Chetya-Minea of ​​Metropolitan Dimitry of Rostov: (On the issue of confessionalization in Russia at the turn of the 17th – 18th centuries)

Abstract: . "Cheti-Minea" Metropolitan. Demetrius of Rostov became the most significant literary work created in the Orthodox world at the turn of the 17th-18th centuries. This was due to the process of confessionalization of the Orthodox society of the Russian state, similar to similar processes that took place in Catholic and Protestant countries. “Cheti-Minea” was written as a book that would introduce a wide range of readers to examples of pious Christian life, and also demonstrate the rich history of the holiness of the Orthodox Church, which was relevant for polemics with Catholics. The creation of the “Chetiy-Menai” demonstrated the unity of goals set for themselves by representatives of the intellectual elite of the Great Russian and Little Russian churches, as well as the spiritual needs of the Great Russian and Little Russian societies. The religious culture of early modern Europe in world historiography for several decades has usually been viewed through the prism of confessionalization. This term refers to the process of formation of Christian confessions of the New Age, which had a significant impact on the cultural and social life of Christian countries. The concept of confessionalization appeared in historical scholarship in the 1980s thanks to the works of German scientists W. Reinhard and H. Schilling, dedicated to the history of Early Modern Germany. 1 Their approach boiled down to the fact that since in Europe of the late Middle Ages and early modern times religion was closely connected with politics, and the church with the state, then the divisions and conflicts of Christian denominations of the second half of the 16th - 17th centuries. affected not only the sphere of religion, but also the socio-political system as a whole. This set of interconnected religious, political, social changes, which led to the political-religious integration of society and the implementation in practice of the principle: “Whose power, his faith,” was called “confessionalization.” Reinhard and Schilling stated that confessionalization was usually carried out “from above,” by state power, and emphasized the close connection of confessionalization with the formation of the early modern state. In their opinion, confessionalization, in most cases, strengthened the ties between the state and society, thereby becoming the first phase of “social discipline” 2 (i.e., the formation of absolutism). At the same time, conflicts between faiths hampered the cohesion of society. Thus, the role of confessionalization in the formation of the modern state was twofold. V. Reingard identified the following “methods” or “mechanisms” of confessionalization. The first is the establishment of “pure, true doctrine” and its formulation in a written confession of faith. This made it possible to clearly distinguish denominational churches from one another and eliminate possible misunderstandings. The second is the dissemination and implementation of these formulated norms (for example, through oaths). This allowed the church and state to eliminate dissenters and be confident in the religious orthodoxy of those who occupied key positions in the church and society: theologians, priests, teachers, and secular officials. The third is propaganda and censorship: that is, using the printing press to propagate one’s ideas on the one hand and preventing rival churches and religious movements from accessing it on the other. Fourth, the introduction of new norms into everyday life, first of all through education, but also through catechesis, preaching, pilgrimages, etc. Fifth, the discipline of the population: control over religious minorities or their expulsion made it possible to make a religious group as homogeneous as possible. Sixth – rituals and control over participation in rituals and sacraments. Participation in such sacraments as baptism and marriage was controlled through written registration. Seventh – changes in language. As an example, Reinhard cites the fact that Catholics often named their children after saints, but this was expressly prohibited in Calvinist Geneva. Despite the controversy regarding both the basic provisions of the concept of confessionalization and private details, such as the role of the state and chronological boundaries, the confessionalization paradigm has proven its research potential and contributed to the emergence of numerous works devoted to the analysis of confessionalization processes in various European countries. 3 Memoria y Civilización (My C), 4, 2001, 93–114. A number of aspects of the religious and social life of Eastern Europe have already been considered in historiography from the point of view of confessionalization. However, researchers were attracted, first of all, by the Orthodox societies of Western Russian lands, in particular by the Union of Brest of 1596 and its consequences in the first half of the 17th century. 4 Meanwhile, even a superficial glance at the rich and turbulent church history of Russia in the second half of the 17th - early 18th centuries. makes it possible to assume that a confessional approach to the study of this period will be very fruitful. The chronological discrepancy between the period under consideration and the traditionally defined time frame of confessionalization (1550s - 1650s) should not confuse us. In historiography, it has been argued that the chronology of confessionalization in Eastern Europe differed from Western and Central Europe. Thus, in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the classical signs of confessionalization (a clear formulation of the tenets of faith of various faiths, the persecution of dissidents, the “merger” of state power and Catholicism) are fully manifested only in the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries. 5 It can be assumed that this is also true for Russia. After all, the main signs of confessionalization in this period appear very clearly, although, of course, Orthodox confessionalization had its own specifics. The issue of establishing the “pure, true doctrine” of Orthodoxy was not resolved after the council in Iasi in 1642 approved, with amendments, the text of the Orthodox Catechism of Metropolitan. Peter's Mogila. Disagreements over the issue of the boundaries of the Orthodox Church led to the Schism in the Russian Church of 1666–1667. 6, and the polemics of “Grecophiles” and “Latinizers” of the late 1680s. The struggle for orthodoxy was reflected in the text of the rank of episcopal installation, which during the second half of the 17th century. was supplemented and expanded depending on what threat of deviations from the “true doctrine” seemed greatest. 7 The role of the press and literature in the church and public life of Russia in the second half of the 17th century. was also extremely high. The schism that shook the Russian church gave the issues of “book law” and the printing of liturgical books national significance. At the same time, numerous polemical works were created directed against the heterodox, 8 and the theological disputes of the late 1680s - early 1690s were reflected in numerous journalistic and theological works. 9 Tightening control over religious minorities was expressed not only in the persecution of Old Believers and securing a special status for them under Peter I, 10 but also in the eviction of Moscow Catholics and Protestants to a separate German settlement, carried out by Nikon in the 1650s. 11 Religious discipline, one of the striking features of confessionalization, is clearly visible in the religious policy of Peter I and has already attracted the attention of researchers. So, A.S. Lavrov in his work “Religion and Witchcraft in Russia 1700–1740.” shows that the Petrine government consistently strengthened control over the observance of religious orthodoxy, and he perceived the church as an agent of the state in building a “regular” society. Thus, the decree of 1718, which prescribed mandatory annual confession with an entry in confession books and was closely related to the introduction of the poll tax, 12 was a logical continuation of the policy of religious discipline that began with Alexei Mikhailovich’s support of the ideas of the “God-lovers” in the middle. XVII century 13 Another feature of confessionalization, or rather, the method of its implementation, was the communication of the norms of religious life to the population. This purpose was served by numerous church literature intended for clergy and laity, such as books about pious life, sermons, lives of saints, instructive dramas, and collections of chants. 14 Therefore, for the study of Orthodox confessionalization, such a large-scale monument of Orthodox church literature from the late 17th century to the beginning is of particular interest. XVIII centuries like the Chet'i-Minea, a multi-volume collection of the lives of saints. The author of the Chetiy Menaion was one of the most famous Orthodox Western Russian preachers of the late 17th century. Dimitry Tuptalo. After graduating from the Kiev-Mohyla College, Demetrius took monastic vows in 1668. Thus, he connected his life with the Little Russian Church, turning to the circle of such outstanding theologians and preachers as Varlaam Yasinsky, Innokenty Gisel, John Maksimovich, Ioanniky Galatovsky, Lazar Baranovich, Melety Dzik. The abilities of the young monk did not go unnoticed: In 1675, after his ordination as a hieromonk by Chernigov Archbishop Lazar Baranovich, Dimitri was left in Chernigov as a preacher. In 1677–1678 he makes trips to Lithuanian monasteries, visits Vilna and Slutsk, where the monks were so pleased with his sermons that they did not want to let him go for a long time, despite the insistent demands of the clergy from Chernigov. 15 Returning from Lithuania, Dimitri becomes a preacher at the St. Nicholas Baturinsky Monastery. 16 In 1684, Demetrius was appointed treasurer, i.e. preacher of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra. 17 He preaches numerous sermons on a variety of topics, which are later published in printed form. Largely thanks to his eloquence, Demetrius is widely known as a talented and highly educated preacher. Therefore, when in 1700 the tsar turned to the Kyiv Metropolitan Varlaam Yasinsky with a request to send an abbot or archimandrite capable of organizing large-scale missionary work to the Siberian metropolitans, 18 Demetrius’s candidacy was considered the most suitable. However, circumstances were such that Dimitri did not go to Tobolsk, and in 1701, after a year spent in the capital, he was ordained metropolitan of Rostov. Meanwhile, we know that Demetrius did not consider it possible to limit his activities to just delivering sermons. 19 In 1708, he wrote: “My rank, which I am not worthy of, must preach the word of God not just with the tongue, but also with the writing hand.” 20 The most significant event of Dimitri Tuptalo as a writer during the Rostov period of his life was that in 1705 he completed work on the main work of his life - a collection of Lives of Saints, Chetami-Minaia. To understand the significance of the Chetiy-Menai of Demetrius Tuptalo for his contemporaries, one should look at them in the context of the church situation of that time. In the Catholic Church in the 16th and early 17th centuries. A number of large-scale collections of ancient hagiographical monuments, translated into Latin, are being created. These studies were of great importance for the process of confessionalization; on their basis, Catholic theologians wrote works intended for worship, as well as for reading by the laity. In Slavic countries, the most significant work of this kind was “Żywoty Swętyh” by the outstanding Jesuit preacher Peter Skarga (1579). This book was short stories about common Christian and Catholic saints, presented in monthly order. The main advantages of the work were the completeness and breadth of coverage of the lives of Christian ascetics, good style and simplicity of presentation. Skarga's work was popular among both Catholics and Orthodox Christians in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. 21 Moreover, according to the testimony of Metropolitan Varlaam of Kyiv, even Orthodox priests sometimes read excerpts from the lives of Skarga during divine services. 22 The reason for this was that after the turbulent Middle Ages, the Western Russian lands were extremely poor in Orthodox hagiographic works. The Little Russian clergy began to realize this already in the 16th century. The development of publishing activities of Orthodox printing houses, which have been working particularly fruitfully since the second quarter of the 17th century, was only able to partially eliminate this shortcoming. 23 However, even the most extensive of the printed books were only collections of selected lives of saints, they were often written in Polish, or were generally adapted translations of Polish literary hagiographic works like Skarga's collection. This circumstance caused numerous ridicule from Catholic publicists and served as a reason for them to once again declare that Orthodoxy is nothing more than a distorted version of Catholicism. The Western Russian Orthodox Church required the Chetya-Minea, collections of biographies of Orthodox saints, presented chronologically according to the days of their memory. For the first time, the idea of ​​​​the need to create the Chetiy Menaion was expressed by Metropolitan Peter Mogila in the 1640s. However, attempts to compile similar collections over the next forty years were never successful, both due to political turmoil and a lack of sources. 24 In Muscovite Rus' the situation was better. Here in the Middle Ages there was more hagiographic material. Moreover, in the middle of the 16th century. Metropolitan Macarius compiled the Chetii-Minea, which collected all the translated hagiographic material available in Rus', as well as the lives of Russian saints who had been canonized by that time. In addition to the lives of the saints, Metropolitan Macarius’ Chetya-Minaia also included “all works of dogmatic, moralizing and even legendary Christian literature known in his time,” 25 which made them a unique church-literary collection. In the middle of the 17th century. based on the work of Metropolitan. Macarius composed two more Chetya-Menaia. 26 Meanwhile, the Chetya-Minea created in Muscovite Rus' had a number of shortcomings: they were written on the basis of only sources available in the North-West, numerous rhetorical embellishments made it difficult to understand the content, and most importantly, they existed only in a small number of lists. Thus, the need for Orthodox Chetya-Menaia in the last quarter of the 17th century existed both in Great Russia and in Little Russia. In 1684, Varlaam Yasinsky, who held the post of rector of the Kiev-Mohyla College from 1669–1673, 27 was elected rector of the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra. He immediately resumed work on preparing the edition of Chetiy-Minea. Varlaam considered Dimitri Tuptalo, who had been known to him since the 1660s, the most suitable person to carry out this colossal work. After persistent persuasion, Demetrius gave his consent and on May 6, 1684, a special council of elders and brethren of the Lavra, chaired by Varlaam Yasinsky, solemnly entrusted Demetrius with the obedience to compile the book of Lives of the Saints. 28 Dimitri Tuptalo's work took twenty years, from 1684 to 1705. The first volume (September-November) was published in 1689, the second (December-February) in 1695, the third in March-May in 1700 and the fourth (June-September) in 1705. The books were printed in the printing house of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra. The most important feature of the work of Metropolitan. Demetrius was oriented towards the presentation of specific historical facts of the lives of saints, processed literary. Demetrius turned directly to Greek, Latin and Slavic sources. At the same time, Greek hagiography was used based on Latin translations from Western hagiographic collections. Among the main ones: the work of Abbot Lawrence Surius “Vita sanctorum orientis et occidentis”, the 18-volume edition of the Bollandists “Acta Sanctorum”, the works of Cardinal Baronius on the history of the church, various handwritten Slavic Chetya, “Great Chetya-Menaion” by Met. Macarius, Slavic Printed Prologue, Kiev-Pechersk Patericon, interpretations of the Bible by Cornelius and Lyapida, Slavic liturgical books (Lenten and Colored Triodion) and many others. 29 Thus, Demetrius attracted all available Slavic and Latin sources, while priority was given to the Makaryev Chetyam-Minea. A wide variety of information was compared with each other and processed in such a way that a short story was written about each saint mentioned in the monthly book, which, in addition to historical facts, also had a moralizing content. Demetrius’s method of presentation was also new: “His task was to convey, as far as possible, the entire story of the saint’s life, in its exploits and deeds, but to convey it simply, without unnecessary words and stylistic embellishments.” 30 This required high literary skill from the author. Writing an essay that would become a kind of compedium of examples of pious life for Orthodox Christians required a huge amount of work. And here the strength of Dimitri alone was not enough. In Ukraine, Dimitri could enjoy the support of his Kyiv colleagues, among whom were such scholars as Metropolitan. Varlaam Yasinsky. After arriving in Rostov, Dimitri’s communication with the people of Kiev became extremely difficult. But he got the opportunity to communicate in the intellectual environment of Moscow Rus'. The relations that connected Dmitry of Rostov with this circle of people began to develop even before the arrival of the future bishop in Moscow in 1701. They began with the visit of Karion Istomin to Ukraine in the fall of 1696, when he visited Demetrius and gave him the Makaryev Chetya-Menaion sent by Patriarch Adrian. Probably, a meaningful conversation took place between Karion and Demetrius, highly educated people who care about Orthodox education. Returning to Moscow, Karion, of course, told his friends about Demetrius and his works. Soon, in 1697, Hieromonk Feolog sent two letters to Demetrius, and a correspondence began between them. At first, its tone is distantly polite and its topic concerns the third volume of Chetiy-Minea, which Theologist asked the author as a gift. In 1701, Dimitri came to Moscow, where he spent the whole year. During this period of time, Demetrius had many meetings and conversations with Feolog and Karion Istomin, as well as their acquaintances from the Printing House and the Chudov Monastery. Thus, Dimitry Rostovsky personally became acquainted with the intellectual elite of Moscow at the turn of the century. Their relationship quickly moved from respectful business to confidential personal. When Demetrius became seriously ill in the summer of 1701, he was cared for by Feolog, Karion Istomin and the miracle cellarer Joasaph Koldychevsky. 31 Such close relations with the employees of the Moscow Printing House were important for Dmitry. After all, the Moscow Printing House occupied a special place in the church and cultural life of Russia. One of the main tasks of church authorities in Russia in the second half of the 17th century, starting with Patr. Nikon was the distribution of corrected and uniform liturgical books. The Moscow Printing House was responsible not only for publishing, but for correcting and preparing liturgical texts for printing. For this responsible work, clergymen known for their education were involved, and only occasionally laymen. 32 The importance of their work was emphasized by the fact that the employees of the Printing House received salaries from the royal treasury, and before going to press, the book had to be read in the presence of the patriarch, after which the official ceremony of presenting it to the king and patriarch followed. The most educated people of the Russian Church, those close to the patriarch, and those entering the royal palace became the enquirers of the Printing House. When Dmitry went to Rostov, the employees of the Printing House were already his close friends, with whom he maintained constant correspondence and consulted. This acquaintance played a big role in the future life of the Rostov Metropolitan. After all, Dimitri’s circle of Moscow friends was a kind of center of cultural life in Russia. Karion Istomin was not only a highly educated man, but also had extensive connections in the church and court environment, and knew the problems and needs of the Great Russian Church. Feodor Polikarpov successively led the Slavic-Greek-Latin Academy and the Moscow Printing House, the main intellectual centers of the Great Russian Church. Finally, Theologian was not only a personal friend of Demetrius, but also, as a monk of the Chudov Monastery, he was the heir to a long-standing book and theological tradition, founded under Patriarch Nikon by the many learned Epiphanius Slavinetsky. 33 Demetrius began turning to Theologist and his friends for materials for the Lives soon after he began work on this work in Rostov. Dimitri arrived in Rostov in the spring of 1702. And in November 1703, in a letter to Feolog, he thanks him for sending the Life of Tsarevich Demetrius (however, stipulating that he had already written “the story of St. Demetrius the Tsarevich” based on the historical and hagiographic materials available to him in Rostov.) 34 and asks to send him the lives of the saints. Jacob of Rostov and Yaroslavl princes Vasily and Konstantin. In a letter dating from the second half of 1704, Demetrius asks Theologist the memory of which of the two Old Testament prophet Micah, who bore this name, is celebrated on January 5 and what other information is reported about him. 35 In the next letter, he asks to clarify from the Makaryevsky menaions how the name of Saint Equtius sounds in the Russian version. 36 Even after Demetrius completed work on the last, fourth, volume of the Chetiy-Minea in May 1705, his work was not finished. At the beginning of 1706, Demetrius, at the request of the Kyiv Metropolitan Joseph of Krokovsky, began to work on preparing for the republication of the first book of the Chetiy Menaion. In this regard, he turns to Feologu with a request to find the life of St. Venerable in Moscow libraries. Abraham of Rostov and send it to Dimitri. 37 In his search for sources, Dimitri did not limit himself to turning to Moscow acquaintances. In October 1704, he wrote a letter to Novgorod Metropolitan Job with a request to send the lives of the Rostov saints, Venerable. Abraham, saint. Leontius and St. Jacob, as well as information about the history of the Valaam monastery and its abbot Theoktiste, mentioned in the edition of the life of Abraham of Rostov available to Demetrius. 38 This letter serves as the beginning of correspondence between the two metropolitans, which lasted until the death of Demetrius and concerned not only the Chetiy-Menai, but also various issues of church life. Thus, the work on the Chetiy-Minea contributed to the strengthening and expansion of contacts between Little Russian and Great Russian church intellectual circles. The work spent on the preparation of Chetiy-Minea was not in vain. Orthodox Christians in Russia eagerly awaited the publication of each volume of the Chetiy-Menaion. Work on the preparation of the second edition of Chetiy-Minea began immediately after the completion of work on the first, which indicated the extraordinary demand for the book. However, the second edition was printed after the death of Dmitry of Rostov: the first three volumes were published, respectively, in 1711, 1714, and 1716, the circulation of the fourth volume was burned during a fire in the Lavra in 1718. 39 The reasons for the popularity of Chetiy-Minea were directly related to the process of confessionalization. To prove this, let us list the factors that aroused such interest in the Chetyam-Menai. Firstly, the widest circles of the Orthodox population of Russia - laity, priests, monastics - needed an accessible collection of saints' lives written in understandable language, that is, specific examples of how a Christian should live in order to achieve the goal of his earthly existence - holiness. Secondly, churches and monasteries needed a book that would contain liturgical texts dedicated to each saint from the month book. Thirdly, for polemics with Catholics and Uniates, a collection of Lives of the Saints was needed, which would be independent of Catholic literature and demonstrate the rich history of the holiness of the Orthodox Church after the 11th century and its continuity with the ancient church. This coincides with the characteristic features of the process of confessionalization, including: the desire to root faith in the everyday life of the population, the streamlining of worship, the desire to “disassociate” from other faiths, emphasizing existing differences. 40 The history of the creation of Chetiy-Minea shows that all these features were common to Great Russia and Little Russia. This fact further emphasizes the fact that church intellectuals from both the Kiev and Moscow circles took part in the creation of the Chetiy Menaion, although the unconditional leadership belonged to the people of Kiev. Based on this, we can say that the Chetii-Minea of ​​Demetrius Tuptalo should be considered not only as a literary and theological monument, but also as an expression of a single process of confessionalization that contributed to the integration of the Great Russian and Little Russian societies into the con. XVII – beginning XVIII centuries See Reinhard W. Gegenreformation als Modernisierung? Prolegomena einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters // Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 1977, No. 68. P. 226–251; Reinhard W. Zwang zur Konfessionalisierung? Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters // Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung 1983, No. 10. P. 257–277; Reinhard W. Reformation Counter-Reformation and the Early Modern State. A reassessment // Catholic Historical Review 1989, N. 7. P.383–40; Schilling H. Confessionskonflikt und Staatsbildung. Eine Fallstudie uber das Verhaltnis von religiosem und sozialem Wandel in der Fruhneuzeit am Beispiel der Grafschaft Lippe. Gutersloh, 1981; Schilling H. Die reformierte Konfessionalisierung in Deutschland. Gütersloh, 1986; Schilling H. The Second Reformaton - Problems and Issues. // Religion, Politica, Culture and the Emergence of Early Modern Society. Essays in Germany and Dutch History. Leiden, 1992, pp. 247–301. Those. methodological efforts of the state to introduce certain norms of behavior in society See Ute Lotz-Heumann The Concept of “Confessionalization”: a Historiographical Paradigm in Dispute // Dmitriev M.V. Centrifugal and centripetal trends in the development of European Christianity in the 16th – 17th centuries. // Dmitriev M.V., Florya B.N., Yakovenko S.G. Union of Brest 1596 and the socio-political struggle in Ukraine and Belarus at the end of the 16th – beginning of the 17th centuries. Part 1. Union of Brest 1596. Historical reasons. M.: “Indrik”, 1997. P.26–28; Dmitriev M.V. Church brotherhoods of the Kyiv Metropolis at the end of the 16th century: the result of “Orthodox confessionalization”? // Comparative history: methods, tasks, prospects. Sat. articles. / Rep. ed. M.Yu. Paramonova. M., 2003. Korzo M.A. Social and ethical issues of Catholic and Orthodox church teaching literature of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the 17th century. Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1999; Plokhy S. The Cossacks and Religion in Early Modern Ukraine. Oxford University Press, 2001. See Moritz A., Muller H. Pohlig M. Konfesjonalizacja Rzeczypospolitej Szlacheckiej w XVII i XVIII wieku? // Kwartalnik Historyczny Rocznik, CVIII, 2001, P. 37–46. From the beginning of the 18th century. the process of confessional formalization of the Old Believers begins. See Zhivov V.M. From the church history of the times of Peter the Great: Research and materials. M., 2004. P. 49; Lavrov A.S. Religion and Witchcraft in Russia 1700–1740. M., 2000. pp. 60–74. See Zhivov V.M. Decree. op. pp. 133–229. In Great Russia, “Shield of Faith” by Simeon of Polotsk in 1667 and “Spiritual Homage” by Afanasy Lyubimov in 1682 were written against the Old Believers. In Little Russia, almost every prominent church figure of Little Russia of that time took part in literary polemics with Catholics, especially Ioanniky Galatovsky, who wrote in the 1660s - 1680s many polemical works against Catholics and Uniates, but also against Jews and Muslims. See Bogdanov A.P. Moscow journalism of the last quarter of the 17th century. M., 2001. This act was the culmination of a restrictive policy towards people of other faiths, carried out since the 1620s. Indicative of the cooperation between the state and the church in this matter, characteristic of confessionalization, see Oparina T. A., Orlenko S. P. “Edicts of 1627 and 1652 against “unbaptized foreigners”” // Domestic history. 2005, no. 1, pp. 22–39. See Lavrov A.S. Decree. op. pp. 344–346. Zhivov V.M. Decree. op. P. 51. Schilling H. Confessional Europe // Handbook of European History 1400–1600, ed.T.A. Brady, H. A. Oberman and J. D. Tracey, Leiden 1995. P.653. Shlyapkin I.A. St. Demetrius of Rostov and his time (1651–1709). St. Petersburg, 1891. P. 28. Shlyapkin I.A. Decree. op. pp. 18–38. Shlyapkin I.A. Decree. op. pp. 274–275. It should be noted that the strengthening of the role of preaching in church life is one of the signs of confessionalization (see, for example, Korzo M.A. Social and ethical issues of Catholic and Orthodox church teaching literature of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the 17th century. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1999. P. 4.). In Little Russia of the 17th century. The art of preaching is flourishing; in Great Russia, on the contrary, there are not enough preachers. Fedotova M.A. . Epistolary heritage of Dmitry of Rostov. Research and texts. M. 2005. P. 167. Derzhavin A., prot. They bring joy to the hearts of the faithful. The Chetya-Minea of ​​Metropolitan Demetrius of Rostov as a church-historical and literary monument. M., 2006. Part 1. pp. 80–81. Archive of Southwestern Russia. T . 5, part I. pp. 227–228. Derzhavin A., prot. Decree. op. Part 1. pp. 83–99. Derzhavin A., prot. Decree. op. Part 1. pp. 101–108. Derzhavin A., prot. Decree. op. Part 2. P. 64. Golubev S.T. Kyiv Academy at the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries. Kyiv. 1901. pp. 3–4. Derzhavin A., prot. Decree. op. Part 2. P. 129. See detailed analysis of all sources of Chetii-Minei: Derzhavin A., prot. Decree. op. Part 2. pp. 70–235. Derzhavin A., prot. Decree op. Part 2. P. 297. Fedotova M.A. Decree. op. P. 100. Brailovsky S.N. One of the “variegated” ones of the 17th century. St. Petersburg, 1902. pp. 329–30 See Alekseev M.P. Erasmus of Rotterdam in the Russian translation of the 17th century // Slavic philology. Sat. articles. IV International Congress of Slavists. M., 1958. pp. 275–336. Fedotova M.A. Decree op. pp. 67, 264–265 Fedotova M.A. Decree op. P. 73. Fedotova M.A. Decree. op. P. 83. Description of publications printed in Cyrillic. 1689-January 1725 M.-L. 1958. pp. 182,186,190,208. See Confessionalization in Europe, 1555–1700: Essays in Honor and Memory of Bodo Nischaned. John M. Headley, Hans J. Hillerbrand and Anthony J. Papalas Aldershot, 2004.