, S. 260. A Grammar, p. 192; Einleitung, S. 303. Wed. above ὅ μή with subjunctive. aorist. See especially Licht vom Osten. S. 2168 ff. See prof. on this subject. N. N. Glubokovsky, The Gospel of St. Apostle Paul I, p. LXIX; II, pp. 951–952, 953 ff., 1112, 1159, 1244, 1245, and in prof. S. M. Zarina, Modern discoveries in the field of papyri and inscriptions in their relation to the New Testament, p. 110 sp. Wed. This is why the new work of Prof. Ed. Norden'a, Agnostos Theos. (Leipzig 1913). The detailed instructions of Prof. are also worthy of great attention. Joh. Weiss in the article “Neutestamentliche Literatur” in the encyclopedia “Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart” 111, S. 2202 ff., where the author greatly cools the hot exaggerations about the rapprochement of the New Testament writings with secular ones. Cp. Karl Dick, Der schriftstellerische Plural bei Paulus, Halle a. S. 1900 See about papyri y Prof. J. H. Moulton in The Expositor (London) 1903, II, p. 107. But see also Rev. E. H. Askwith, "I" and "We" in the Thessalonian Epistles in The Expositor 1911, 11, p. 149–159. The work was performed in Essentuki and Zheleznovodsk (Terek region) in July-August 1914. You might be interested in: