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The accession of Alexander and the ingratiation of his rival Demetrius to the Jews who received great benefits (1 Mac. 10: 1–14). Alexander's bounties to Jonathan: high priesthood, purple and golden crown (1 Mac. 10:15–21). New promises of Demetrius to the Jews, which did not meet with the confidence of the latter (1 Mac.10:22–47). The victory of Alexander, the death of Demetrius, the alliance with the Egyptian king, the favor of both kings towards Jonathan (1 Mac. 10: 43–66). The clash of Jonathan with Apollonius, the military leader of Dimitriev, the defeat of the latter, new mercies of Alexander (cf. Antt. XIII, 2, 1–3, etc.) (1 Mac. 10: 67–89). 1 Mac.10:1 In the year one hundred and sixty, Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, came out and took possession of Ptolemais: and they received him, and he reigned there. “In the 160th year” (e. Seleucus), i.e. - 152 BC. Alexander is called here ό τού ᾿Αντίοχου - “son of Antiochus”. According to Liv. Epit. 52 – he was homo ignotus et incertae stirpis, and according to Diodor. (Muller, Fragm. hist. Graec. ll praef. p. XII, p. 14) there lived in Smyrna a boy named Balas, who was very similar to the deceased king Antiochus Eupator and the same age as him, and passed himself off as the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, although he was in fact of low birth (cf. Ios. Antt. XIII, 4, 8 - Αλεξανδρος ο Βαλας λεγόμενος ). - This imaginary son of Antiochus Epiphanes - Attalus II, king of Pergamum, put forward as a contender for the Syrian crown, and - through the former treasurer under Antiochus Epiphanes - Heraclides - presented the young man with a certain maiden Laodicea (the real or imaginary daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes) to the Roman Senate, so that by recognizing them here as the children of Antiochus and by petitioning for help, give weight and strength to them imaginary rights to the Syrian throne. After this, Attalus of Pergamon, with the help of Ptolemy of Egypt and Ariaratus of Cappadocia, assembled a special army for Alexander, with which he went against Demetrius, who had become hated both by the said kings for constant intrigues and warlike enterprises, and by his subjects for arrogance and careless conduct of government affairs (Jos. Fl. Antt. XIII, 2, 1, cf. Polib. Hist. XXXIII, 14 and 16, 7–14, Just XXXV, 1, Appian Syr. 67). - Alexander took possession of Ptolemais - according to Joseph - έκ προδοσίας των ένδοθεν στρατιωτών (through the betrayal of soldiers). 1 Mac.10:2-3 When King Demetrius heard about this, he gathered a very large army and went out to war against him. And Demetrius sent letters to Jonathan with a peace proposal, as if wanting to exalt him, "Exalt..." μεγαλύνειν - not in the sense of “to praise”, “to flatter”, but precisely - “to elevate with great power and princely dignity”. 1Mac 10:4-6 For he said, Let us warn you to make peace with him before he makes peace with Alexander against us: then he will remember all the evil that we have done against him and his brothers and his people. And he gave him the power to recruit an army and prepare weapons to be his ally, and ordered him to give him the hostages who were in the fortress. Although Bacchides had made peace with Jonathan some time before, that peace was more like a suspension of hostilities - a truce - and if it had not yet been reviewed and approved by the king himself, it could, obviously, now be offered again on conditions that were even more understandable for Jonathan and durable for Demetrius. 1Mac 10:7-8 Jonathan came to Jerusalem and read the letters in the hearing of all the people and of those in the fortress; and they were all afraid with great fear when they heard that the king had given him the power to recruit an army; Granted to Jonathan the “power to raise an army,” etc., led everyone into great fear, that is, not only the Syrian garrison, but also the inhabitants of the city: the pagan-minded party, which could be the salvation in Jerusalem, was in fear of Jonathan’s revenge, the faithful Jews could also be frightened by the expectation of a new war, and in any case by the fact that the Syrian garrison would not leave Jerusalem peacefully, and Jonathan will have to force him out by force. 1Mac 10:9-11 And those who were in the fortress delivered the hostages to Jonathan, and he returned them to their parents. And Jonathan lived in Jerusalem; and he began to build and renew the city, and told those who carried out the work that they should build walls around Mount Zion as a solidity with square stones, and they did so. "The Walls and Around Mount Zion." - τα τείχη καί τό ορός Σιων, - not just - the walls around Zion, but τα τείχη, i.e. the walls of the city, in which, since the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (I, 33), the Davidic city (Zion), turned into a fortress, was not considered (acres) - and then separately and τό ορός Σιων - Mount Zion, that is, the walls around Mount Zion. 1 Mac 10:12 Then the foreigners who were in the fortresses built by Bacchides fled: “Foreigners who were in the fortresses...” - these are, apparently, not soldiers of the Syrian garrison, but - actually - foreigners (αλλογενείς), non-Jews - from those who settled in these fortresses. 1Mac 10:13-18 Each one left his place and went to his own country. Only in Bethsura were some of those who left the law and commandments left, for this place served as a refuge for them. And King Alexander heard about the promises that Demetrius had sent to Jonathan, and they told him about the wars and brave deeds that Jonathan and his brothers had accomplished, and about the difficulties they had suffered. Then he said: Will we ever find such a husband as this? Let us make him our friend and ally. And he wrote and sent him a letter in these words: “King Alexander to brother Jonathan - rejoice. Alexander calls Jonathan “Brother” here as a sign of his special fraternal disposition and friendship towards him. - “Rejoice...” χαίρειν - according to the Hebrew ... - the usual greeting formula at the beginning of letters, is mentioned not only in our book, but also in the New Testament (Acts XV:23, XXIII, 26; James I, 1). 1 Mac 10:19 We have heard about you that you are a man strong in strength and worthy to be our friend. “We heard...” the plural, in which royal persons usually refer to themselves to this day in decrees and messages, although there are cases of using the singular (2 Mac IX: 20 et c.; Ezra IV: 8–22, VII: 12 et c.; Dan III, 98 et c.; Dan IV: 1 et c.; Dan VI: 25 et c.). 1 Mac 10:20 Therefore we have now appointed thee high priest of thy people; and you will be called the king’s friend (he sent him purple and a golden crown) and you will keep our side and maintain friendship with us.” The high priesthood, according to the Mosaic Law, was hereditary, and succession was determined by the right of primogeniture, so there was nothing to think about “ordaining” a high priest by secular authority. But with the introduction of royal power, the high priesthood became subordinate to the power of the king, so that Solomon already deposed Abiathar for high treason (1 Kings II: 26–27), although without violating the legal right of succession. Next to Abiathar there was then another equal high priest of the Eleazarian line - Zadok, and through the resignation of the first it was even achieved that the high-priestly dual power that had been strengthened since the anarchic time of the Judges - the Eleazarids and the Ithamarids - was stopped, and a certain and more legal order was restored. This order - the legacy of the high priesthood in one specific clan - Zadok - continued not only until the Babylonian captivity, but also further - until the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, without any particularly drastic violations or interventions by secular authorities. Such interference and encroachment on this focal point of theocratic religion on the part of secular power begins, in fact, with the degeneration of the high priesthood itself. So, after Alexander the Great, when the Hellenistic-pagan way of life was more and more instilled in Judaism, having found followers in the high priestly family itself, it became possible that the Greek-philating Jason sought the high priestly title for money from Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mac IV: 7 etc.), and from here it was not far from the fact that the pagan kings - the owners of Judea - took into their own hands the right to appoint high priests according to their own arbitrariness, determined either by political goals or by grossly self-interested ones, such as improving their finances; at best, this right was the right of confirmation and recognition of those who entered into the inheritance of the high priesthood. After the death of Alcimus (IX: 56), whom Antiochus Eupator imposed on the Jews by force (see VII: 5), the high priestly place remained unoccupied for 7 years. Now Alexander makes use of this right of his predecessors and calls Jonathan to the high priesthood. And Jonathan could accept this title, since from the house of Jesus, which since the captivity had exercised high priestly service, now - after the death of Onias III and the departure of his son to Egypt (cf. Ios. Ann. XIII, 3, 1) - there was no other legitimate successor. The only such successor was Jonathan. – The translation of verse 20 is more accurately maintained in the Slavic than in the Russian text, retaining vague moods depending on “we deliver”: καθεστακαμε v… καί φρονείν … καί συντηρείν – “we have delivered… a friend of the Tsar” show off and become wise with us and provide friendship...” - Porphyra and the golden crown - their own signs of royal dignity - were often given by kings, as a sign of special mercy and favor, to high-ranking and most honored persons (cf. Esther VIII:15, as well as in our book X:62, 64, XI:58 and 2 Mac IV:38). 1 Mac 10:21 And Jonathan put on the holy robe in the seventh month of the hundred and sixtieth year, on the feast of tabernacles, and gathered an army and prepared many weapons. What the Maccabees could not achieve with all their victorious exploits - freedom of the people from the yoke of the Syrians and independent self-government - all this came completely unexpectedly, thanks to the dispute over the succession to the throne that flared up in Syria. An eloquent expression of this was the endowment of Jonathan with the rank of high priesthood and at the same time with the signs of royal dignity. The mood of the people's minds and the state of their affairs were in perfect harmony with this news. Jonathan had just undividedly captured the sympathies of the people, as a leader who had achieved major successes from the clever use of Demetrius's proposals, which gave him the opportunity to redecorate the priesthood. the city and clear it for the first time of the Syrian garrison. He was fully worthy of the new rank both by his origin and by the rights that had opened up; it was also welcomed as a welcome end to the long 7-year widowhood of the high priestly department, which had tired everyone of waiting for a worthy candidate; finally, the very time of Jonathan’s appointment - for the Feast of Tabernacles - forced us to joyfully welcome his appearance in this rank, without which for so many years the great day of purification that preceded this feast passed with deep sorrow in the people’s consciousness, as a day of unresolved repentance. All this was, obviously, the crown of triumph not only for Jonathan, but in his person - the triumph of the cause of Mattathias and Judas that he inherited - a cause that, through an unexpected combination of such favorable circumstances, became the triumph of the entire people, the triumph of their freedom - brilliant, complete - both religious and political. 1Mac 10:22-24 And Demetrius heard about this and was upset, and said: What have we done, that Alexander warned us to make friendship with the Jews to strengthen ourselves? I will also write to them words of greetings, praise and promises so that they will help me. “Words of greetings, praise and promises...” a very unsatisfactory translation of Demetrius’s thought, more accurately and better expressed in the Slavic text: “petitionary words (παρακλήσεως) and exaltations (καί ίψους) and gifts (καί δομάων) …” - Petitionary words – vol. e. encouraging, comforting words. “Elevation” - that is, not praise only in words, but the actual elevation of their position in the kingdom, the granting of greater rights. “And gifts...” - and not promises, even if in reality it was only a promise. 1 Mac 10:25 And he sent them a letter in these words: “King Demetrius to the people of Judah to rejoice. King Demetrius addresses his message not to Jonathan, like Alexander, but to “the people of Judah.” This is probably explained by the fact that he no longer counted on Jonathan’s personal preference for himself and did not lose hope only for the success of his ingratiations in the more trusting hearts of the people. This hope is immediately visible in his message, which he begins with ingratiating expressions of gratitude for the proven loyalty and immutability of his person. Next, he promises the people all kinds of benefits and gifts. But these promises, which in their reverse side represented only a long list of the extreme oppression of the Jews by taxes and extortions over the past decades, rather showed how severe their captivity was and what hatred their oppressors deserved. On the other hand, most of these new promises and benefits were a simple reversal of what would now have been an unthinkable abuse of Syrian power: such as the return of sacred significance to the city of Jerusalem, the return of the legal purpose to the sacred tithes and church fees that hitherto fell into the pocket of the king, etc. There are also undoubtedly generous concessions from Demetrius to the Jewish people, but in the entire tone with which they were given, it was impossible not to to note that all these proposals, too brilliant to deserve trust, were inspired by a more severe necessity, and most importantly, they were made strongly dependent on the still unresolved dubious fate of Demetrius, whom the people had reason not to trust - and for his personal double-minded character. 1 Mac 10:26-27 We heard and rejoiced that you keep our agreements, remain in friendship with us and do not bend towards our enemies. Continue to remain faithful to us now, and we will reward you with good for what you do for us: “What are you doing for us...” – more precisely, the glory: “do with us.” The Greek ποιείν μετά τίνος is a translation of the Hebrew. - ... - usually in the sense: to do with someone something pleasant for him, as in Ps. CXXV: 3: “The Lord has magnified to do with us...” (cf. Ruth. II, 11 and Ps. CVII, 21 to LXX). – In the Russian language, a similar phrase exists to express something unpleasant done to someone: “what did you do to me?” etc. 1Mac 10:28-29 We will make you many concessions and give you gifts. Now I give you permission and free all Jews from taxes and duties on salt and crowns; “Tariffs on salt...” which was obtained in large quantities from the waters of the Dead Sea. - “...from crowns...”, that is, from golden armbands, which were usually sent as honorary gifts by independent kings and free cities to the rulers of other cities (cf. XIII:37; 2 Mac XIV:4); this is the so-called “coronal collection” - στεφανίτης φόρος (aunim coronarium), mentioned by Cicero (In Pison. p. 37) and in other places in our book (XI:35; XIII:39). 1Mac 10:30 And for the third part of the seeds and the half part of the fruit of the trees, which belongs to me, from now onwards I will abolish taking from the land of Judea and from the three regions annexed to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and forever. This entire verse is clearer and more accurate in the Slavic translation: “and instead of a third of the seed... take what we need...”, i.e., arranging the words more correctly in meaning, we get: ταύ επιβάλλοντος μοι λαβείν αντί τού τρίτου ... - “and the money that follows me (i.e., money) for the third part of the seeds ...", etc. - Here, therefore, redemption money is meant, and not duties on the 3rd part of the seeds, as some thought, putting this verse in close connection with the previous one, and precisely with the expression άπο της τιμής (“from the duty ..."). This kind of tax was so difficult that only the most fertile land could pay for it. - “From three regions annexed to it from Samaria and Galilee...” These three regions are listed by name in XI, 34: Apherema, Lydda and Ramathem (cf. Art. 38). The addition of the further “and Galilee” to the expression “from Samaria” represents a misunderstanding, and should almost be crossed out as an error that does not correspond to reality. If the geographical position of Apherema and Ramathem cannot be determined with accuracy, then, in any case, what is beyond doubt is that no region from Galilee to Judea was then annexed, since both of these countries were separated from each other spatially - by the whole of Samaria. However, some interpreters find it plausible that Galilee is mentioned here as a completely separate country from Samaria and the regions alienated from it to Judea, reading this passage (with occupied after Samaria) in this way: “(I cancel taking) from the land of Judea and from the three regions annexed to it from Samaria, and from Galilee.” Other interpreters explain the appearance of the increase καί τής Γαλιλαίος by the fact that the culprit could have been presented with Demetrius’s promise to cede Ptolemais and her district as a gift to the Jerusalem sanctuary (Art. 39). - It is possible to explain this increase by the writer’s view that Samaria and Galilee represented one whole, due to which - although the remote regions were actually part of Samaria, however - the writer represents them as part of the whole, i.e. Samaria and Galilee together. The reason for the annexation of three regions from Samaria to Judea is more unknown. 1 Mac 10:31 And Jerusalem shall be holy and free, and its borders, its tithes, and its revenues. “Let Jerusalem be holy...” In the edict of Antiochus the Great, according to Ios. Ann. XII, 3, 4, lists in more detail what was supposed to ensure the sacred character of the city: no pagan and foreigner (αλλοφύλω) were allowed to step into the part of the temple barred for them, as well as “unpurified” Jews; further, it was not allowed to bring into the city either meat or skins of unclean animals, and to sacrifice only the animals prescribed in the law of Moses. The mention of the “liberation” of tithes and church revenues itself makes it clear that hitherto these latter were also subject to taxes into the royal treasury, cf. 2Mac XI, 3 - “like other pagan temples.” 1 Mac.10:32-33 I also grant authority over the fortress of Jerusalem and give the right to the high priest to place in it the people whom he himself chooses to guard it; and every man of Judah, taken captive from the land of Judah, in all my kingdom I set free free: let all be free from duties for themselves and for their livestock. “And every man of the Jews...” more precisely, glorious: “and every soul of the Jews...” - πασαν ψυχήν ᾿Ιουδαίων, i.e., man and woman, young and old... 1 Mac.10:34 All the feasts and Sabbaths and new moons, and the appointed days - three days before the feast and three days after the feast - let all these days be days of grace and freedom for all the Jews who are in my kingdom. “Three days before the holiday and three days after the holiday...” necessary for a holiday trip there and back. 1 Mac 10:35-39 No one will have the right to oppress or burden any of them in any matter. And let up to thirty thousand people from the Jews enroll in the royal troops, and they will be given a salary on an equal basis with all the royal troops. And from them let them be appointed as commanders over the great fortresses of the king, from them let them also be appointed over the affairs of the kingdom that require loyalty, and let their officers and commanders be from them, and let them live according to their laws, as the king commanded in the land of Judah. And let the three regions annexed to Judea from the country of Samara remain annexed to Judea, so that they may be considered and be one and not be subject to any other authority than that of the high priest. I give Ptolemais and her surroundings as a gift to the sanctuary in Jerusalem for the costs required for the sanctuary; Demetrius gives Jerusalem Ptolemais, which was already in the hands of King Alexander. A crafty gift is to give what has been taken away in order to take it away again – first with someone else’s hands, and then with your own. The intention here, in any case, was to encourage the Jews to take up arms against Alexander. 1 Mac.10:40-42 But I give annually fifteen thousand shekels of silver from the king’s dues from the appropriate places. And everything else that the collection managers did not donate, as in previous years, will now be donated for the work of the church. Moreover, five thousand shekels of silver, which were taken from the income of the sanctuary from the annual collection, are also given away as belonging to the serving priests. Contributions for the needs of the church were also made earlier by the Persian kings - Darius Hystaspes and Artaxerxes I (Ezra VI:9, VII:21, etc.; Ezra VIII:25), as well as Ptolemy Philadelphus and Antiochus the Great (Jos. Antt. XII, 2, 7; III, 3) and Seleucus Philopator - according to 2 Mac III, 3. - “And everything else that the managers of the collections did not give, as in previous years...”, i.e., even more (τώ πλεονάζον), which was decided to be given to the church during the times of the Persians, Ptolemies and Syrians until Antiochus Epiphanes, and that since the time of this Antiochus, the managers of the collections (οι από των χρειών, cf. XII, 45 and XIII, 37) stopped giving, as was given in previous years ... - “For the work of the church ...” - τα έργα τού οίχου - in the sense of 2 Chronicles XXXV:2; Nehemiah X:33 etc. 1 Mac 10:43 And all who flee to the temple of Jerusalem and to all its borders because of the royal duties and all others, let them be free with everything that belongs to them in my kingdom. Here the temple of Jerusalem with all its borders is promised the right of refuge for insolvent debtors. According to the Mosaic Law, the right of refuge was given only to unwitting murderers both in free cities, and according to ancient custom - at the altar of the tabernacle or church (Ex XXVII: 2; 1 Kings I: 50), but not generally in the church and its precincts, and not for insolvent debtors. This is an extension of the law of asylum of Greek origin (Plutarch. de vilando aere al. p. 3). - “Let them be free with everything that belongs to them in my kingdom...”, that is, nothing from their property should be confiscated or taxed. 1Mac 10:44-45 And for the building and renovation of the sanctuary the costs will be paid out of the king's taxes. And for the construction of the walls of Jerusalem and fortifying them around - the costs will be paid out of the royal income, as well as for the construction of walls in Judea.” “To build walls in Judea...”, that is, in other fortifications of the country. The Slavic translation of the last two verses is more accurate and closer to the original, preserving its vague inclinations: “and to build and renew the works of the saints... and to build the walls of Jerusalem, and to establish the surrounding area... and to build walls in Judea” - for all this “dependence will be given from the royal treasure (collection) ...” (44-45). Finding such promises from Demetrius too generous, some suspected the very authenticity of his message. But one cannot help but see that all these apparently generous promises are made so calculatedly that they do not at all affect the essential interests and supreme power of the king in Judea. Thus, firstly, although he grants the high priest authority over the fortress of Jerusalem and the three districts annexed to Judea (32. 38), from which it seems that all Judea should be subject to the authority of the high priest, - however, he does not clearly declare this, just as he does not say a word about the procedure for occupying the high priestly office, the right of appointment to which the Syrian kings appropriated to themselves from the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, so that the high priest, when he was appointed by the king or confirmed his appointment, was nothing more than the viceroy of the king of Syria. Further, although the high priest is given the right to own the fortress of Jerusalem at his own will, however, the royal letter is silent about the removal of the Syrian garrisons from the remaining Jewish fortresses. The privileges announced in the event of Jews joining the ranks of the king's troops do not provide anything special in comparison with all other subjects of the king. – Secondly, the rest of the king’s promises mainly mean the unhindered practice of the Jewish religion and the issuance of annual benefits for the needs of the church. But the Jews had both under the rule of the Persians, the Ptolemies and the first Seleucids, and were only taken away from them by Antiochus Epiphanes. The promise to assist the treasury in the construction of the walls of Jerusalem and other fortresses of Judea was a kind of “gift of the Danaans,” through which the king could more completely take Judea into his own power, occupying all the Judean fortresses with Syrian garrisons and locking the Jewish detachments in other cities of the province. - Finally, thirdly, only freedom from heavy taxes and levies remains as a valid proof of the royal favor, which was superior to all other subjects and gave the Jews the rights and importance of the royal allies, but this was more dependent on whether Demetrius really wanted to keep all these promises and whether they, like his praise of their loyalty at the beginning of the letter, were not simple captatio benevolentiae?... 1 Mac.10:46-47 Jonathan and the people, having heard these words, did not believe them and did not accept them, for they remembered the great disasters that Demetrius inflicted on the Israelites, cruelly oppressing them, and preferred an alliance with Alexander, for he was the first to make peace proposals to them, and they helped him in wars all the days. As one would expect, the Jews treated Demetrius’s promises with well-deserved contempt (v. 5, cf. VII-IX ch.) and remained on Alexander’s side. - “For he was the first to make peace proposals to them...” - αρχηγός λόγων ειρηνικών, - more precisely, glory: “as this one was the leader of peaceful words...”, i.e. the first (or leader) not in order of time, but - of dignity, authority: “for he was superior, more giving and more reliable in peace proposals." In time, Demetrius, even earlier than Alexander, turned to Jonathan with peace proposals (vv. 3 and 6). 1 Mac.10:48–50 King Alexander gathered a large army and took up arms against Demetrius. And the two kings entered the battle, and Demetrius’s army fled; Alexander pursued him and overcame him, and very persistently continued the battle until the sun set - and Demetrius fell on that day. According to Justin. XXXV, 1, 10 etc. both kings had two battles with each other, of which in our book, like in Jos. Fl., only the second decisive is mentioned. In the first, victory was on the side of Demetrius, and in the same way in the second - it was at first on his side, but - due to an unfortunate adventure with the king (who got stuck in a swamp on his horse) - it ended unfavorably for him, and he himself died. - The duration of his reign is determined from a comparison of VII: 1 with X: 57 - 11 years, probably more than that, which gave Polyvius III, 5, 3 the right to count 12 years. 1 Mac 10:51 After this Alexander sent ambassadors to Ptolemy king of Egypt with these words: Ptolemy, the king of Egypt mentioned here, is Ptolemy VI Philometor, who reigned 180-145 BC, first under the regency of his mother. The name of his daughter is called further - Cleopatra (57th century), born from his marriage with his sister of the same name. 1 Mac.10:52-56 “I returned to the land of my kingdom and sat on the throne of my fathers, took supreme power, crushed Demetrius and became the owner of our country. I entered into battle with him, and he and his army were defeated by us, and we sat on the throne of his kingdom. So, let us now conclude friendship between us, and you give me your daughter as a wife, and I will be your son-in-law and will give you and her gifts worthy of you.” And King Ptolemy answered like this: “Happy is the day on which you returned to the land of your fathers and sat on the throne of their kingdom. Now I will fulfill for you what you wrote about, only you come to me in Ptolemais so that we can see each other, and I will become related to you, as you said.” Ptolemy calls Alexander for a meeting in Ptolemais. Obviously (cf. 1st article), after defeating Demetrius, he settled in the capital of the kingdom - Antioch. Ptolemy's willing consent to become related to Alexander had its own selfish calculations. He hoped in this way to regain his former influence on the affairs of Syria, and, if the occasion was favorable, to regain the provinces lost since the time of Antiochus the Great - Coele-Syria and Phenicia. Further circumstances fully justify these suspicions (chap. XI). 1 Mac 10:57 And Ptolemy himself and Cleopatra his daughter departed from Egypt, and arrived at Ptolemais in the one hundred and sixty-second year. 162nd year. Seleucus. – from autumn to autumn 151–150 BC. 1 Mac.10:58-61 King Alexander met him, and he gave him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage, and arranged her marriage in Ptolemais, as befits kings, with great pomp. King Alexander also wrote to Jonathan asking him to come out to meet him. And Jonathan went to Ptolemais with pomp, and presented himself to both kings and presented them and their close associates with silver and gold and many gifts, and gained their favor. And evil men from among Israel gathered against him, wicked men, to slander him; but the king did not heed them. “Evil men... lawless...”, that is, those who fell away from the law of Moses. 1Mac 10:62-67 And the king commanded that Jonathan's garments should be taken off, and that he should be clothed in purple, and they did so. And the king sat him down with him and said to his rulers: go out with him into the middle of the city and proclaim that no one dares to slander him in any matter and no one bothers him with any matter. When those who slandered saw his glory, how he was proclaimed and how he was clothed in purple, they all fled. So the king glorified him and included him among his first friends, and appointed him a military commander and regional ruler. And Jonathan returned to Jerusalem in peace and joy. But in the year one hundred and sixty-five, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete to the land of his fathers. 165th AD Seleucus. – 147 BC – The Demetrius mentioned here is Demetrius II, nicknamed Nicator (App. Syr. p. 67), the eldest of the two sons of Demetrius Soter. The latter, at the beginning of the war with Alexander, sent them to one of his friends - to the city of Cnidus in Caria with a large treasury, ut belli periculis eximerentur et, si ita fors tulisset, paternae ultioni servarentur (Just). Having received news of the great weakening of Syria, thanks to the excessive luxury and negligence of Alexander, Demetrius II found this time favorable for claiming his rights to the “land of his fathers” and, with an army collected for him by the Cretan Lasthenes, landed in Cilicia (Liv. I. c, lust. I c, Ios. Antt. XlII, 4, 3). 1 Mac 10:68 When King Alexander heard about this, he was very upset and returned to Antioch. "Returned to Antioch..." apparently from Ptolemais (cf. v. 57). 1Mac 10:69 And Demetrius made Apollonius governor of Cole-Syria commander of the army, and he gathered a large army and encamped near Jamnia and sent to Jonathan the high priest, saying: Kele-Syria - Κοίλη Συρία ... - was the closest name to the low-lying plain between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, but sometimes this name was used in such a way that Phenicia and Palestine were thought of in it as far as Raphia (by Polyvius). “Kele-Syria” is also understood here in this broad sense. - Apollonius - apparently the same one from Polyb. XXXI, 19, 6 and 21, 2 - mentioned as σύντροφος and friend of Demetrius I, during his stay in Rome (probably the son of the mentioned 2Mac III, 5-7 - Apollonius). Hence it is clear why he so willingly declared himself for the new contender, the son of his friend Demetrius. 1 Mac 10:70 You are the only one who exalts himself above us, but I was mocked and put to shame through you. Why are you opposing us in the mountains? “I was subjected to ridicule and shame through you...”, i.e., by the fact that until now I allowed you to remain on Alexander’s side, while long ago I should have either subjugated you to the rightful king (Dimitri II) or destroyed you. 1Mac 10:71-72 If you trust in your military strength, then come down to the plain with us, and there we will measure each other, for the army of the cities is with me. Ask and find out who I am and the others who help us, and they will tell you: it is impossible for you to stand before our face, for your fathers were twice put to flight in their land. “Twice were your fathers put to flight in their land.” A hint at two failures of the Maccabean time: the first - either V: 60 (which, however, did not follow “in its own land”) or II: 28. or better yet VI:47 et c.; the second – IX:6, 18. – If you do not understand the expression “thy fathers” in the more precise sense – “thy ancestors”, then in this case Apollonius’ hints could have meant the two most serious defeats of the Jews by the Philistines - one under Elijah the High Priest, when the Ark of the Covenant was captured (1 Kings IV:10), and the other under Saul, when this king himself perished (1 Kings XXXI). 1 Mac 10:73-75 And now you cannot stand against such cavalry and such an army in the plain, where there are neither rocks, nor ravines, nor place for refuge. When Jonathan heard these words of Apollonius, he was moved in spirit and, choosing ten thousand men, left Jerusalem, and his brother Simon came together with him to help him. And he encamped near Joppa; but they did not let him into the city, for Apollonius had guards in Joppa, and they began to fight against them. Joppa - present-day Jaffa, on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, 2 3/4 geographer. miles or 4 1/2 hours from Jamnia, where Apollonius was located (69th century). 1Mac 10:76-77 Then the fearful inhabitants opened the city to him, and Jonathan took possession of Joppa. Hearing about this, Apollonius took three thousand cavalry and a large army and went to Azoth, as if making a transition, and meanwhile he went to the plain, for he had a lot of cavalry and relied on it. About Azotus, see V: 68 - a city in the Sephele valley (on the Mediterranean coast) south of Joppa. 1 Mac.10:78-81 Jonathan pursued him as far as Ashdod, and the troops entered into battle. Meanwhile Apollonius left a thousand horsemen in a hidden place behind them; but Jonathan learned that there was an ambush behind him. And they surrounded his army and threw arrows at the people from morning until evening, but the people stood as Jonathan commanded; Finally the riders got tired. According to Josephus, Jonathan built his army in the Roman style - “turtle”, which made him almost invulnerable to arrows and to the enemy’s cavalry. And when this cavalry was sufficiently tired of unsuccessful attacks and had exhausted its reserves of arrows, the “turtle” opened up and, at the same time as Simon struck from an ambush, drove the enemy away. 1Mac.10:82-83 Then Simon brought up his army and attacked the detachment, for the horsemen were exhausted, and they were defeated by him and fled. And the horsemen scattered across the plain and fled to Azoth, and entered Bethdagon, their church, to escape. “Betdagon...” – Βηθδαγών – 1 Kings V: 2 – “church of Dagon,” the main idol of the Philistines, depicted as half-man, half-fish (the head and arms are human, the body and tail are fish). 1Mac 10:84-86 But Jonathan burned Azoth and the surrounding cities and took their spoils, and burned the church of Dagon with fire with those who fled to it. And there were up to eight thousand men who fell by the sword and were burned. Departing from there, Jonathan pitched his camp opposite Ascalon; but the inhabitants of the city came out to meet him with great honor. Ascalon is an ancient Philistine city on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea south of Azoth - now only ruins remain of it (destroyed by the Turks in the 13th century). 1 Mac 10:87-89 And Jonathan returned with all that were with him to Jerusalem, having with him much spoil. When King Alexander heard about these events, he again honored Jonathan and sent him a gold buckle, which was customary for royal relatives, and gave him Ekron and its entire region as hereditary possession. About the “golden buckle” see also XI: 58 and XIV: 44. - In addition to the royal relatives in the proper sense, this distinction was given to other most distinguished persons who enjoyed the special favor of the king, like the current royal order of St. Andrew the First-Called. – Ekron – Ακκαρών – one of the five main cities of the Philistines, on the border of Judea on the site of the present village of Akir. The books of Maccabees are translated from Greek because they are not in the Hebrew text.