City Desert

Contents Preface by the author Accepted abbreviations Prologue I. Vocation II. Institute III. World Invasion IV. Through three generations V. New beginnings VI. Battle for Faith VII. Monasteries under Justinian VIII. End of pax romana IX. High mountain Epilogue Bibliography Chronological table About the author The book “The Desert a City” was written by a doctor of theology, a priest of the Anglican Church, Father Dervas James Chitgi (1901-1971). This remarkable work, published in 1966, is a slightly revised lecture course given by the author in 1959–60. at Birkbeck College, and, in the words of the author, is no more than an introductory sketch of the history of the first three centuries of Egyptian and Palestinian monasticism (referring the reader to more serious studies and original works indicated in the notes), which could provide future researchers with a kind of starting point or guide. This long-standing classic work on the history of ancient Christian monasticism, in which the richness of the material and the rigor of its presentation are combined with an unusual liveliness of presentation, has not lost its significance to this day. With the blessing of Bishop Hilarion of Vienna and Austria I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Cuthbert Turner, thanks to whose wholehearted encouragement I was able to avail myself (in 1925) of the second year of the Lidson Fellowship in the Middle East; to the Dominican brothers of the Ecole Biblique de S. Etienne in Jerusalem (who very cordially received and taught me both this year and the next), who introduced me to the history and archeology of the monasteries of Judea; the generosity of New College (Oxford), which allowed (with the active mediation of the professor, and later Sir John Myres) to hold in 192730. excavations of one of these monasteries; Professor A. H. M. Jones, who participated in the excavations in 1928 and who for many years constantly provided me with assistance and support; Trinity College (Cambridge), which invited me to give a lecture course at Birckbeck in 195960, which resulted in this book; my brother-in-law Dr. George Kitson Clark and my sister Lily F. Chitty, without whose financial assistance this book could not have been published. I also feel indebted to Dr. Timothy (Kallistus) Ware, who contributed to the proof reading; to a sister from the Community of the love of God for her painstaking work on compiling the indexes and to my wife, who helped finish the work on them; Ms. Pat Russell for preparing the necessary maps; the Jerusalem canon Edward Every, who provided me with photographs of the return of the relics of St. Sava; the village of Upton in Berkshire, which has been my parish for thirty years, which has inspired me to connect distant and ancient things with what belongs to this time and this place; and also to Mikhail Markov and his mother Nadezhda Alexandrovna, who revealed to me the heartfelt reality of Christian life that the Eastern Orthodox Church has preserved since the times of ancient monasticism. Almost all scientists working in this field or in related fields, one way or another, owe a lot to Abbot Marcel Richard. I was extremely pleased to collaborate with other continental scientists, such as Father Lucien Regnault, Father Jean Gribomont, Father J.C. Poi (J.C. Guy, S.J.) and Mr. Antoine Guillaumont. On page 62 I talk about the latest confirmation of the location of the Kellias. After this, very successful excavations were carried out twice on one of the many groups of ruins at Qusur el-Rubayat, during which inscriptions dating back to the eighth, and some perhaps even the fifth, were found. The first report was published by the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres – Comptes des sessions de l'annee 1965, JanvierJuin: Premiers fouilles au site des Kellia (basseEgypte). He [Guillaumont] pointed out to me something that neither of us noticed, namely, that A.F.C. de Cosson had already visited this site and came to the conclusion that it was Kellia = ElMuna, writing a corresponding article in the Bulletin de la Societe royale d'Archeologie d'Alexandrie, N.S. vol. IX. 2 (1937), pp. 24753. We would like to draw attention to another article by de Cosson in the same magazine (Vol. Di. I, pp. 11316), which traces the history of the town of Barnugi up to the Middle Empire. This work suffers from a certain lack of order. I was unable to restore three links (luckily not very important); Also, during the indexing process, many unnecessary repetitions and formal inconsistencies were discovered in the notes, which were too late to correct. However, I know of no other book that covers the same range of topics, and therefore it seemed important to me to publish it as soon as possible. A lot of original research is hidden behind the notes. The main text is only an introductory sketch, and therefore more serious issues are, at best, only touched upon. Perhaps in the future I will be able to consider them separately and better systematize the material. The fulfillment of these intentions was prevented by the untimely death of my husband on February 19, 1971. The research and interpretation of the ancient Christian monastic tradition is now being carried out by others, as he himself would have wished. I would like to add one personal note. Dervas Chitga presented a copy of The Desert a City to George Kitson Clarke, “without whose support, encouragement and assistance these lectures would not have been given and this book would not have been published.” Let me connect the names of these two scientists, dear to me, who sought the truth in completely different areas. A.V. (or Anal. Boll.) = Analecta Bollandiana A. S. (or Act. Cone.) = Acta Conciliorum, ed. Schwartz 1.1, Ephesus; t. II, Chalcedon; t. Ill, Contra Acephalos et Origeniastas; t. IV, Constantinople II. A. C. W.= Ancient Christian Writers, the Works of the Fathers in translation, ed. J. Quasten and J. C. Plumpe. A. M. G. = Annales du Musee Guimet. Amm. Marc. = Ammianus Marcellinus. A. M.S.= P. Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum (Syriac) Paris, 18907. Anacr. = Anacreontica of Sophronius P. G. 87. 3.37333838. A.S. = Acta Sanctorum Bollandiana. Bedjan = A. M. S. VII (Paradisus Patrum) same numbering as Bousset. Berol. 1624 = Codex Berolinensis 1624. Bousset = W. Bousset, Apophthegmata, Tübingen, 1923. Β. Z. = Bysantinische Zeitschrift. S. I. = Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Illuminandorum. S. I. G. = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum. Coll. = Cassian, Collationes. C.P.=P. Ladeuze, Etude sur le Cenobitisme Pakhomien, Louvain, 1898. C.S.C.O. = Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. C.S.E.L. = Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Chr. and P. = W. Christ and M. Paranikas, Anthologia Graeca Carminum Christianorum Leipzig (Teubner), 1871. Chron. Pasch. = Chronicon Paschale, P. G. 92.671028. C. of S. (or Cyr. Scyth.) = Cyril of Scythopolis, ed. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis, T. und U. 49. 2. D.V.C. = Palladius, Dialogus de Vita Chrysostomi. De Ob. Th. = Narratio de obitu Theodosii Hierosolymorum et Romani topachi, ed. Brooks, S.S.S.O., Scr. Syr., ser. 3, t. 25, pp. 1827. Ehrhard = A. Ehrhard, Überlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche, T. und U. 502. Ep. adE. = Antiochus, Epistula ad Eustathium, P. G. 89. Ep. Am. = Epistula Ammonis (ed. Halkin, S. P. V. G., pp. 97121). Ep. Ant. = Epistulae Antonii. Ep. Fest. = St. Athanasius, Festal Letters. Epp. R. P. = Thiel, Epistulae Romanorum Pontificum. Epiph. c. Haer. = Epiphanius, contra Haereses. Eus. = Eusebius Pamphili. Ε M. = Histoire de I 'Eglise depuis les origines jusqu a nosjours, ed. A. Fliehe and V. Martin. G. Ant., Ars., etc. = P. G. 65.71440, Alphabetical Geronticon. G.C.S. = Griechische christliche Schriftstellere. N. E. = Historia Ecclesiastica (Eusebius, Socrates, etc.). H. L. (or Hist. Laus.) = Palladius, Lausaic History. N. M. (or Hist. Mop.) = Historia Monachorum in Aegypto (Greek). N. M. (Lat.) = Hist. Mop. (Latin translation by Rufinus). N. R. (or Hist. Rel.) = Theodoret, Historia Religiosa, P. G. 82.12831496. Hist. Acep. = Historia Acephala Athanasii, P. G. 26.144350. Hist. Pair. = Severus of Ashmunein, History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, ed. Evetts, P. O. I. pp. 99214,381518, etc. Inst. = Cassian, Institutes. It. Aeth. (or hin. Aeth.) = Itinerarium Aetheriae. JaffiWittenbach = Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, Jaffe, ed. Wittenbach, etc. J. E. H. = Journal of Ecclesiastical History. J. M. = John Moschus, Pratum Spirituale, P. G. 87, 3.28513112. J.T.S.= Journal of Theological Studies. Lib. Ors. = Liber Orsiesii (Pach.Lat., pp. 10947). Mansi = Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio. N = analysis (in R. O. S. 190713) "Apophthegm" Ho (Nau) in MS Coislinianus 126. N (G) = its completion by Guy (Guy) in Apophthegmata Patrum, pp. 6474.Nie. Rhac. = Nicodemus Rhacendytus'Ascetic Anthology, MS V. M. Add. 28. O.C. = Oriens Christianus. O.C.P. = Orientalia Christiana Periodica. Or., Orr. = Oratio, Orationes. Oros. Hist. adv. Pag. = Orosius, Historia adversus Paganos, C.S.E.L. 5. Pack Lat. = Pachomiana Latina, ed. A. Boon, Louvain, 1932. Praef. ad Reg. = Praefatio Hieronymi (ibid., pp. 19). Praec. = Praecepta (ibid., pp. 1352). Pr. et Inst. = Praecepta at Instituta (ibid., pp. 5362). Pr. etJud. = Praecepta atque Judicia (ibid., pp. 6370). Pr. et Leg. = Praecepta ac Leges (ibid., pp. 714). Paral. = De SS. Pachomio et Theodora Paralipomena, S. P. V. G., pp. 12265. P.deJ.=Prise de Jerusalem (Strategius: Georgian version), ed. Garitte, C.S. C. 0., Scr. Iber. 12. P. E. = Paul Evergetinos και θεοφόρων Πατέρων, 3rd edition, Athens, 1900. P.E.F.Q.S.= Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement. P.G.= Migne, Patrologia Graeca. P.J.= Pelagius and John, Verba Seniorum, P. L. 73, 8511022. P. L. = Migne, Patrologia Latina. P.O. = Patrologia Orientalis. P.P.T.S.= Palestine Pilgrims' Texts Society. Q. R. = Quaestiones (Q.) et Responsiones (R.). R.A.M. = Revue d'Ascetique et de Mystique. R.B. = Revue Biblique. Recits = Recits du moine Anastase, ed. Nau, O. S. II, pp. 5889, and III, pp 5990. R. H. E. = Revue d'Histoire ecclesiastique. R. O. C. = Revue de I 'Orient Chretien. R.O.L. = Revue de I Orient Latin. R. Q. = Römische Quarterschrift. R.S.R. = Revue de Sciences religieuses. Ruf. = Rufinus. S.C. = Sources Chretiennes. Socr. = Socrates. Soz. = Sozomen. S. P. V. G. = Sancti Pachomii Vitae Graecae, ed. Halkin, Subsidia Hagiographica 19, Brussels, 1932. SS. C.etJ.M.=SS. Cyri et Johannis Miracula, P. G. 87. 3.34233696. Stein = E. Stein, Histoire du BasEmpire, I. 284476 (2nd edition in French), Paris, 1959: II. 476565, Paris, 1949. Theod. Lect. = Theodoras Lector, Η. E., P. G. 86,165228. T. und U. = Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altkirchlichen Li V. Ahr. = Vita Abramii, Cyr. Scyth. pp. 2439; for the Arabic version see V. Z. 14 and A. V. 24. V.A. = VitaAntonii, P. G. 26.835976. V.C.S.P. Vies copies de S. Pachöme, Louvain, 1943. V.C.S, B°, etc. = V.C.S.P., Sahidic, Bohairic, etc. V. Char. = Vita Charitonis, ed. Garitte, Bulletin de G Institut historique beige V. Cyr. = Vita Cyriaci, Cyr. Scyth., pp. 22235. V.E. = Vita Euthymii, Cyr. Scyth., pp. 385. V. Es. = Vita Esaiae, ed. Brooks, C. S. C. 0., Scr. Syr., Sser. 3, t. 25, pp. 116. V.etR.= Vie et Recits de I 'Abbe Daniel le Scetiote, ed. Clugnet, Paris, 1901 (reprinted from R. O. C. 5: Greek, Syriac and Coptic). V. G. C. = Vita Georgii Chozibitae, A. B. 7, pp. 97144.33659. V.Ger. = Vita Gerasimi, ed. K. Koikylides, Αί παρά τόν Ίορδάνην Λαΰραι Καλαμώνος και οί βίοι τοΰ αγίου Γερασίμου, καί Κυριάκου τοΰ άνα χωρητοϋ, Jerusalem, 1902. V.Greg. = Vita S. Gregorii Papae, P. L. 75. V. Hil. = Vita Hilarionis (Jerome), P. L. 23. V. J. El. = Vita S. Johannis Eleemosynarii. V.J. H. = Vita Johannis Hesychastae, Cyr. Scyth., pp. 20122. V.M.J. = Vitae Melaniae Junioris, ed. Gorce, Vie de Ste. Melanie, S. C. 90. V.P.G)=S.P. V. G., Vita Prima. V. Petr. Ib. = Vita Petri Iberitae, ed. Raabe, Petrus der Iberer, Leipzig, 1895. V. Porph. = Marcus Diaconus, Vita S. Porphyrii Gazensis, edd. Gregoire and Kugener, Vie de Porphyre, Paris, 1930. V.S. = Vita Sabae, Cyr. Scyth., pp. 85200. V.Sev. = Vita Seven (Zacharias of Mitylene), P. O. II, 1115. V. Theod. Syk. = Vita Theodori Sykeotae. V. Theod. = Vita Theodosii Coenobiarchae. V. Th. (C.S.) = V. Theod, Cyr. Scyth., pp. 23541. V. Th. (Th. P.) = V. Theod. by Theodore of Petra, ed. Usener, Der heilige Theo dosius, Leipzig (Teubner), 1890. V. Theogn. (C.S.) = Vita Theognii, Cyr. Scyth., pp. 2413. V. Theogn. (P.E.) = Vita Theognii, by Paul of Elousa, A. B.10. Wilcken = Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, von L. Mitteis und U. Wilcken. Erste Band: historische Teil. Zweite Hälfte: Chrestomathie, von Ulrich Wilcken. Teubner, 1912. Zach. Mit. Chr. = Hamilton and Brooks, The Syriac Chronicle known as that of Zachariah of Mitylene (translation), London, 1899. Zoega = G. Zoega, Catalogiis Codicum Copticorum MSS qui in Museo Borgiano Velitris asservantur, Rome, 1810. Zos. = Zosimas (Abba), ed. Avgoustinos, Του όσιου πατρός ημών Άββά Ζωσιμά κεφάλαια πάνυ ωφέλιμα, Jerusalem, 1913 (not so complete in P. G. 78:16801701). A hot October day in one thousand nine hundred and twenty-five, the deep gorge of WadiKelt in the mountains beyond Jericho, the sun-baked monastery of Khoziva, clinging to the northern cliff; in the monastery church (in 1917, the retreating Turks broke out all its windows and burned its wooden decorations) two thin Greek monks in shabby robes read an endless service; Every now and then you can hear the monotonous “Kyrie eleison” uttered in a patter. The young man, who came here straight from Oxford and came into contact with Eastern monasticism for the first time, is depressed by such strange desolation. Is there really some Reality behind this? If not, then how terrible it all is! The life paths we choose usually seem completely justified to us, even in those cases when we begin to understand that we made a mistake in our choice. These same simpletons, who could hardly be called exemplary monks, chose for themselves a life that would have completely lost all meaning and would have become a real nightmare if they had doubted the existence of God or the truth of the Christian faith. So, already in the first week of his stay in Palestine, this student asked himself the urgent questions that became the subject of his research, the solution of which would not be enough even in his life. How did these monasteries arise? What made people choose this life? What troubles brought the monasteries to their current state? The desert captivated him more and more. For two years he wandered through its bare peaks and valleys, and the originality of each of its corners began to open up to him - the Desert no longer seemed dead and dull to him, like the lunar surface, as it first appears to us from the Mount of Olives. His constant companion on these travels was a young Russian emigrant, a living keeper of the faith of ancient monasticism. He managed to return here for another three years to continue his research and conduct excavations (although he himself was not a professional archaeologist) at the ruins of the monastery of St. Euthymius. Then, quite unexpectedly, he had to leave for England for a long time. If before he had explored the real desert with its sky, rocks, ruins and living successors of the ancient tradition, now he had the opportunity to continue studying it from books and manuscripts, compiling, to the best of his ability, the history of the monasteries and their first inhabitants. The result of these works were these lectures, which are introductory in nature. Very, very much is omitted from them. The content of the lectures is limited to the first three centuries of the history of monasticism in Egypt and Palestine (Syria and Asia Minor are not considered here at all); Moreover, when speaking about Egypt, we omit everything that does not belong to the tradition of Chalcedonian Orthodoxy (Shenuti, for example, is not even mentioned here). As for such serious topics as the prehistory of Christian monasticism in the Jewish and pagan world or the reasons that led to the flourishing of monasticism in the time under review, I also do not touch on them. I only wanted to give a certain general picture, which, I hope, despite its obvious incompleteness, can become a kind of guide for those future researchers, next to whose works this book will seem nothing more than child's play. So far we do not even have such a general introduction. One thing is certain. The construction of the Desert City was not an escape or a consequence of the rejection of matter as an evil principle (otherwise how can we explain the unmistakable aesthetic feeling that determined the places of monastic refuges, or their love for all God's creatures?). It is rooted in the absolute realism of faith in God and in the conscious participation of the believer in the battle “not against flesh and blood, but against the principalities, against the powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against the spirits of wickedness in high places.” The same battle continues today. The martyrdom of Peter, Pope of Alexandria, which we will date to November 25, 312, ended the last major persecution. 1 Constantine had already entered Rome victorious, and soon Maximin Daia, who then ruled Egypt, was forced to accept the policy of the other emperors. A few months later, Maximin, who had recently lost both Asia Minor and his entire army in the war with Licinius, died. Our starting point can be taken from three events in the year 313, which was so important in many respects. In Alexandria, according to legend, the new Pope of Alexandria Alexander (Peter's immediate successor, Achilles, survived him by only five months), on the anniversary of Peter's martyrdom, saw children playing church on the shore, and, amazed at the behavior of the boy playing the role of bishop, made him his household member. 2 In Central Egypt, an aging ascetic (he was already over fifty), fearful of glory, was waiting on the banks of the Nile for a ship, wanting to retire to where he was not known, but the Spirit commanded him to go on a three-day journey through the desert with the Saracens, and not far from the Red Sea at the foot of a mountain he found a secluded oasis. 3 In Upper Egypt, a young recruit, dismissed from service after the defeat of Maximinus, was baptized at Chenoboskion. 4 Athanasius, Anthony, Pachomius, bishop and theologian, anchorite, abbot of Cenobia. When, at the beginning of his episcopal ministry, Athanasius went by boat to Thebaid, Pachomius, hidden among the monks, watched him from the shore, 5 and Athanasius talked with Anthony at least once when he arrived in Alexandria in 338. 6 Pachomius and Antony never met each other. Nevertheless, the mutual trust of these three persons was of great importance not only for their contemporaries who lived in Egypt, but also for the entire subsequent history of the universal Church, for it was at this time, by God’s will, that monasticism became an integral part of the body of the Church. The disciples of Pachomius remembered his words: “Among the people of our generation living in Egypt, I see three heads who, by the grace of God, are flourishing for the benefit of all those in the know: Bishop Athanasius, ready to give his life for the Faith of Christ, Abba Anthony, who is a perfect example of hermit life, and this Community, whose example should be followed by all those who, fulfilling God’s will, want to collect souls and care about them until they become perfect.” 7 We will speak here only in passing about Athanasius himself. However, we should not forget that the monks who left the world remembered and prayed for him, for they knew about his battles and had no doubt that through him the Lord himself ruled the Alexandrian episcopal see. 8 When political necessity forced Athanasius to leave the world, and he began to share with them the long silence of the desert, Athanasius began writing the life of St. Anthony, who had died shortly before, giving us the great manifesto of monasticism, which has become a classic spiritual work, influencing the entire Christian world just a few years after its writing. 9 We are accustomed to believe that the “conversion” of the Empire led to the flowering of monasticism, however, in this connection it is useful to recall that by the time the hero Athanasius went into the inner desert, and this happened in 313, he had already been leading the life of a hermit for several decades. He was born under Decius (about 251), and under Domitius Aurelian, when Christians had an illusory hope for a quick world, being an orphan twenty years old, he heard in the church the Sunday Gospel, which determined the course of his entire future life: “If you want to be perfect, go, sell what you have and give to the poor,... and come after Me...” (Matt. 19:21). 10 Anthony obediently fulfills this command and distributes the proceeds from the sale of property, leaving a small amount for his sister, however, upon arriving at the church, he hears the following words of the Gospel: “Don’t worry... in the morning” (Matthew 6:34). He gives the rest of the money, sends his sister to the monastery of virgins (“Parthenon”) and settles in an old stable, which was located in the lower part of the garden of his former house. He is not the first to choose such a field. There was an old hermit nearby, and somewhere further away there lived other hermits to whom he could turn for advice. However, “in Egypt there were still few monasteries, and the monk did not know the great desert at all, but everyone who intended to listen to himself labored, secluded not far from his village.” Young Anthony appears to us at this time of his life as one of the σπουδαίοι, “zealots” almost indistinguishable in appearance from other Christians, who led a truly Christian life. He leaves his home only to learn from other more experienced “zealots,” humbly heeding the lessons of Christian perfection. Illiterate, he attended church services so diligently and paid such close attention to the reading of Scripture that his memory was soon able to replace books for him. All this time he worked tirelessly to earn bread for himself and those in need. Without a doubt, the monotonous weaving of ropes, mats, baskets and sandals from palm leaves and reeds became the main craft of the monks precisely because it did not in the least interfere with their unceasing prayer. This way of life was most likely known to the Church from its inception. It should be noted that here Athanasius, speaking about Anthony and other ascetics, does not use the word “monk” at all, and although Anthony shows complete obedience to his teachers, not a word is said here about his formal acceptance of complete obedience to a certain spiritual father. 11 A young man prays for purity of heart 12 (it should be remembered that in the Coptic language the word rnt refers not only to the heart, but also to the mind). He continues to struggle with his own thoughts, while demons, pressed from within, begin to attack him from without, just as the devil approached the Lord in the desert. 13 This abuse becomes especially strong when Anthony retires to one of the tombs not far from the village and closes the door behind him, after which the enemy attacks him with such fury that the next day a friend finds Anthony in an unconscious state and carries him to the church, considering him dead, but at night Anthony comes to his senses and asks to be carried back to the tomb, where he continues his struggle with the demons, who never manage to break his resistance. 14 The Lord heeds the tireless prayers of the ascetic and dispels the devilish ghosts with His quiet Light. Anthony asks: “Where have you been? Why didn’t you come at first to stop my torment?”, and hears in response: “I, Anthony, was here, but I waited, wanting to see your struggle.” 15 It was at this time that the founder of monasticism embarked on a new path. He wants to go into the desert with the ancient elder who instructed him, but he refuses him, citing the fact that such a custom is unknown to him. Anthony is already about thirty-five and, accordingly, the empire is now ruled by Diocletian and Maximian. He crosses alone to the other side of the Nile and shuts himself up for twenty years in an empty fenced-in place on the edge of the desert, taking bread through the fence twice a year. He enters this dark place as if into a sanctuary (άδυτον), 16 and when twenty years later his friends forcefully break down the door, he comes out of there “like a secret man and a God-bearer from a certain sanctuary” (ώσπερ εκ τίνος άδυτου μεμυσταγωγημένος και θεοφορούμενος). 17 These words of Athanasius make us remember the pagan world. Before us appears the image of an initiate who, having heeded the Gospel call to be τέλειος - “perfect” - realizes an ideal understandable to the pagans (the same word sounded... in Eleusis). Anthony sees the prototype of his asceticism in the life of Elijah, but this asceticism to some extent has its origin in Greek and Egyptian philosophy and religion, in the teachings of the Neoplatonists, Pythagoreans, Stoics, Cynics, and so on. However, Athanasius immediately introduces a purely Christian element into this picture - such an unusual asceticism does not harm his body at all. Anthony's friends are filled with surprise when they see that his body has not become fat from lack of exercise or withered from fasting and fighting demons. Physically and spiritually, he remained “indifferent, because his mind controlled him, and nothing could take him out of his ordinary natural state.” και έν τω κατά φύσιν έστώς. 18 How can one not recall Porphyry’s “Biography of Plotinus,” the very first sentence of which states that Plotinus was ashamed of his own physicality. 19 The contrast is obvious. Dualists of the pagan or near-Christian persuasion abhorred the physical, but Anthony’s perfection was expressed, among other things, in the fact that over the next fifty years he remained completely healthy and did not even lose a single tooth, although he had worn his teeth down to his gums. 20 Dualism, viewing matter as an evil principle, was characteristic of most ascetic teachings and was a source of temptation for many Christians. We will constantly encounter one or another of its manifestations. Thus, at about the same time, in Leontopolis, located in the Delta, Hieraxes declares marriage an Old Testament institution and denies bodily resurrection. 21 And yet, the monastics, even in their ascetic extremes, for the most part, held completely different views. Note also that Antony's perfection is here seen as a consequence of a return to the natural state. This moment is characteristic of all Orthodox asceticism, which sees its goal in returning to the state in which Adam was before the Fall. It is considered the natural state of man, while his fallen state is declared παρά φύσιν, that is, unnatural. In order to understand the Greeks, we Westerners would have to reconsider our ideas, which we inherited from Augustinianism, with which, however, Augustine himself would not agree. 22 Let us note in passing that the erroneous translation of ψυχικός (“spiritual”) as “natural” in 1 Cor. 15, 4446, to some extent, prevents us from understanding that the use of the holy Apostle Paul of the term φύσις (“nature”) is fully consistent with his understanding of the later patristic tradition. Only once (Eph. 2:3) he uses it in a clearly derogatory sense (“... and by nature the children of wrath are besieged” - τέκνα φύσει οργής). We can ask how much this life of Anthony corresponds to his real life, how idealized he was by the tirelessly working bishop, who wanted to present the ideal image of a monk leading a contemplative life. On the one hand, this is not so important, since for a number of centuries this life served as an example of true hermitage for monastics. On the other hand, we should remember that Athanasius describes in it the life of a person known not only to himself, but also to part of his readers. Thus, we have the right to assume that the story about Anthony does not contradict what his contemporaries knew about him. There is nothing strange in the fact that the bishop pays so much attention to the gifts of grace that Anthony received, which allowed him to heal the sick, cast out demons, console the mourning with his speeches, reconcile those at war and convince everyone that nothing can be preferred to the love of Christ. Having revealed these gifts, Anthony “convinced many to choose the monastic life; and thus, monasteries finally appeared in the mountains; the desert is inhabited by monks who left their property and entered the number of those living in heaven.” 23 Here, for the first time in the Life, the “monks” and “monasteries” are directly spoken of. What follows is a rather lengthy teaching by Anthony, occupying more than a quarter of the Life. 24 From the above it follows that the institution of monasticism arose even before the end of the persecution, since in 306 the last major persecution was just beginning. Numerous “monasteries” arise around Anthony’s “monastery” in the mountains, and everywhere Anthony is revered as a “father.” There is not a word said here about any formal rules, vows, or even about corporate worship. Probably, in the Life, the word “monastery” should be understood in its primary meaning [μοναστήρνον) - it is rather a hermit’s cell, rather than a monastery of several monks. When the persecution intensified and Christians began to be escorted to Alexandria, Anthony left his monastery and followed them in order to serve and support them. He wanted to accept martyrdom, but did not want to give himself up to it without permission. Anthony's concerns about the confessors eventually led to the judge ordering the expulsion from the city of all monks, whom the secular authorities were probably encountering for the first time. 25 After the martyrdom of Bishop Peter and the end of persecution, Anthony returned to his monastery. 26 However, the freedom gained by the Church turned into a loss of his former peace for him. It is probably no coincidence that Athanasius notes that the first to violate Anthony’s solitude was a certain military leader, after whom important dignitaries and, finally, ordinary people began to fearlessly come to the Christian saint. 27 At the same time, many of the monks who lived nearby took the side of Meletius in the schism that arose during the period of persecution (as is known, schisms often arise precisely during persecution), which lasted for many centuries. 28 Anthony began to look for a new refuge and, driven by this desire, reached the “Inner Mountain” with a caravan of Saracens and immediately “loved this place.” 29 Notice that he immediately fell in love with this place. We will be faced with this apparent contradiction every now and then. On the one hand, the desert seems to be the natural abode of demons, where they retreated from the cities after the victory of the Church and where the ascetics of the faith expelled them. Perhaps this is due to the fact that villagers more often became hermits, and as a rule, city dwellers who were afraid of uninhabited, unprotected places wrote about them. However, the writers do not hide the fact that the saints themselves, in spite of everything, loved the austere beauty of their desert. Anthony likens a monk leaving the desert to a fish taken out of water. 30 When the philosopher asks him how he can do without books in his solitude, he answers, pointing to the surrounding mountains: “My book, philosopher, is the nature of created [things], and it is always at hand when I want to read the words of God.” 31 Saint Athanasius saw in Anthony the first of the anchorites. However, Blessed Jerome tells us a story about Anthony's predecessor, which, as he claims, was told to him by the latter's disciples. Anthony was already ninety (hence, we are talking about the year 341) when, led by the Holy Spirit, he retired to even more remote and completely uninhabited lands and found there Paul of Thebes, who had fled in his youth from the persecution of Decius and had not left the desert since then. 32 Similar circumstances have long explained the beginning of the hermit life of many ascetics: Christians fled into the desert from persecution and, having tasted the sweetness of solitude, remained in it or returned to it even after the end of persecution. 33 Thus, there is an assumption, which, however, cannot be called quite solid, that Chaeremon, Bishop of Nilopolis, who lived at the entrance to the Fayum (that is, not so far from Anthony’s house), who disappeared with his wife in the desert during the persecution of Decius, could also become one of the first anchorites. 34 In Egypt of the third century, άναχώρησις, as they say, was in the air: individual men, and sometimes entire communities, went into the desert or swamps, thus trying to avoid the unbearable burden of taxes and the duties imposed on them by the authorities. 35 However, Christians went into the desert for completely different reasons. It is possible that unusual ascetic practices such as wearing chains go back to the time when fugitives prepared themselves in this way for martyrdom. 36 With the end of persecution, Christians have new reasons for leaving the world. The example of the martyrs inspired both Christians and pagans. And therefore, with the advent of the visible world, Christians go into the desert, seeking the spirit that led the ancient martyrs; recent pagans, who were brought to faith by the life and death of confessors tortured during the years of persecution, go there in order to, like them, completely give themselves to Christ. 37 We move on to consider our third hero. Pachomius grew up in a pagan family living in Thebaid. According to Coptic sources, his homeland was Latopol (Esne). 38 Having been called up at the age of twenty for military service in the army of Maximin, who fought with Licinius, 39 he, along with other recruits, was sent down the Nile. The recruits were locked overnight in a Luxor dungeon (apparently it was located in the legionnaire camp, which occupied a significant part of the ancient Egyptian church). Local Christians, who wanted to console the unfortunate young men, brought them food and drink. Pachomius, who expressed his surprise at what was happening, was told that Christians try to take care of strangers and all other people. “But who are Christians?” - Pachomius was amazed and heard in response: “These are people who bear the name of Christ, the only begotten Son of God, who do good to all people, trusting only in the One who created heaven, earth and us people.” When Pachomius heard these words, his heart was filled with the fear of God and joy. Raising his hands in prayer, he exclaimed: “My Lord and Creator of heaven and earth! If You, the One True God unknown to me, hear my unworthiness and free me from this captivity, I will faithfully serve You all the days of my life and, loving all people, serve them as You commanded.” Less than a few months later, Maximin was defeated and committed suicide. Pachomius is released from service, after which he returns to Thebaid and is baptized in a village called Henoboskion or “Goose Meadow” (near which Gnostic texts have recently been found). 40 The Coptic Lives, which are more extensive than the Greek Lives, say that for some time before baptism and three years after it, Pachomius, not being a monk, led the life of an ascetic in a small church of Serapis, located on the river bank. 41 Chronologically, this time could not have been three years, and this information itself does not inspire much confidence, although the church of Serapis itself, in which Pachomius subsequently built a monastery, most likely really existed there, which is confirmed in ancient documents. The appearance of the Coptic version of the Life in the works of Amelino led some researchers to very unexpected conclusions. 42 One of the authors even wrote that Pachomius was a priest of Serapis, captured by local residents and baptized by force! 43 Of course, this line is too unreliable to build on its basis any assumptions regarding possible connections between the eremitic servants of Serapis and Christian monks. We learn from the Epistle of Ammon 44 (one of our most reliable sources, in which Ammon reproduces what he heard about Pachomius in 352355 from his followers) that after baptism the Meletians (Melitians) and Marcionites tried to win over Pachomius to their side, but he was enlightened by a vision (in the Greek Vita Prima a different version of it is given), in which it was revealed to him that the truth resides only in the church in which he was baptized, and behind Bishop Alexander of Alexandria stands the Lord Himself. In any case, recent discoveries support the assumption that Henoboskion was once not the deserted village described by Coptic sources, 45 but a place marked by various religious activities. In this case, the baptism of Pachomius in the Henoboskion also becomes more or less clear. I base myself primarily on the Vita Prima, the Greek Life of Pachomius, written around 390 by members of the community who had not seen the saint himself but were familiar with his immediate successors and used both written (mostly Coptic) sources and oral tradition. Although the time in which this Life was created undoubtedly left a certain imprint on it, it, the Life, captured many features characteristic of the way of thinking of the previous generation, which gives it special value. As for the Coptic versions that have come down to us, they are much more strongly conditioned by the time of writing and, in general, are no longer so close to the original sources, although they sometimes contain individual details and stories that have not yet been revealed and are directly related to the true tradition. Intending to become a monk, 46 Pachomius goes to the old hermit, man of God and imitator of saints Palamon, wanting to retire from the world (άναχωρεΐν) with him. At first, Palamon refuses him, “for this work of God is very difficult.” He tells him about his ascetic practice: in the summer he fasts every day until the evening, in the winter he eats food every other day, while never drinking oil or wine, but his food is only bread and salt, he stays awake (“as I was taught”), spending half the night or the whole night in prayer and meditation on the Word of God. When Pachomius, not at all embarrassed by what he heard, said that with the help of God and through the prayers of Palamon he hoped to overcome all these difficulties, he opened the door for him, accepted him and (probably immediately) clothed him in the monastic schema - σχήμα. The mention of schema here may cause surprise. However, in the Meletian papyri published by Idris Bell, dating back to the thirties of the fourth century, it is said that the Meletian monks living in the area upstream of the river near the Outer Mountain already wore the λεβίτων (leviton or levitonarium), which is a sleeveless or short-sleeved tunic that is part of the schema. 47 It is quite possible that before the final schism the Meletians of Bell were disciples of Antony. However, a period of seven years (306313) seems too short for the schema to have time to spread up the Nile to the Henoboskion itself. Apparently, monastic attire arose even before Anthony. In the Bella papyri we can find a number of other items common to the “Catholics” and “Meletians” that appeared even before the schism. Among these we can include the very concept of μοναχός, 48 the use of the word μονή (“stop” or “abode”) in relation to monasteries (both hermit cells and hostels) 49 and, probably, the custom accepted among both the Greeks and Copts to call the main monk (according to Bell, 50 he may not have been a priest) with the word απα, 51 which, of course, goes back to the Semitic “abba”. The appearance of this conversion in monastic Egypt at that time seems quite remarkable. It should be noted that in the Vita Prima Pachomii this address is used only when talking about events that took place after 330, 52 but perhaps before this time Pachomius was too young to be called Abba. Pachomius had to pass on to his students the tradition of prayerful vigilance, which Palamon, who inherited it, taught him. 53 Basically he taught Pachomius the hermit life. Although the monks of that time could live in a variety of conditions, sometimes the elder mentored one single student, sometimes the monastic cells were located one next to the other, sometimes a unique community took shape - however, their goals always coincided with Anthony’s goal. However, whatever the training of Pachomius, we must not forget either how he converted to Christianity, or that his first vow was service to God and people. When Pachomius was collecting firewood in the desert, and thorns pierced his hands, he was reminded of the nails that pierced the hands and feet of the crucified Savior, and he immersed himself in prayer for a long time. 54 One day he wandered further than usual and found himself among the ruins of the village of Tavennisi. He began to pray and suddenly heard a voice: “Stay here and build yourself a monastery, for many will come to you to become monks.” Without doubting for a moment the Divinity of this voice, Pachomius returned back and persuaded Palamon to help him build a small dwelling (μονή,), or hut. After the dwelling was built, Palamon returned to his original place. The elder and the disciple visited each other for some time, but Abba Palamon soon died. 55 After this, his elder brother John joined Pachomius. After some time, certain disagreements arose between them: John preferred to lead a solitary life and believed that the monastery should remain small, while Pachomius wanted to expand the monastery, for he foresaw that many inhabitants would appear in it. 56 Apparently, the author of Vita Prima tried to connect fragments of tradition that were devoid of connecting links into a coherent narrative. It is not surprising that some episodes of this narrative raise questions in us that we, unfortunately, cannot answer. The story of the author of the Life of the spiritual warfare of Pachomius evokes the battle waged by Anthony (the language of the narrative also testifies to his familiarity with Vita Antonii): an internal conflict with himself, a struggle with demons approaching from the outside, a victorious growth, in which the miraculously filled stage of perfect faith gradually gives way to the peace of perfect knowledge, thanks to which Pachomius “could, in the purity of his heart, as if in a mirror, contemplate the Invisible God." 57 Here the author of the Life brings us to the historical moment: “At that time, when Pachomius, together with his brothers, was collecting reeds on the island for his needlework, he began to pray, wanting to know God’s perfect Will, and saw before him the Angel of the Lord (this is the first vision of Pachomius), who told him: “The will of God is that you serve the human race and reunite people with God.” 58 So, if Anthony seeks perfection, then Pachomius wants to recognize and fulfill the perfect Will of God. This vision most likely took place around 320. An earlier dating of it would force us to reduce to a minimum the years of Pachomius’ study with Palamon and the years of his independent asceticism in Tavennisi. You will learn about what happened subsequently in the next lecture. For now, we will only note that the cinematic life, the founder of which was Pachomius, went back to hermitism. She also adopted his language so that after some time the words “monk” and “monastery,” contrary to their original meaning, began to be used to refer not only to the anchorite and his cell, but also to the cenobite and his monastery. A little earlier or later than the same significant year 313, a rich young man, who lost his parents early and lived in the Delta, got married, succumbing to the persuasion of his Uncle. Throughout the wedding night, he convinced his wife that they should prefer a chaste life to marriage. She agreed with him on the condition that they would live under the same roof as brother and sister. So they spent eighteen years, earning their living by growing balsam, until, finally, the true meaning of a solitary life was revealed to her. He left her in the house and settled in two “domed” cells (θόλοι) that he built “inside Mount Nitria,” coming twice a year to his former home to see his wife. This happened a little later than 330, since Ammon (Amun) lived in the desert for 22 years, and when he died, Anthony, who died in 356, saw his soul ascend to heaven. 59 The monastery of Ammon was located at the very edge of the Libyan (Western) Desert, where it forms a northern, gentle ledge facing the Delta, located near the town of Pernuj or Nitria, nine miles southwest of the city of Damanhura (Hermopolis Parva), where the bishop who ruled all the surrounding lands lived. The Arabic name for this place, ElBarnougi, is still in use. The geographical location of ElBarnouga and the “Life” of the saint are in good agreement with the later history of Nitria, which was the true gate of the desert, connecting it with the world. It was here that the monastic community was first adapted to the parish system of the diocese, acquiring its own priesthood and clergy (it should be noted that here the paths of the anchorites and Cenobites differed from each other not as strikingly as those of Anthony and Pachomius). The location of Nitria remained completely unknown until Evelyn White published his work “History of the Monasteries of Nitria and of Scetis” in 1932, which, oddly enough, did not immediately receive due assessment. 60 Not far from Barnouga there are salt lakes, the commercial use of which dates back to ancient times. Forty miles to the south, in a depression now called VadielNatrun, there is an even larger soda deposit, which is now being developed by the Salt and Soda Company. Not only is the name preserved here, but also four once famous monasteries are scattered across the desert over a distance of about thirteen miles. In the village of ElBarnougi itself and in its environs, no monasteries have survived and, as far as I know, serious searches for their ruins have never been carried out there. To those who do not know Coptic, the current name seems completely unrelated to the ancient name of the place. It is not surprising that Nitria was identified specifically with Vadiel Natrun, although this was completely contradicted by the topographical details presented in the Lavsaik. VadielNatrun is the Scete desert, and Nitria, as Palladius tells us, was forty miles away in a place that in his time could be reached from Alexandria by boat! 61 The term “Skete” is sometimes used in our sources to designate both the Skete desert itself and Nitria. As for the term "Nitria", it is never used to refer to Scete. We will now move on to consider the latter. 62 The natural approach to the Skete is not from Nitria, which lies across the desert forty miles to the north (although the monks, of course, often used this route), but from the nearest settlement on the banks of the Canopic branch of the Nile, called Terenuf and located about twenty miles from the Skete. 63 The location of Terenuf can be judged from the ruins of ComAbuBillo about a mile from Tarraneh, which has retained its name. Before the advent of the railway, caravans going to VadielNatrun for soda left from Tarrana. 64 The railroad, owned by the Salt & Soda Company, begins five miles further south. In the Roman era, this (salt) industry was a state monopoly, the office of which was located in Alexandria, and the management in Terenuf. 65 The apothegma of the fifth century tells how brother Martyrius brought to his cell a piece of soda that had fallen off a camel on the way to Terenuf. Abba Agathon insisted that Martyrius return his find to the place, the distance to which was twelve miles. 66 In this remote desert, smugglers must have always been a serious problem for the authorities. In a letter on papyrus dated 346 and signed by an official from Terenuf, the latter calls for the arrest of them and their camels, whether they were detained in the Faiyum or anywhere else. 67 Of course, the said smugglers were well aware of the wadis and secret camel trails and passages. In particular, they knew every well here and the properties of its water, as well as the places that ascetics could choose as their refuge. The day might come when they themselves would heed the call of the desert. Around 330, thirty-year-old Macarius settled in Skete, where he reposed sixty years later. 68 He talked about how in an Egyptian village he embarked on the path of asceticism, how he went to another village in order to avoid the priesthood, how he was accused of having dishonored a girl and caused her pregnancy, how he accepted this accusation and became her breadwinner until, during a protracted labor, she confessed to her deception, how reproaches gave way to praise, and finally, how he fled from the village and moved to Skete. 69 However, there is another story that explains differently the reasons why he chose Skete as his refuge. “They say the following about Abba Macarius. If any brother came to him with fear as to a holy and great elder, he remained silent. If one of the brothers, as if imputing him to nothing, addressed him with the following words: “Abba, when you were a camel driver, you stole sodium and traded it, did you happen to be beaten by the watchmen?” “If his brother addressed him like that, Abba would willingly answer all his questions.” 70 Nitria gate of the Egyptian desert. The monastery is her stronghold, so humiliated in its remoteness (the three monasteries that have survived to this day are below sea level) that it managed to survive even after the Alexandria-Cairo highway appeared within sight on the northern slope. Now let's turn to Palestine. Blessed Jerome writes that monasticism there began with Hilarion, 71 a native of the Palestinian village of Tawafa (we will encounter this name more than once), located five miles from Gaza. Apparently, he was born around the year 293 and was sent to study at the Alexandrian school, but attracted by the glory of St. Anthony (who had shortly before left his “inner sanctuary”) spent several months with him and, returning to his native Palestine (he was fifteen years old at that time), did not find his parents alive. Having distributed his estate, he began to lead a hermit's life similar to that which he had seen in Egypt, settling near the coast, seven miles southeast of Mayum, the port of Gaza. After he had spent twenty-two years in solitude, others began to join him, and soon monasteries began to arise throughout the country, which happened around 330. Jerome is a very good storyteller, and we should not rely too much on the details of his life. However, Hilarion is without a doubt a historical figure. Apparently, Jerome takes the basis for his narrative from Epiphanius, another Palestinian, who also studied monasticism in Egypt and, perhaps, to some extent, was a student of Hilarion. The monastery of Epiphanius at Wisanduk near Eleutheropolis, in the foothills halfway from Gaza to Jerusalem, may also have been an early monastery. In 367, Epiphanius left this monastery and went to Cyprus, where he became Bishop of Salamis. 72 According to Jerome, in the year of Anthony’s death (356), Hilarion fled Palestine, fearful of human glory, and never returned there. Gaza and Eleutheropolis remained important centers of monastic life throughout this period and maintained their connections with Egypt. The desert, located near Jerusalem, had its own history and prehistory, which Jerome, apparently, is silent about. At the end of the second century, the elderly Bishop Narcissus fled from slander into the desert and spent several years there. 73 Somewhat later, in the caves of Kalamon near the Dead Sea, people who fled from persecution appear, leading a hermit life. 74 The Judean desert itself called them to such a life. A desert that remembered Elijah, Elisha and John the Baptist (in whom, since the writing of Vita Pachomi 75, they began to see a prototype of monasticism) and the temptation of our Lord Jesus Christ Himself. The Qumran finds and information about the Essenes who lived in this and other parts of the desert indicate that the Jews were already gravitating toward something similar to monasticism. And, although we have no reason to consider Christian monks as the successors of the Essenes, it is difficult to believe that there were no ascetics on this earth for a long time. Jerusalem, adjacent to the desert, brings to mind another element of the monastic vocation: ξενιτεία, or life in a foreign land. It is to Jerusalem, first of all, that he who heeds the calling of Abraham turns: “Get out from your land, and from your kindred, and from your father’s house, and go to the land that I will show you” (Gen. 12:1). This verse is cited at least twice in the biographies of monks who lived in the Judean desert. 76 But it could be included in each of them. The limestone walls of the deep gorge running from the southern tip of Bethlehem under the western slope of Jebel Feredis, the artificial mountain in which Herod was buried, are dotted with many caves, one of which until recently was widely known as the "Cave of Adullamma", and is now called Wadi Haritun or Wadi Muallaq, while the ruins on the western slope are name Khirbet Kharitun. This is the monastery of St. Khariton, which remained a monastery until at least the twelfth century, 77 while MuallaqKharitun corresponds exactly to the κρεμαστόν Χαρίτωνος “overhanging” cave of Khariton, which we read about in the life of the saint, 78 which may have been written in the sixth century by one of the monks like this called the Old Lavra, also called Sukkah (Syriac Sukkah, equivalent to the Arabic Suk (market or bazaar), translated by the Greek λαύρα). The writer is inspired by the monastic biographies of Cyril of Scythopolis (one of which was written during the life of the hero described in it), 79 he seeks to present the life of the man who was believed to have founded a monastic residence in the Judean desert a hundred years before Euthymius, the first great saint of Cyril, arrived there. It is reported that Chariton, under the Emperor Aurelian, became a confessor in Iconium, from where he went on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem and founded his first monastery in the cave of robbers near Ain Far (once a deep spring that never dried up in winter or summer in the Judean desert, seven miles northeast of Jerusalem beyond Anatotus) even before the establishment of church peace, after which he founded two more laurels: in Douk, on the cliffs above the old Jericho, and in the wadi, which, as we see, still bears his name. Of course, this is a very late life, and the dates given in it can be explained by the desire to convince the reader that Chariton lived before Anthony. However, we have independent evidence that all three laurels existed in the fourth century. Doukas is mentioned in Palladius's "Lavsaik" as the refuge of the monk Elpidia (Elpidia), 80 also mentioned in the Life of the Monk Chariton (which in this case may be dependent on Palladius). 81 It is possible that Cassian, describing the monastery carved out by “a crowd of Saracen robbers” in the Tekoa (Tkoa) region, is talking about the Sukkah. 82 As we will see later, Euthymius spent the first five years of his monastic life in Palestine (406–11) in Paran. 83 These cave settlements are similar to the “cave cities” of Anatolia, and Chariton was the first of many of its natives to settle in the Judean Desert. The beginning of their monasticism has nothing to do with Egypt. The word “laurel” itself is absent from the Egyptian monuments of the fourth century; its monastic use most likely arose in Palestine. This concept means a series or cluster of individual cells that have one common center, including a church and a bakery, in which ascetics gathered on Saturdays and Sundays, spending all other days in their cells. The meaning of the word “laurel” in this context seems quite obscure. It is quite possible that the first meaning of this word “market” that came to mind when comparing it with the Arabic “suk” is unacceptable in this case. On Sunday mornings, the ascetics brought their handicrafts here (to the monastery), here they had a joint prayer and meal, here they decided all their affairs and in the evening of the same Sunday they returned to their cells, taking with them a supply of bread, water and materials for handicrafts for the entire upcoming week. However, both “lavra” and “bough” mean, rather, not an open square, but a street with shops opening onto it. Probably, this image is more consistent with the geographical uniqueness of the Khariton laurels, which were a series of caves or cells overlooking the path running along the gorge. Let us return once again to Anthony, who set up his monastery in a distant oasis. The Arabs, with whom he reached the Inner Mountain, brought him bread from time to time, and soon his disciples also learned about the whereabouts of the Monk Anthony. Not wanting to depend on them, he himself began to grow bread on a small piece of fertile land, forbidding the animals to disturb him and ruin his crops. 84 Here we already see a picture that is characteristic of all the monastic monuments we are considering, a picture of such relationships with animals that speak of man’s return to the state of Adam before the Fall. His monks, who were located on the “Outer Mountain” of Pispir near the Nile, communicated with Anthony quite often, while the most annoying ones tried to look for him on the Inner Mountain. However, such journeys were dangerous for inexperienced monks, and therefore Anthony himself from time to time descended to Pispir, where numerous guests flocked, clergy, monks and laymen, who came to him for advice, consolation and healing. 85 Palladius tells how Cronius, who later became a Nitrian presbyter, at the beginning of his monasticism waited five days for the opportunity to see Saint Anthony, learning that “he visits the monastery sometimes after ten days, sometimes after twenty, sometimes after five.” 86 It has even been suggested that the Inner Mountain as such was the invention of Athanasius, and that, when leaving Pispir, Anthony led the life of an ordinary desert wanderer (βοσκοί - plural. from βόσκος “grazing” - the ancient monks of Palestine and Mesopotamia, who lived in the mountains, never settled in houses, ate only plant foods and devoted all their time to prayer and singing psalms - approx. trans.)) 87 We do not have sufficient grounds for such assumptions. The authenticity of the Inner Mountain is confirmed by independent St. Athanasius sources. But one should not assume that he spent all his time between her and Pispir. Anthony has a special freedom of movement, characteristic of him as a pioneer and experienced ascetic, who said: “I no longer fear God, I love Him.” 88 In this lecture we will pay special attention to the internal forms of Egyptian monasticism during the life of its first two generations, that is, before it acquired its own historical component of any length, which could become the basis for serious introspection or for monasticism to recognize itself as a certain historical force. We talked about the lifestyle chosen by Anthony at the end of the previous lecture. His Outer Mountain or Outer Desert - of its organization, which, no doubt, was very simple, we know very little, seems to be something like a community of guards guarding the gates leading to the saint, which recalls the somewhat later monastic community that guarded the three-room cell on the cliffs east of Asiut, where the Monk John of Nicopolis remained in seclusion for forty-eight years, and was allowed to visit only on Saturdays and Sundays. 89 There were other communities in the vicinity of Antony's abode, such as the Fayyum community of Arsinoe, to which the largest of Antony's seven letters 90 was addressed (although Antony may not have been literate, he was able to dictate letters of great importance for theology and the history of religion, which, at least in one place, unexpectedly reveal his familiarity with the teachings of Origen). 91 In the neighborhood, in the area of Herakleopolis and Kinopolis (Upper Egypt), there were also Meletian communities with their “presidents” προεστώτες – and “stewards” οικονόμοι 92 whose presence testified to the existence of some kind of communal organization, the development of which, however, does not follow exaggerate. We have no basis for asserting (as has already been done) 93 that the Meletians completely reproduced the Pachomian system. On the other hand, Cassian tells us about the cenobia that existed in his time in the Delta, the organization of communal life in which, according to him, was strictly adopted from the ancient Jerusalem Church, when after Pentecost “they had everything in common.” 94 The existence of other monasteries located outside the Pachomius community, which are discussed in his [Pachomius] Vita Prima, 95, means that we can call him the founder of the Cenonic residence with certain reservations. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that, in general, Pachomius has always been and is considered in precisely this capacity. A characteristic feature of the Pachomian system is that all of its monasteries were located on cultivated lands near the Nile, while the other monasteries we are considering were located, if not in the heart, then at least on the edge of the desert. Not even a hundred years had passed since the death of Pachomius, when Palladius told the story of the “copper tablet” with the rule written on it, which was given to Pachomius by an angel at the very beginning of his ministry. 96 Sozomen goes even further and claims that this board has survived. 97 However, the rule that Palladius gives most likely relates to the next stage of development of the community and has almost no connection with the original rule, preserved in the Latin translation of the Greek version by Jerome, and in certain fragments of the Coptic original (although, of course, we cannot be completely sure that the rule of Pachomius is reproduced here in its original form). 98 The latter monument, judging by its character, is probably the result of a gradual collection of ad hoc rules, covering all aspects of everyday life and taken for granted, which allows us to make an assumption about its authenticity, which, in any case, corresponds to our idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe life of the saint. The Vita Prima paints a striking picture of the 99 lives of Pachomius and his three disciples. Having become acquainted with them and their parents, he dresses these first of his novices in monastic robes and, step by step, leads them, first of all, to abandon the world and deny themselves and to follow the Savior who taught this, for this is the path of the Cross. He shows the way, rather by his own example than by instruction, not for a moment abandoning his care of the “monastery” (μονή); he participates in preparing food, growing vegetables, performing the work of a gatekeeper and caring for the sick, wanting to ease the lot of the brethren: “Brethren, strive for what you were called to - meditate on the psalms and study in the Scriptures, especially in the Gospel. I will find peace in serving God and you, as God commanded us.” Looking at their mentor, his disciples are filled with jealousy. “Previously, we believed that all Saints from their mother’s womb were created by God blameless and unstumbling, and their free will means nothing, while sinners are not capable of a righteous life, for they were created as such. Now we clearly see the action of the grace of God in our father, who, being born of the pagans, was filled with such fear of God and clothed himself with God’s commandments... Let us die and let us live with this man, for he leads us to God on the straight road.” This time he taught them a rule compiled according to Scripture (έκανόνισεν αύτοΐς τύπον) about moderation in clothing, food and sleep. Soon, Pachomius had other students, including (this happened around 321) fourteen-year-old Theodore (Theodore the Sanctified) from Latopolis, who was destined to become the most famous student of the monk. 100 Having secured letters from the bishops, the mother immediately set off in pursuit of young Theodore, demanding his return or, at least, a meeting with him. However, the young man persuaded Pachomius not to succumb to her persuasion, after which she decided to stay in the convent, which by that time had been founded nearby by Pachomius’ sister: “Perhaps I will not only see him among the brothers, but I will also gain my soul.” There were already more than a hundred students, and their number continued to grow. Pachomius could not delegate to others the material concerns of the community, and soon the structure of the monastery began to take on very definite forms. 101 The buildings were of the simplest form; their walls were erected from adobe, common to the Nile Valley. Of course, not a trace remains of these buildings by our time, and therefore archaeologists can only guess about the location of Tavennisi. One of the narratives of the so-called Chronicles (a collection of instructive stories, not particularly historically rigorous, most likely written at the end of the century and appended to the much more reliable Vita Prima) tells how Pachomius erected a wonderful chapel with brick columns, but, finding it too beautiful, forced the brethren to tie ropes to the columns and throw them to the ground. 102 This story is perceived as an attempt to explain why the church known to its author leaned, the reasons for which, in fact, were probably the foundation that did not correspond to its size, unsuitable material and the inexperience of the builders. The general plan of the monastery could be determined by Pachomius' memories of the military camp. Its characteristic elements were a stone fence (one of the indispensable features of the kenobia), 103 a guardhouse at the gate and an inn, 104 σύναξις - “meeting hall” 105 for prayer (“ecclesia” it is called only in the “Epistle of Ammon” 106, a nearby refectory 107 with a kitchen, 108 bakeries 109 and so on, with a hospital 110 and several residential buildings (cf. the barracks of the legionnaire camp), each of which housed from twenty to forty monks. 111 The layout of the houses remains unclear, but they would have had a common room for prayer, edification and some other communal activity, 112 storerooms 113 and (initially) a separate cell for each monk. 114 By the time of Palladius, when the number of monastics increased, three monks began to live in each cell. 115 The ruins of the monastery of St. Simeon in Aswan correspond to a similar arrangement. 116 However, here the monks slept on brick beds coated with clay, while at Pachomius, during rest, they could, at best, lean back on a seat made of the same material. 117 Each house had its own steward, who had an assistant. 118 Some buildings were intended for special activities or needs of the inhabitants, others had no such specificity. 119 Everyday, week after week, monastic life took place mainly in three buildings, 120 which were led by the “housekeeper” - οικονόμος 121 who also had an assistant. 122 The fields in which the monks were engaged in agricultural work were located outside the monastery walls, 123 the dead were buried in old coffins carved into the rocks, located several miles from the monastery, 124 where the valley approaches the mountain slope. Trade and, in general, relations with the outside world were carried out by brethren specially appointed for this purpose. 125 When the monks needed the Eucharist (προσφορά), at least at this early stage, Pachomius called a priest from one of the neighboring churches, because he did not want any of the brethren to seek ordination (άρχή λογισμού φιλαρχίας ό κλήρος - “the beginning of the thought of lust for power - ordination”). 126 At the same time, prompted by the diocesan bishop of Tentira, he worked tirelessly to erect a church in an abandoned village (the word εκκλησία is used in the document), intended for the shepherds living in the neighborhood, together with the brethren he went there on Saturdays and Sundays and, until the appointment of a priest, performed the duties of a reader there. 127 Soon the number of inhabitants became too large for them to live in one monastery, and therefore a new colony appeared a few miles downstream in another abandoned village of Pbou (Fbou), now known as Fau, where the ruins of a large stone church, built not earlier than a hundred years after the death of Pachomius, can be seen. Two other monasteries that already existed at that time wished to be accepted into the community, as a result of which four monasteries with a single head and a single administration appeared at a distance of about fifteen miles from each other. 128 There also existed a women’s monastery, to which an elderly monk was assigned (we are not told whether he was a priest), who supervised it and was a kind of link between the wife and the male community. 129 This growing community, without its own priesthood, spread beyond the diocese of Tentir and appeared in Diospolis Parva. 130 Serapion, Bishop of Tentira, 131 watched this with well-known alarm. When the young Archbishop Athanasius came to visit Thebaid in 330, Serapion shared his concerns with him and asked him to install Pachomius as “father and priest” of all the monks of his diocese. However, Pachomius, having heard about this plan, hid among the brethren. 132 Around 337, Pachomius moved to live in the Pbou monastery, which soon turned into the largest monastery of the monastic community. Theodore, who by this time was thirty years old, was appointed head of the Tavennisi monastery 133 and became Pachomius’ assistant in the affairs of managing all the monasteries. 134 The community grew rapidly, its members appearing in Tasi, a village that was located in the vicinity of Panopolis (Akhmim), sixty miles down the Nile. 135 Around 340, the assistant bishop of this city, “Aryan by name, but Orthodox by faith,” who was supposed to help the elderly bishop of the diocese, 136 called for help from monks from Tavennisi, after which another monastery appeared near this city (despite the active resistance and discontent of 137 local philosophers, who believed that, as they put it, Pachomius “decided to surprise Panopolis with olives,” then that is, engaged in an obviously meaningless task). 138 Around the same time, a landowner [landowner of Djodj –?] named Petronius, who lived in the Diopolis area, gave all his family property to the community and founded the new monastery of Teveu. 139 He was soon transferred to the monastery of Tesmin, which was also located near Panopolis, and began to oversee three monasteries of this remote region, 140 which - even though he was a novice - could indicate that Pachomius saw in him his successor, which he later became. 141 The older generation of monks, jealous of the newcomer, turned to Theodore; however, having learned about this, Pachomius deprived his beloved student of all power. 142 Pachomius also founded a women's monastery, which was located on the other bank of the Nile directly opposite Tesmina. 143 And finally, upstream, near Latopolis, forty miles from Pbou, the monastery of Fenum (Pikhpoit) was founded - which again caused discontent among the local population 144, which could have been associated with the summoning of Pachomius to the episcopal synod held in this city in the fall of 345, where he was accused of using the gift of clairvoyance or “dioracy” [διόρασις]. Two of the bishops present there (probably these were the bishops of Thebes and Latopolis itself) were former members of the Tabennisiot community. 145 A few months later, on May 9, 346, Pachomius died of a pestilence, which claimed many lives that year. 146 His successor was Petronius, who suffered from the same ulcer and died in July. He left in his place another newcomer, Orsisius, 147 who had previously been the head of the Henoboscion. 148 The entire community is called in the Vita Prima κοινόβιον (singular) 149 or κοινωνία. 150 This use of the concept κοινόβιον does not last very long; Coptic Lives everywhere replace it with κοινωνία; in Jerome's preface to the Rule, in his translations of the Epistle of Theodore and the Book of Orsisius, 151 and, once, even in Raga11rotepa, 152 the plural form κοινόβια is used to designate monasteries. However, a notable exception seems to be that episode in Cassian, 153 where he speaks of more than five thousand Tabennisiots (“Tavenian monks”) obedient to their elder. Palladius estimates the total number of his contemporary community at seven thousand, 154 three thousand of whom are in obedience to Pachomius 155 (by the way, his use of the term “archimandrite” in relation to Pachomius for Egypt was a clear anachronism). 156 Palladius estimates the number of inhabitants of Pbou at thirteen hundred. 157 When Ammon arrived in Pbou in 352, he found about six hundred monks there. 158 The number of inhabitants in other monasteries did not exceed two three hundred each. 159 Pachomius, being the “head” or “father” of the entire community, probably did not deal with issues of external governance at all. He was an ordinary resident of one of the houses, the order of which was supervised by the housekeeper. 160 The monasteries were to be managed by the heads (economists) of various monasteries, subordinate to the chief steward who lived in Pbou, where the entire community gathered twice a year: this happened during the Easter holiday and during the August general audit, when new heads of monasteries and their assistants were appointed. 161 The community grew, and now it needed two boats, 162 one of which was used for trading in monastic products and was run by two brothers. Once a year, apparently, in the fall, she sailed to Alexandria. 163 Subsequently, each monastery built its own boats. 164 In all monasteries, several weekly instructions were given (κατηχήσεις): three times, once on Saturday and twice on Sunday, this was done by the steward and twice on Wednesdays and Fridays by the housekeeper. 165 According to Palladius, at the end of the century the first meal of the day began at noon, but more strict ascetics ate food even later. 166 When considering the rules presented in the early Greek sources, it is difficult to understand whether they were adhered to by the first, that is, the oldest generation of monastics. However, a more careful study of them shows that, rather, following the prayer, which took place at the ninth hour 167 (the usual time for all monastic Egypt), one common meal was held. After joint prayers, one could go to the cell and confine oneself to eating bread and water. 168 On appointed days, after meals, a sermon was delivered. 169 However, one gets the impression that Pachomius himself, who often moved from monastery to monastery, and subsequently his successors Orsisius and Theodore, delivered such sermons almost every day. Sometimes this happened in the open air. Ammon gives a vivid description of this kind of sermon, delivered on the day when he, at that time still a seventeen-year-old youth, was received into Pbow (352). Theodore sat under a palm tree surrounded by six hundred monastics and taught them the words of Holy Scripture, answering all their questions. 170 Vita Prima, Coptic Lives and Paralipomena give many examples of such teachings (catecheses), 171 which, obviously, were included in some now lost collection: 172 a teaching against idolatry is given at the end of the Florentine manuscript Paralipomena 173 another teaching is almost entirely preserved in Coptic. 174 The teachings of Pachomius are marked by special closeness to Scripture; for example, the episode Vita Prima, cc. 567 is essentially a series of biblical quotations that explain the basic tenets of faith. At the end of the teaching, the mentor rises from his seat to pray with the brethren for the granting of a saving remembrance of the Word of God, after which everyone silently goes to their homes, reflecting on what they heard and imprinting it in their hearts. 175 Then a “synaxis” took place in each house, consisting of a series of prayers, similar to the prayer book of a general meeting, 176 after which on Wednesdays and Fridays the householder delivered his sermon. It seems that this time was set aside for a conversation on the topic given by the teaching, after which the monastics went to bed. 177 Some time after midnight, a signal was given (Jerome speaks of a “trumpet,” and the Greek version speaks of a σάλπνγξ; although it seems that it could have been a wooden bell, common in monasteries of that time) 178 for the night “synaxis,” which could last until dawn. 179 The Charter, as already mentioned, was not a clear and orderly code given once and for all. Three separate small collections follow the main text of the “instructions”, which, although in fact it turns out to be more orderly than it seems at first reading, appears to be a document that developed gradually. He, as can be seen from the Life, sets certain minimum disciplinary requirements, partly set out for the convenience of faithful students, partly used by Pachomius to curb disobedient students. Their gentleness is the best evidence of the monk’s love for mankind. “When the signal for “synaxis” sounds during the day, the one who is late for one prayer should be brought to his senses and a suggestion should be made to him, as indicated above, and he should stand in the refectory. Anyone who is late for three prayers at night should be admonished in the same way” 180 (Cassian (Cassian, Inst. III. 7) shows knowledge of this or some other rule similar to it). From time to time after the meal the brethren were treated to some sweets. 181 When friends or relatives brought gifts to some brother, everything also obeyed the rules, this brother, of course, shared them, although he kept something for himself. 182 Pachomius never forgot about Christian charity, which once led him to the Faith. It should be noted that, according to the charter, anyone entering the community had to learn to read and write (unless he already knew it) and memorize very lengthy passages from the Holy Scriptures. 183 Of course, in this part of Upper Egypt, some four hundred miles from such a great cosmopolitan center as Alexandria, they spoke Coptic. The Coptic alphabet gave the saint a kind of code, the secret of which he shared with several of his first students. 184 Some of these secret messages of his, interspersed with passages of Scripture, are preserved in Jerome's translation. 185 Their meaning is unknown to us, but one gets the impression that their understanding was determined not only by knowledge of a certain alphabetic code, but also by agreement in the understanding of Scripture. The named works of Pachomius, together with the Epistles of Anthony, are the first monuments of Coptic monastic literature, the original text of which has only partially survived. The community began to attract people who lived in other lands; Thus, about thirteen years before the death of Pachomius, a house of Greek-speaking brethren appeared in Pbou, ruled by another Theodore, who came from Alexandria. Among its first inhabitants were two Romans, an Armenian and four Alexandrians. 186 It was probably the inhabitants of this house (their next generation) who compiled the Greek Vita Prima of Pachomius and Theodora (comprising one book), based on Coptic material that has not survived to this day. 187 We may in passing draw attention to the characteristic aspects of this early Antonian and Pachomian literature. In both cases, special emphasis is placed on the διάκρισις distinction. 188 Spiritual life is directed toward “acquiring the Holy Spirit.” 189 In the Epistles of Anthony this is the attainment of the Spirit of Adoption 190 and becoming "friends and brothers" of Jesus (John 15:15 is quoted here three times with the addition of "brothers"). 191 In the Greek “Pachomius” sources, the hypostasis of the Holy Spirit is presented less clearly. 192 Unlike the Epistles of Anthony, as well as the Coptic Catechisms of Pachomius and his followers, 193 here, as in the Vita Antonii, simply “Jesus” is never used, but always “Jesus Christ”. It is said about Pachomius that “more than eternal torment, he was afraid of being removed from the humility and sweetness of the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ.” 194 All the monuments examined here are characterized by a special sobriety, indicating that they were created in a pagan world engulfed in the darkness of false miracles. The Lives of Pachomius and Anthony say that we should never listen to the predictions of demons. 195 If I’m not mistaken, there are only three miracles of the saint (three cases of miraculous healing). 196 It makes sense to cite here the teaching of Pachomius. “In addition to physical healing, there is also spiritual healing. For if a person suffers from spiritual blindness and does not see the light of God in his blind worship of idols, but subsequently, being led by faith in the Lord, gains sight, approaching the one true God, then isn’t this a great healing and salvation? ... One of the brothers once asked me: “Tell us about one of your visions.” I answered him: “It is not fitting for a sinner like me to ask the Lord to grant visions, for this is contrary to His will and can harm a person... And yet I will tell you about one wondrous vision. If you see a pure and humble person, then know that the Lord has vouchsafed you a great vision. What could be higher than such a vision of the Invisible God in visible man, His church? 197 In September 346, Zacchaeus and Theodore set off on a Tabennisi boat to Alexandria. Having learned that Anthony was on the Outer Mountain, they landed on the shore and went to him for his blessing. We present to you the conversation between Anthony and Zacchaeus, during which Anthony, seeing the tears of his brothers, learns that Pachomius has died. “Don't cry. You - all of you - have become like Abba Pachomius. He undertook great service, gathering so many brothers around him - truly, he walked the path of the apostles.” Zacchaeus objected: “Father, but you are a light for this whole world!” Anthony answered him: “No, Zacchaeus, listen to what I tell you. At the time when I myself became a monk, there was no cenovia in which other souls could be nourished; the first monks accomplished their ascetic feat alone. Your father was taught this good deed by the Lord Himself. Before him, only one person, bearing the name Aotas, wished to accept this service, but since he did not give it his whole heart, it remained unfulfilled. I have heard many times that your father lives exactly as Scripture teaches us. How often I wanted to see him in the body, but each time I felt my unworthiness and refused this thought. And yet there, in the Kingdom of Heaven, we will see each other and meet all the holy fathers, but first of all we will see there our Lord and God Jesus Christ.” 198 Such a visit would not be surprising, for Anthony showed amazing freedom both in his messages and in his movements. It is said that in 335 he sent a message to Constantine, interceding for Athanasius during his first exile, and received a response from the emperor in which he drew his attention to the decision of the Council of Tire. 199 Of course, when Athanasius returned from exile in July 338, Antony arrived in Alexandria and probably spent three days there, thereby wanting to support him. However, this did not in the least prevent the spread of rumors that he had taken the side of the Meletians or Arians. 200 At the same time he visited Didymus the Blind "201 and - we have the right to assume this - Ammon of Nitria." 202 We suggested that Ammon could have retired to Nitria around 330 (or slightly later). This is confirmed by the dates of life of his first companions and students. Thus, Pambo was born around 304, 203 and Benjamin around 311, "204 Macarius of Alexandria or the "citizen", who should not be confused with Macarius of Egypt, who founded the Skete, was baptized at the age of forty around 333." 205 Nathanael built his cell at a time when there were still few hermits, but under Palladius, that is, at the end of the century, it was completely empty, since the civilized world had time to come here. Around 338, Nathanael moved to a cell that was even closer to the village, but after three or four months he realized that he had succumbed to the devil’s temptation, and returned to his first cell, so as not to leave it until his death thirty-seven years later.” 206 By 338, the number of monastics had increased so much that Ammon began to grieve for those brothers who sought greater solitude. After the usual nine-hour meal, Anthony invited him to go into the desert. They walked along it until sunset, and Anthony said: “Let’s say a prayer and install a cross in this place, so that whoever wants to build will build here, and whoever comes from there or goes there can participate in the meal of the ninth hour without interfering with each other at all.” It is said that they walked twelve miles and the eighty-seven-year-old old man covered this considerable distance in just a few hours, from three o’clock in the afternoon until sunset. 207 Without a doubt, this record tells about the founding of the second Nitrian settlement, the second Cells, where over time about six hundred anchorites began to live, whose cells were separated from each other by shouting distance; Nitria supplied them with bread, but they had their own priest and church. 208 Cassian estimates the distance to Nitria at five miles, 209 Sozomen at seven, 210 Rufinus at ten; 211 as a result, twelve miles of Apophthegmas may seem an exaggeration. However, if we remember that some of the cells were located more than three miles from the church, and that Nitria was also a very extensive monastery, this apparent discrepancy will no longer bother us. The exact topography of the monastic Nitrian mountain has not yet been clarified. The mountain was separated from the village by a certain river or canal, which - at least initially, on the one hand, protected it from the world, on the other - allowed the anchorites to have among the villagers their διακονητής ("agent") layman, who protected the material interests of the monastery and helped provide it with all the necessary supplies. 212 The description of a roadside basin from which the water has drained, with crocodiles sleeping on its banks, presented in the Rufinian Historia Monachorum, is quite typical for this country of soda lakes. 213 There is also a canal connecting the Nile with Lake Mariut (Mareotis) and passing four miles south of the present village of Barnugi; in the fourth century there could have been some other canal located closer to the village. In this area, the “mountain” rises no more than four meters above sea level, and the “darkness” rises another three meters. Twelve miles south of the village, just beyond the Nubariyya Canal, the desert land rises to eleven or even fifteen meters. Here, as can be seen on the kilometer map, a series of so-called “castles” (Qusur) Kasrel Vaheidi, Kasrel Rubaiyat and so on stretches from east to west for about six miles. The map says nothing about the nature of these objects. However, the word “qasr” (qasr) often refers to certain stone buildings, which may also have included cells; I have every reason to believe that upon closer examination they will indeed turn out to be the Cells of the Anchorites, located twelve miles from Nitria and, as we have already said, standing at some distance from each other. The real desert begins only here. (With a cursory acquaintance with this area, Mr. Antoine Guillaumont in March 1964 discovered serious evidence in favor of this assumption, which, it is hoped, will be confirmed by the results of excavations. See A. Guillaumont, Le site des 'Celliá, Revue Archeologique, 1964, torn. II (July September), pp. 4350). In Nitria, ascetics could live alone, in pairs or in groups. We draw our information from sources written only half a century later (these are Palladium and the Historia Monachorum); 214 however, what they tell us probably applies to the time when there were relatively few monks here. Rufinus, in his Ecclesiastical History 215, reports (about the year 373) that there were at least three thousand monastics here. Twenty years later, Palladius already speaks of five thousand monks. According to the Historia Monachorum, they occupied about fifty “monasteries” (μονού) of various sizes, in which either two or several hundred monks could live. Thus, in Palladium’s “Dialogue on the Life of St. John Chrysostom” (Dialogus de Vita Sancti Joannis Chrysostomi) we read about monasteries with 210 and 150 monks.' 216 Here there could no longer be any question of living within “screaming distance” from each other. If at the ninth hour you were in the center [of the Cells], you would hear the singing of psalms coming from all the monasteries and would think that you were in Paradise. Here, in the center, there was a single “ekklesia”; this word, as in Syria, apparently denoted the entire totality of church-communal buildings, and not just the place of worship (which Athanasius calls κυριακόν, from where our “church” comes). Apparently, on Saturdays and Sundays all the monks came here for common worship and a common meal. Behind the fence stood three palm trees, from which whips hung to punish guilty monks, robbers and some other violators. Seven bakeries provided bread for both Nitria and Kellia. There was also a hospice house in which the wanderer was allowed to live “idle” for a week, after which he received work in the garden, in the bakery or in the cookery; Those who were literate were given books to read and left alone until noon. Wanderers sometimes spent two or three years here. The Nitrian mountain had its own doctors and pies (pastrycooks πλακουντάριοι in the Russian translation of “Lavsaika” “pharmacists” approx. trans.), wine was consumed and sold here - a thing unthinkable for the Tabennisiots. 217 In addition to the traditional production of ropes for monasteries, flax was also produced here, which once again reminds us of the proximity of these places to the fertile lands of the Delta (for example, in Vadiel Natrun such an activity would have been impossible). The same craft was most likely practiced in the Tabennisiot community: Ammon talks about a house in Pbou in which twenty-two weavers lived. 218 Both Anthony and Pachomius escaped ordination. Nitria had her own priesthood from a very early time. Pambo, although portrayed as illiterate in at least one story, 219 probably became a cleric before 340. 220 The epistle of Theodore of Tabennisiot, dating back to about 356, is addressed to “My beloved brethren, elders, deacons and monks of Mount Nitria”; 221 The Epistle of Ammon, in which it is presented, gives the names of four priests: Pambo, Piora, Heraclides (probably their eldest) and Agias. 222 Even then we have a full clergy, headed by a college of elders. In the time of Palladius, the number of the latter had already reached eight, and they formed something like an advisory council, although the service of the Liturgy, preaching and administration of justice was entrusted to a single senior presbyter. 223 Mount Nitria was always in close contact with the diocesan bishop of Damanhur (Hermopolis Parva), located ten miles from the monastery. Dracontius, who became a bishop, most likely in 353–4, was himself the abbot of the monastery (although we do not know where exactly his monastery was located); his immediate successors Isidore 224 and Dioscorus 225 were famous Nitrian monks. Elevated against his own will to the rank of bishop, Dracontius began his ministry by returning to the monastery and refusing to fulfill his episcopal duties (it seems that his monks made a corresponding promise from him even before Dracontius was installed as bishop). We have at our disposal a letter from Athanasius with quite sharp and at the same time friendly exhortations, 226 where he convinces Dracontius to fulfill his duty towards the Church and gives the names of no less than seven bishops who were monks - among them the great Serapion of Thmuis, who was formerly a student of Anthony and became a bishop before 339, and probably one of the two Tavennisiot bishops who participated in the Latopolis synod of 345. 227 Apparently, Athanasius' message had an effect, for by the time he was taken into custody and expelled in 356, Dracontius was already fulfilling his duties. 228 From the very beginning, the monks who had experience of the cinnamon life in Nitria had a tendency to retire to the Cellium and lead a hermit life there. This tendency apparently contradicted the ideals of Pachomius or Basil, who considered cinnamon to be a lifelong vocation. This is a kind of preparation for what we see in Palaetin in the next century. The story of the conversation between Ammon and Anthony is filled with a similar spirit, which seems less like a historical episode than an expression of the aforementioned clash of ideals. “I bear a greater burden of labor than you,” said Ammon. “Why is your name more famous among people?” Anthony answered: “Because I love God more.” 229 Kellia also had its own church and its own presbyter, who may have been a member of the Nitrian brotherhood. However, we do not know when exactly he appeared there. When the Epistle of Ammon, shortly after 370, speaks of “Isidore, presbyter of the hermits of Mount Nitria,” it is quite possible that presbyter Cellius is meant by him. 230 We only know for sure that this is what Macarius of Alexandria was called (presbyter Kelly). 231 Macarius died in 393 at the age of about one hundred years. 232 He belonged to the very first generation of monastics, whose experience sobered their younger successors. In the world, while he was in Alexandria, Macarius was a merchant of delicacies [τραγήματα πιπράσκων]. 233 Having converted to Christianity at the age of forty, 234 he surpassed all others in his ascetic exploits. Having learned that the Tabennisiots did not eat boiled food on Lent, he did not eat food cooked over a fire for seven years. 235 Wanting to overcome sleep, he stayed awake for twenty days, after which he yielded to it as a requirement of nature. 236 Once Macarius crushed a mosquito that had bitten him and, repenting of the vengeful feelings that had taken possession of him, spent six months naked in the skete swamp, “where lived mosquitoes the size of wasps, which bit through the skin of even boars.” He returned to his cell so swollen and eaten away that the brethren could recognize him only by his voice. 237 Wanting to show that he was in no way inferior to the Tabennisiots, he came to their monastery in the dress of a layman and asked to be accepted as a monk. Having convinced Pachomius that his venerable age would not be an obstacle to this, he so surpassed the brethren with his “ethereal” life that the Tavennisiots threatened to disperse if Pachomius did not remove him from the monastery. Recognizing the elder Macarius, Pachomius asked him to leave and thanked him for the lesson he had taught the brethren. 238 This story, which suffers from a certain inconsistency, clearly demonstrates that Pachomius’s relationship with his students was far from cloudless. 239 Pachomius died in 346, which means that the name Macarius became widely known soon after his (Macarius) conversion. Among other things, it can be assumed that such stories tell about the early period of his asceticism, but they reached Palladius with certain exaggerations. It should be noted that the monks also learned the lesson taught to them, as a result of which excessive asceticism was no longer encouraged in the monasteries. Like other monks of the first generation, Macarius was in no way tied to any one place. He had four cells: one in Nitria, one in Kellia, one in the Skete Hermitage and another somewhere “to the southwest.” 240 The mention of Skete again brings us back to another great Macarius Macarius of Egypt - who retired to this harsh desert around 330. Soon other monks joined him. However, for about ten years these hermits lived without a priest. Forty miles separated them from Nitria, not the well-trodden twenty-mile road to Terenuf, but an inconspicuous, deserted path known only to soda smugglers, lost in the endless sands. However, this did not in the least prevent the “youthful elder” (παιδαρνογέρων), as Macarius the Great was called 241, from going to the liturgy with Abba Pambo. 242 One of the stories he told in this regard testifies both to his love of wandering, which united both Macarii, and to his conviction in the antiquity of monastic life. He was overcome by the desire to leave his cell and see the real desert; he fought with him for five years, after which he gave in to this desire and, after long wanderings, discovered an oasis and a lake in the desert with an island in the middle, where lived two naked elders, an Egyptian and a Libyan, who at one time left the Egyptian Cenobia and spent forty years on this island. They told him: “Unless a person renounces everything worldly, he cannot become a monk.” When Macarius told them that he was weak and not capable of leading such a life, they answered: “If you cannot live like us, sit in your cell and cry over your sins.” “And therefore,” says Macarius, know that I have not yet become a monk, but I have seen monks. Forgive me, brothers." There is a reproach in the words of the elders. Macarius could not stay in his cell for a long time. The stories told about him tell of his endless wanderings. And at the same time, he wanders as freely as a king traveling around his domains, as if representing the very embodiment of the spirit of the desert. When the number of people living in the Hermitage increased, he decided to go to Saint Anthony and probably went straight to his Inner Mountain. 243 There, among other things, he told Anthony that the Eucharist was not celebrated in the Skete desert. Macarius takes care of the needs of those monks who could not undertake such long journeys through the desert; The story of Abba Chaeremon probably dates back to the same time, whose cave was located twenty miles from the swamp, which was the nearest source of water, and forty miles from the church (obviously, we are talking about Nitria here). 244 Monks inclined to a solitary life gathered in the Skete desert, but the distance of forty miles was unbearable even for them! In the end, at the age of forty, Macarius, who at that very time was granted the gift of healing and clairvoyance, was ordained a presbyter (this probably happened around 340). 245 The hermitage desert was visited by watchmen and natra collectors, who came with their camels from Terenuf and played the role of intermediaries in the trade of rope and baskets, which were made by the hermits. Among other things, during the harvest, the monks were hired as workers and worked in the fields 246 (since the Skete is located below sea level, the Apophthegmata quite rightly speaks of the “ascent” to Egypt). From time to time they took their handicrafts to the market located in the Delta. 247 Thus, there is a rather strange story about Macarius, who, during one of these trips, spent the night in a pagan temple in Terenuf and used a mummy as a pillow. The demons, wanting to mock him, began to call upon the dead girl: “Come with us to the bath!” The mummy answered them: “I can’t, some stranger is lying on me.” The elder, as if nothing had happened, began to hit the mummies with cuffs, saying at the same time: “Get up and go into the darkness, if you can!” The demons, who did not expect this, fled shouting: “You have put us to shame!” 248 One day Macarius went from Skete to Nitria. The student walking ahead met the pagan priest and cried out: “Hey, demon, where are you going?” The pagan hit the monk so hard with his staff that he fell to the ground. He continued on his way and soon met Macarius, who only said to him: “God help you, tired wanderer.” The pagan asked in amazement: “What made you turn to me with such words? Did you really see something good in me? “I see that you are exhausted from your labors,” answered the elder. Do you know that all this work is in vain? The priest answered him: “Your greeting struck me to the depths of my heart, and I immediately realized that you are a man of God. I just met another bad monk who insulted me, after which I struck him down with my staff.” Falling at the feet of Macarius, the priest turned to him with a prayer: “I will not let you leave until you tonsure me as a monk.” 249 Speaking about relations with pagans, one cannot help but recall the story told by Abba Olympius about a pagan priest who came to Skete and settled in his cell. Seeing the monastic lifestyle, he turned to the owner of the cell with a question: “Seeing your strict life, your God probably reveals a lot to you?” Hearing a negative answer, the priest asked another question: “We serve our god differently, and he does not hide anything from us, revealing to us secret after secret. Are you really not worthy of visions with your hard work, vigils, silence and asceticism? If this is so, then there are evil thoughts in your hearts that separate you from your God, and therefore He does not reveal His secrets to you.” When Olympius told the elders about this, they were amazed and said in response: “So it is. Unclean thoughts separate man from God.” 250 What is noteworthy here is the desire of the pagans for visions that never really attracted Christians, as well as the humility of the monk, ready to learn even from a pagan. The original abode of Macarius is believed to have been located somewhere in the area of ​​the surviving monastery of Deirel Baramus (monastery of the "Roman brothers"), located at the western edge of the valley. 251 When the number of inhabitants increased, he probably moved to a higher place, located behind a low ridge at its western edge, near the monastery that now bears his name. 252 Cassian has already found four communities or “Ecclesia” in the Skete, 253 the third of which is now represented by the twin monasteries of Abba Psoy and Syrian, and the fourth, the monastery of John Kolov, has been desolate for several centuries (its location is known). 254 Continuing their journey down the Nile after their visit to Anthony, Zacchaeus and Theodore arrived at Alexandria during the return of Athanasius from his second exile, when on the first of October 346 the nobles and people, if we are to believe what is written, walked a hundred miles just to meet their bishop. 255 His return caused an unprecedented surge of religious enthusiasm and an increase in the number of hermits. 256 Without a doubt, this applies, first of all, to Nitria and the Skete hermitage closest to Alexandria. However, this phenomenon affected the entire Nile Valley (we can note in passing that in the same year the great recluse John of Nikopol probably settled in his cave cell). 257 This was facilitated by the continued preaching of Athanasius. Around 352, the newly baptized seventeen-year-old Ammon heard it. 258 Sent away from a certain Thebaid monk suspected of heresy, whom he intended to follow, Ammon was sent to Pbou on a Tabennisiot boat along with Theophilus and Copros, who were carrying messages from Theodore to Athanasius. The multiplication of monastics, the rapid economic growth and prosperity of the monastery (which was now so strikingly different from the desert villages of thirty years ago) turned out to be an impossible test for Orsisius, who had not even had time to pass five years - the table collapsed with open disobedience of one of the monasteries of the hostel, after which he handed over the reins of government to Theodore, even though he called himself just an assistant to Orsisius. Under his energetic and compassionate leadership, order was soon restored. The rebel monastery returned to the hostel. 259 Under Theodore, two more monasteries were included in the community, located near Hermopolis Magna (Ashmunein), about a hundred miles down the Nile. A monastery also appeared in Hermont, located near Thebes, as well as a convent of Bekhne (Vichne) a mile from Pbou. 260 The Epistle of Ammon presents a vivid picture of the life of the community in which he spent three years (however, we should not forget that it presents the memoirs of an impressionable young man, recorded by him forty years later). Theodore, recognizing Ammon as a future minister of the church, began to teach him monastic life 261 (Ammon studied the Saidic language in Pbou), 262 however, when three years later the young man was found by a friend of his family who wanted to take him to his grieving mother, who had also converted to Christianity, Theodore did not object to this. At the same time, he (Theodore) gave him advice after meeting with his parents to go to Mount Nitria. 263 Five months after Ammon arrived there, on January 17, 356, 264 Anthony died on his Inner Mountain, bequeathing his mantles: one to Athanasius, and the other to Serapion of Thmuis. 265 A month after his death, Athanasius was expelled. 266 Dracontius of Damanhur was exiled to the fortress of Tabubastum (Thabubastum - in Athanasius's History of the Arians it is said that he was “imprisoned in desert places near Clysma”) north of the Salt Lakes (where Hilarion visited him), 267 many other monks and bishops were sent into exile. A real pursuit was organized for Afanasy, but it was never possible to catch him. For some time he hid in the house of a beautiful virgin in Alexandria itself; she was very worried during the search of her house, but “the bird flew away” this time too. 268 In 360, the authorities decided that he was in Thebaid, and an armed detachment led by the strategist Artemius arrived in Pbou and began searching for him. 269 The monks answered him with dignity, but Artemy behaved quite restrained. When the search yielded no results, the general invited the monks to pray for him, but they, noticing an Arian bishop among his people, left Synaxis, leaving him to pray alone. Frozen by the midday heat, he fell asleep and woke up in horror with a nosebleed, saying that it was only by the grace of God that he escaped death. Two years later he was killed in Antioch by Julian. Despite the fact that Artemy is usually associated with Arianism, he is revered by the Orthodox Church as a great martyr. 270 At the time Artemius arrived in Pbou, Theodore was visiting the monasteries of Hermopolis. 271 In the spring of 363, he again went to Hermopolis to meet Athanasius, who, with the permission of Julian, reappeared in Alexandria, only to immediately retire to Thebaid. 272 His solemn and military meeting in the spring is described in Vita Prima by Pachomius as vividly as if the author of the life had witnessed it. Theodore was supposed to return to Pbou for Easter, but left the Tabennisiot boat for the needs of Athanasius. 273 This is contradicted by the blessed pope’s own story, recorded by Ammon, about how in June in Antinoe (opposite Hermopolis) he found refuge on the same Tavennisiot ship, and Theodore and Abba Pammon of Antinous, who were present on it, first exchanged incomprehensible smiles, and then explained to the puzzled Athanasius that Julian was no longer alive. 274 Theodore mournfully watched the expansion of the lands and the increase in the number of boats that belonged to the monastery. 275 He began to persuade Abba Orsisius to return to managing the monastery again. 276 At night, Theodore went to the graves located on the mountain, to which it was necessary to walk about three miles. Someone (possibly the author of the Vita Prima) followed him unnoticed and heard Theodore's prayers at the tomb of his beloved teacher. 277 His prayers were heard and shortly after Easter on April 27, 368, Theodore departed to the Lord. 278 Orsisius again returned to the management of the monastery and “ruled the brothers to the best of his ability; He was very kind and loved to save the souls of his brothers. For God gave him power by revealing to him the interpretation of the Scriptures. And he ruled the brothers for a long time in peace.” 279 Vita Prima ends with a letter of consolation from Athanasius addressed to Orsisius. 280 Anthony's disciple and successor on the Outer Mountain Pispir Ammon (Ammonas) may have arrived there after living for fourteen years in the Scete desert; 281 however, this name was very common at that time, and therefore what was said is nothing more than an assumption. Subsequently he became a bishop, 282 and was succeeded in Pispir, according to the Historia Monachorum, by Pitirion. 283 However, Rufinus, who visited Pispirus after 373, mentions only Poemenus and Josephus. 284 In Apophthegmata, Bishop Ammon appears as a very attractive figure. Many of his messages have reached us, preserved in Syriac 285 and not so completely in Greek, 286 but not in Coptic. They differ from the Epistles of St. Anthony, with which they have long been associated, by the active involvement of apocalyptic apocrypha, which are not mentioned at all in Anthony, and by the peculiar development of the doctrine of the acquisition of the Holy Spirit, which may have a connection with Messalianism. Regardless of where exactly Ammon came to Pispir, we know from Apophthegmata that after the death of Anthony, Sisoi, finding the Hermitage desert too densely populated, leaves it and finds the desired peace on the Inner Mountain of Anthony. 287 We can assume that this happened after the Saracen raid of 357 mentioned by Jerome, when, as it is said here, they killed Anthony’s student Sarmat. 288 Before this, according to Jerome, Hilarion visited the Inner Mountain, where he was accompanied by two other disciples of Anthony, one of whom acted as his translator. 289 Of course, at the time of Sisoy's arrival at the Inner Mountain, it was already deserted. Like Anthony, he came from time to time to Pispirus, part of which, according to another story, was still overrun by Meletians. 290 Everything necessary for Sisoi, who lived on the Inner Mountain, was delivered by a διακονητής “agent” from Pispir. Sometimes he was delayed, and once Sisoy spent ten months completely alone. Proud thoughts began to take possession of him, but then he met a hunter from Paran (Sinai Peninsula), who had not seen people for eleven months. 291 Much later, when Abba Sisoi was asked how he left the Hermitage of Hermitage, where he lived with Abba Or (Or is known as a Nitrian monk, accordingly, the concept of Skete here should be interpreted in an expanded sense), Sisoi replied that Skete began to seem too crowded to him, but having learned about Anthony’s dormition, he came to the Inner Mountain, found it quiet and “lived there for some time.” When asked how long he spent there, Abba Sisoes replied: “Seventy-two years.” 292 By the time of Anthony's death in 373, both Nitria and Scete had entered adulthood. The overwhelming majority of the monastics, of course, were Egyptians. But we cannot consider them pure Copts, bearing in mind what part of Egypt we are talking about here. Mixed blood and bilingualism must have been much more common in the Delta than in the Thebaid. It should also be noted that at that time there were no conflicts between educated and uneducated monks. Thus, Pambo, one of the first presbyters of Nitria, apparently did not know any literacy at all; 293 however, the four Long Brothers, about whom we will hear later, were his disciples, and at least one of them, Ammonius, was very well read and knowledgeable not only in the Holy Scriptures (“... this great man had extraordinary learning”). 294 But we must understand that from a very early time foreigners also lived here (as well as in Fau). In 340, during his exile, Athanasius was accompanied in Rome by persons who exemplified monastic life, 295 after which the pious Romans turned their gaze to Egypt. 296 One of the most touching stories about Macarius of Scete is associated with two young foreigners, whose cell after their death Macarius called “the martyrium of little foreigners.” 297 This story may have something to do with the name of the monastery of DeirBaramus "monastery of the Roman brothers." Basil of Cappadocia (the Great), shortly after his baptism in 357, set off on a journey to the monasteries of Palestine and Egypt. 298 Whatever his Anatolian experience, this journey undoubtedly had a serious influence on the rules he subsequently compiled. Athanasius’s “Life of St. Anthony,” written at about the same time and addressed to “monks staying in foreign countries,” was soon translated into Latin. In fact, even before the death of the author of this life, two completely independent Latin translations of it appeared. 299 Expelled from the West, Hilary of Pictavia and Eusebius of Vercelius returned from exile to their homeland, knowing Eastern monasticism first-hand, and inspired St. Martin and others with their experience. 300 The names of the most famous Egyptian monks soon became commonplace in the Christian homes of Rome. 301 Around the same time, when Athanasius dies, this tendency becomes even more serious. Jerome departs for Syria and lives in Antioch when the news reaches him that his friend Rufinus is in Egypt in Nitria in the monastery of blessed Macarius. 302 We are probably talking about the year 374; At that time, Jerome knew about the existence of only one Macarius - probably Macarius of Alexandria. The arrival of Rufinus in Egypt approximately coincides in time with the appearance there of the noble widow Melania, who, like himself, arrived from Rome. She was accompanied to Nitria by Isidore, Bishop of Damanhur. 303 Here it is worth recalling the famous story of how she brought the great Pamvo three hundred liters of silver and, embarrassed by the fact that the elder did not even try to appreciate such a great offering, she said: “My lord, let it be known to you, there are three hundred liters of silver here,” to which Pamvo replied: “My daughter, to whom you brought this, He does not need to tell how much it weighs. He weighed the mountains and set the hills by weight - especially since he knows the weight of your silver. If you gave it to me, then it would be good to tell about its quantity, but if you brought it to God, who did not reject even two mites, then be silent...” Soon Pamvo went to the Lord, bequeathing to Melania the basket he had woven shortly before. 304 This was not Melania's only monastic gift. Macarius of Alexandria gave her a sheep's skin, brought to him by a hyena in gratitude for the fact that he had healed her cub from blindness [“... this skin was refused by the servant of Christ to the holy and blessed Athanasius the Great and the blessed servant of Christ Melania told me that she took this skin from the holy and wondrous husband Macarius under the name of the gift of the hyena"]. 305 However, the death of Athanasius served as a signal for the violent seizure of the episcopal see in Alexandria by the Arian Lucius, supported by Emperor Valens. Athanasius' successor Peter was forced to flee to Rome. 306 The resistance of the Orthodox caused retaliatory actions on the part of the emperor, and soon many bishops, along with presbyters and monks, went into exile in the Palestinian Diocaesarea. Among them was Isidore of Damanhur. Having spent six months in Nitria, Melania went to their aid and dismayed the imperial officials, who were trying to intimidate her, but suddenly found out who they were dealing with. 307 The two Macarii were exiled to a pagan island in the Delta. However, after they healed the daughter of a pagan priest who was possessed by an evil spirit, the islanders destroyed the pagan temple and built a church in its place, after which the monks were allowed to return to the desert. 308 The bishops were still in exile when Mavia (Mauvia), a Saracen queen who threatened the borders of Arabia and Palestine, offered Valens a ransom by sending the Egyptian monk Moses as bishop to her tribe. Moses, immediately taken into custody and taken to Lucius to perform episcopal consecration, flatly refused to be dedicated as an Arian, after which Valens considered it necessary to send him to the exiled bishops. 309 This happened shortly before their return. Meanwhile, either during the exile of the bishops, or a little later, Nitria, by order of the emperor, was subjected to a real military attack. 310 Jerome, in his Chronicle, dates these events to the year 375, reporting that many monks were killed during this raid. However, neither he nor Rufinus report the exact number of those killed. Jerome only says that “Valens lege data ut monachi militarent, nolentes fustibus jussit interfici.” 311 This reference is usually associated with the Codex Theodosius XII. 18. 1 (368) and XII. 1. 63 (373), where it is prescribed (and we are talking specifically about Egypt) to search for people trying to hide from fulfilling their public duties in deserts and monastic monasteries (“specie religionis cum coetibus monazonton congregentur”), and to forcefully return them to the performance of their corresponding duties or resort to confiscation of their property. The law, of course, says nothing about beating people to death. 312 This is the first known mention of monasticism in Roman law. Rufinus not only witnessed these events, but, as he writes, also suffered in them, but he does not say anything definite about whether anyone was killed. He spent six years in Egypt, at the feet of the Alexandrian scholar Didimus the Blind, and then, after a short break, another two years. He traveled along the Nile as far as Pispir. 313 And finally, he joined Melania and the monastic community she founded on the Mount of Olives after she left Diocaesarea, where she helped the exiles. 314 Holy places attracted people. We remember that Chariton, the first monk of the Judean desert, first came there as a pilgrim. Subsequently we will see that the monastic life of this desert has always been connected with the Cities of the Incarnation at its western border. However, it was the monasticism of the holy places themselves that first attracted attention. Cyril of Jerusalem was already turning to monks in the middle of the fourth century (probably these monks were his catechumens, for monastic life sometimes began even before baptism). 315 Perhaps the Church of the Resurrection had its own zealots from the very beginning. On the Mount of Olives, from which there is a view of both the city and the desert, temporary and eternal on a mountain consecrated by the events of Holy Week and the Ascension, the monks settled during the life of Athanasius the Great. Innocent the Italian was a married man and an important dignitary at the court of Constantius. Subsequently, he became a monk and erected a prayer book on the Mount of Olives, where the relics of John the Baptist, saved during the reign of Julian from desecration by Samarian pagans, were kept. 316 Soon after 370, he was joined by the monk presbyter Palladius, who most likely previously belonged to the community of Basil the Great in Caesarea in Cappadocia. Palladius writes about this to Athanasius, explaining why he decided to join Innocent, and Athanasius praises Vasily in his response letter. 317 A few years later, most likely, in 377, a certain disagreement arises between Innocent and Palladius, which both Vasily and Epiphanius hasten to heal, while Vasily speaks of “Innocent the Italian and our Palladius.” 318 This may indicate both the Cappadocian origin of Palladius (such an assumption would be the most natural), and that he (Palladius) was a member of the monastic community of Basil. In any case, we can conclude from this that in the Holy Land monasticism from the very beginning was multinational in nature. The Mount of Olives is quite spacious, and we can have no doubt that the monasteries of Melania and Rufinus, on the one hand, and Innocent and Palladium, on the other, existed independently of each other. In the first, around 382, ​​Deacon Evagrius arrived from Constantinople, having fled from a passionate battle. 319 A native of Pontic Iberia, he was installed as a reader in Caesarea by Basil the Great. After Basil's death in early 379, he was attracted by the fame of Gregory of Nazianzus, who lived in the capital; from there he sends an apologetic letter to the Caesareas, which was erroneously attributed to Basil (Epistle 8) and for a long time complicated consideration of the Trinitarian theology of Basil the Great. Jerome was one of Gregory's disciples around this same time. Gregory ordains Evagrius as a deacon and, leaving the city during the council of 381, leaves the young theologian as an assistant to Bishop Nektarios, after which the above-mentioned misfortune befalls Evagrius. Arriving at the Mount of Olives, Evagrius becomes seriously ill and falls ill - this illness has spiritual causes for six months, until Melania heals him after he took monastic vows. He goes to Nitria, and after another two years in Skete, where he spent the next fourteen years (some of the surviving works of Evagrius say that they were written in the Skete hermitage, however, as we have already seen, this concept can also be used in an expanded sense). At this time, he became a prolific writer, whose dwarf ascetics could memorize and repeat mentally. Extremely, and at times overly speculative in his adherence to Origen, he remained an original and independent thinker who left a noticeable mark on the history of Christian spirituality and provided it (if we talk about its Greek expression) with practically a new vocabulary. It was he who was the first to use the Stoic concept of απάθεια “dispassion,” a concept accepted by Greek ascetic theology, but which never found a place in Latin theology. We also owe to him the classification of the eight evil λογισμοί (thoughts or cogitationes) - gluttony, fornication, love of money, sadness, anger, despondency, vanity, pride 320 adopted (with a certain change in order) by Cassian and which became the prototype of the “seven deadly sins” of Latin moral theology. Some of Evagrius's provisions seriously differ from balanced Christian truths. So, someone may be alarmed by the fact that he, apparently, puts Knowledge above Love. However, we must give him credit for what he gave to the Church. Those of his works that have come down to us in Greek are mostly signed by other, less suspicious names. Others have survived only in Syriac and will be studied by scientists for a long time. The extraordinary significance of his works is only now beginning to be realized. 321 In the autumn of 385, two groups of Roman pilgrims met in Syria, one of them led by Jerome, the other by the noble Paula and her daughter Eustochia. Having passed through the whole of Palestine on their pilgrimage, they made a long pilgrimage to Alexandria and Nitria before returning to Bethlehem (386) and settling there finally. 322 In 388, the young Galatian Palladius arrived in Alexandria, wanting to become a monk 323 (contrary to the opinion of Father Cuthbert Butler, his three-year stay with Innocent on the Mount of Olives, where, as we have seen, he had a namesake, could hardly have occurred during this period and, apparently, should refer to a later time). 324 He was received by the great Isidore the Host, a former Nitrian monk, who was already about seventy and who, as they said, was one of those monks who accompanied Athanasius to Rome in 340 (if this is so, then he was not even twenty-three years old at that time). Isidore entrusted young Palladius to elder Dorotheus, 325, who lived in a monastery located five miles west of Alexandria, not far from the seashore, for three years. It was this old man, being asked by Palladius why he exhausted his body so much, who answered him: “It kills me, and I kill it.” Such a harsh life turned out to be too much for Palladius, who returned to the city ahead of schedule. He apparently spent the third year in a monastery somewhere near Alexandria, where about two thousand monks lived. After this, he went to Nitria, 326 where he found alive the monks of the first generation who knew Anthony, Ammon and even Pachomius. After spending a year in Nitria, 327 Palladius went to Scete. 328 Macarius of Alexandria, who was still acting as presbyter, died three years later at the age of about one hundred years. Most of all, Palladius was devoted to Evagrius, under whose leadership he remained until his (Evagrius) death, which occurred on Epiphany in 399. 329 Palladium does not seem to have remained stagnant during this period. He may have visited Palestine on some mission, for Epiphanius, in his letter (dated about 394) to John, Bishop of Jerusalem, warns him of the Galatian Palladius, “qui quondam nobis cams fuit, et nunc misericordia Dei indiget,” who preaches and teaches the heresy of Origen. 330 Apparently a little later, but in the same year 394, judging by a hint from Evagrius, he set off during the high water on an eighteen-day journey up the Nile, part of the journey on foot, part of the way by boat, wanting to see the famous recluse John, who spent forty-eight years in his cell clinging to a cliff near Nicopolis (Asiut) and died a few months after this meeting. 331 Probably, John immediately realized (Palladius admits this with certain embarrassment) that Palladius was close to Evagrius and was already drawn into church politics. Having asked if he wanted to become a bishop, John did not pay the slightest attention to Palladius’s playful words that he had already become the bishop of the kitchen, appointed by gluttony and expelling wine that had turned to vinegar. Many years later, Palladius recalled this warning from the elder with bitterness. In the autumn of the same year, other foreign monks also visited John. 332 A group of seven monks from the Rufinus monastery on the Mount of Olives, one of whom was a deacon, wandered through the monasteries of Egypt. Fearing the pagans, they only reached Nikopol and did not dare to go further south. Therefore, the narrative of this journey left by one of its participants, Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, begins with the story of their visit to John, after which they began to go down the Nile, visited Nitria, met the monks of Diolcus in the Delta, after which they went by ship to Palestine. Probably ten years later Rufinus, who left the East in 397, translated this work into Latin with some additions and corrections. 333 The only possible indication of the original author is found in Sozomen, who identifies him with Timothy, who in 412 was archdeacon of Alexandria, who lost the dispute for the patriarchate to Cyril. 334 The book contains many stories about various kinds of miracles, which the author fully trusts. However, for the most part, he gives them from the stories of others, as evidenced by the noticeable difference in the style and characteristic way of thinking of its various parts. Of course, his story about John of Nicopolis, even if we do not take into account the details, which, in my opinion, entirely go back to Palladius, in general corresponds to the much more detailed testimony about him “Lavsaika”. In the Historia Monachorum John is ninety, but Palladius says that he is only seventy-eight years old. However, discrepancies of this kind are not surprising. Palladium is much more sober and accurate, and I find it difficult to understand how specialists familiar with both named works can consider Historia Monachorum a more reliable source. 335 While all our other sources at this time pay special attention to Nitria and the Hermitage, the Historia Monachorum reminds us, and this is its special value, that monastic life in its various forms spread throughout the entire Nile Valley. Probably, in the eighties of the fourth century (it is impossible to say more precisely), two young men Germanus and John Cassian became monks of a certain Bethlehem monastery, which we do not know exactly, but it is assumed that we are talking about the monastery of Posidonius, located beyond the Shepherd Fields, where for some time (probably in 399) 336 Palladius was also located; this monastery, according to the testimony of Cassian himself, was located closer to the Cave of the Nativity. 337 Soon the old Egyptian monk Pinuphius, a wonderful abbot, who twice fled from his own glory 338 and lived with them as newcomers in the same cell, kindled in their hearts a desire to visit the Egyptian deserts, where they went, making a promise in the Cave of the Nativity to soon return to Bethlehem. 339 (Nothing is said about Jerome here, although in his writings Cassian glorifies him and Rufinus every now and then. Most likely, this is the general opinion and we are not talking about the community in which Jerome was. However, the absence of a mention should never be considered as a serious argument). Young people visit Panefis (Panephis), 340 Diolk 341 and Skete. 342 Seven years pass before they, tormented by their conscience, return to Bethlehem to finally receive forgiveness for breaking a promise and permission to return to Skete, where they depart after a friendly farewell. 343 Without a doubt, on the way from Nitria to Scete, Cassian and Germanus visited Kellia. 344 Whom Cassian never mentions is Evagrius. Only very recently has it been shown 345 to what extent his work is, in a certain sense, a Latin translation of the teachings of Evagrius, presented, however, with some essential modifications. Controversial concepts such as “dispassion” (απάθεια) are either rephrased or avoided altogether; Love is again placed above Knowledge. 346 Probably in 394, in the Skete hermitage, an ascetic appeared who was destined to become the most prominent figure in the next period in the history of Skete, Arsenius, 347 who is believed to have once been the mentor of the emperor’s sons Arcadius and Honorius; his departure to Skete in one of the sources is explained by their conspiracy against him. Collectors of apothegmas loved to contrast this silent and rather inhospitable ascetic with another great skete ascetic, the simple and sympathetic Moses the Ethiopian (Murin), who was once a robber. 348 Two more written testimonies left by Western pilgrims have reached us. From the text attributed to the noble Etheria (if only she really bore this name), 349 only isolated fragments have been preserved, which tell about Palestine, Sinai and Syria. The account of monastic life in Sinai is of particular interest; Among other things, it is noteworthy that the term “monastery” here still means a separate cell. The second text attributed to Postumianus is presented in the Dialogues of Sulpicius Severus. However, this pilgrimage (unless we are dealing with a literary work) took place already in 400–401. This text provides a sympathetic and objective account of the tragic events of this time. 350 The last two decades of the fourth century seem to us something like the golden age of Nitria and Scete. Nevertheless, the lurking demon of mutual envy of the uneducated Egyptian monks and both local and foreign intellectuals raised its head from time to time: for example, one old man was indignant when he noticed a small relaxation that was made for the sick Arseny, but he was immediately reminded that Arseny had once left the palace, while this old man himself had previously been a poor rural shepherd; 351 here we can also recall one of the stories about Evagrius, who wanted to enter into a debate taking place in Kelia, but was immediately stopped by the presbyter: “Abba, we all know that in your homeland you could become a bishop and lead many. Here you live as a foreigner.” 352 In fact, Theophilus of Alexandria himself convinced Evagrius to accept the bishopric 353 this is stated in the Coptic text (Tmuis); 354 a letter has also been preserved in Syriac, which may have been Evagrius’s response to this proposal. 355 (The Coptic text says that he fled to Palestine to avoid initiation; 356 the construction of the chronology is greatly simplified if we assume that both he and Palladius were in Palaetinia when Evagrius peacefully departed to the Lord). Under Theophilus' predecessor Timothy (3815), Ammonius, one of the Long Brothers, was sought to be made bishop of one of the Egyptian cities. When they came for him, he cut off his left ear and told those who came that a crippled man could not become a bishop. Hearing accusations of Jewish legalism in response, he threatened to cut off his tongue. 357 His brother Dioscorus was installed by Theophilus as bishop of Damanhur (after Isidore) sometime between 391 and 394. 358 In addition to the fact that Theophilus appointed monks as bishops, he flirted with the inhabitants of the desert and found some other use for them, sometimes clearly harmful to the soul. Isidore, the Host of Alexandria, was often used by him for assignments in other countries, for example, when the outcome of the struggle between Theodosius and Maximus was unclear, Isidore was sent immediately with two versions of letters from Theophilus, in which he congratulated the winner and which were stolen from him (from Isidore). 359 In 396 he was sent by Theophilus to promote reconciliation between Epiphanius and John of Jerusalem. 360 In 398, Theophilus elected him as a candidate for the episcopal see of Constantinople 361 and made him his envoy to Rome, seeking the reconciliation of Rome with Flavian of Antioch. 362 Meanwhile, disagreements with the pagans in Alexandria led to a crisis in 391. With his clearly provocative actions, Theophilus contributed to the beginning of an armed revolt of the pagans, during which they captured Christians and offered them a choice between making a sacrifice [to the pagan gods] or martyrdom. The rebels chose the church of Serapis as their citadel and held a siege for some time. However, in the end, by imperial order, both the church and the huge image of Serapis were destroyed. 363 (The Law in Cod. Theod. XVI. 10. 11 does order the suppression of pagan cults, but says nothing about the destruction of temples. No doubt its reading varied depending on local conditions). Connected with this is a rather ominous episode of Apophthegm: “Once upon a time the fathers, summoned by Archbishop Theophilus, assembled in Alexandria so that he could offer his prayers and destroy the [pagan] temples...” 364 It seems that Theophilus was the first to use a crowd of fanatical monks as a personal army. Both pagans and Christians considered the destruction of the Temple of Serapis a historical milestone. Abba Dula talks about the visit of his mentor Abba Vissarion to John of Lycopolis at the same time; talking with John, Vissarion said: “A decree was issued on the destruction of churches.” 365 It was not only the Serapeum that was destroyed. In Kanop, the pagan temple also became a monastery. A rather late Coptic source reports that at first Theophilus invited the Jerusalem monks to take this place, but they were afraid of the demonic conditions at night, after which their place was taken by the Tabennisiots - indigenous Egyptians who were better able to fight Egyptian demons! 366 Without a doubt, the monastery in Kanop was also built by the Tabennisiots. 367 We have at our disposal the written testimony of Eunapius, a not very attractive pagan author of that time: “And then they introduced into the holy places those who are usually called monks, who outwardly resemble people, but live like pigs; They openly committed ten thousand unspeakable atrocities. Despising sacred things, they consider themselves pious. Despotic power ended up in the hands of all these people in black robes, who tried to commit their lewdness right in public... Even in Canopy, monks appeared who turned their lives into slave service, but even as slaves they were bad, because they did not serve the true gods.” 368 The new monastery, called Metanoia (“Repentance”), was probably intended as a kind of symbol of the conversion of the pagans. The prologue to Pachomius's Greek Vita Prima speaks of "the increasing repentance of the pagans in the Church, while the bishops were leading them to God in accordance with the teaching of the apostles"; 369 it is possible that these words were written precisely at this time. A sixth-century papyrus contains a story about old Orsisius's visit to Theophilus after he received a letter in which the bishop asks him to bring with him the Life (but not the Lives) of Pachomius and Theodore; 370 Although the said story is full of legends of the sixth century, this detail is perhaps an indication of the traditional origin of the Vita Prima. Without a doubt, Theophilus intended to supply the new monastery with a body of Greek-language Pachomian literature, the importance of which became much greater after monasteries began to appear in areas with a mixed population. “The Epistle of Bishop Ammon” was written within a year or two - by this time Dioscorus had already become bishop of Damanhur, and Evagrius (unless we are mistaken in attributing De Oratione to him and not Nilus) 371 managed to quote one of its fragments (Evagrius died in 399). The Charter and "Epistle" of Pachomius and Theodore, as well as the "Testament" of Orsisius, were also translated into Greek; and it was from the Greek (of which only a later selection survives) that Jerome translated them into Latin in 404 for the needs of the Latin-speaking monks of Canopus. As we have already said, Theophilus sought the favor of monasticism. However, there are also certain signs that the monks behaved with sufficient restraint. There is a story about Theophilus’s visit to Skete, one of whose elders (the text calls him by the name Pamvo, but the great Pamvo had already died by this time, and besides, he did not live in the Skete hermitage) refused to talk to him: “If my silence does not benefit him, my words will not help him.” 372 Arseny survived Theophilus; when exactly the latter visited Skete (and he visited there twice) and met with Arseny remains unknown. At the first meeting, Theophilus wanted to hear a word from him. After a long silence, Arseny asked: “Will you restrain him?” Hearing an affirmative answer, he said: “If you hear about Arseny, do not approach him.” 373 On the second visit, Theophilus sent his man ahead, wanting to find out if Arseny would open it for him, and received the following answer: “When you come, I’ll open it; If I reveal it to you, I will reveal it to others; but I won’t live here [after this].” 374 Theophilus transferred the remaining two Long Brothers to Alexandria so that they would help him in the affairs of governing the church, but after some time they chose to leave the department and return to the desert. 375 Meanwhile, in Jerusalem, the young monk John replaced (this happened in 386) Cyril in the episcopal post. In Bethlehem and on the Mount of Olives, educated monks, with the consent of the bishop, were guided in their study of Scripture by the works of Origen. However, Epiphanius, who was jealous of everything that was happening in Palestine, did not immediately like this. Everything that seemed incomprehensible to him, he considered heresy. He condemned the anthropomorphism of some heretics, but to some extent he himself was inclined towards it. 376 As we will see later, uneducated monasticism supported him. The agraphon attributed to the Lord: “You have seen your brother, you have seen your God” (Thou hast seen thy brother, thou hast seen thy God) was the basis of their spirituality; 377 to move from this great Christian truth to a crude humanization of the Divine was not at all difficult. When Epiphanius visited Jerusalem in 393, 378 he probably already knew that at the beginning of the year a certain Atarbius (Atervius) had appeared there, calling for the anathematization of Origen. 379 Rufinus showed him the door. Jerome, to everyone's surprise, joined those anathematizing. Atarbius soon had to leave Palestine, while Epiphanius, whose suspicions only intensified, tried to get Bishop John to anathematize Origen, but was not at all successful in this. In [John's] sermon, with which Epiphanius could not but agree, Origen's teaching received a positive assessment. During his next visit, Epiphanius behaved much more decisively and himself delivered a sermon denouncing Origen, to which Bishop John responded with a word denouncing anthropomorphism. 380 There was no open break in church communion. However, appearing in Jerusalem the next year, Epiphanius took brother Jerome Paulinian to his old monastery, which was located in the diocese of Eleutheropolis, that is, outside the jurisdiction of John, and ordained him as a presbyter, intending to send him to the Bethlehem community, in which presbyter Jerome had refused to serve at one time. This is not the only manifestation of Epiphanius’s willfulness during this period. However, he feigned genuine surprise when he learned that John found his actions offensive. 381 It all ended with his calling on the monks to break off church communion with the Origenist John. As for Jerome, he behaved quite prudently and, just in case, sent his brother to Cyprus, hoping that the scandal would soon subside. Other members of his community behaved so recklessly that John announced the excommunication of all those who recognized Paulinian’s ordination as legitimate; they were even forbidden to have a funeral service in the Church of the Nativity, and they had to take their catechumens for baptism to the bishop of Diospolis (Lydda). It was at this time that John asked Theophilus of Alexandria to intervene in what was happening, who sent Isidore as an intermediary, although the situation did not improve at all after the discovery of Theophilus’ letter to Rufinus, which testified to the bishop’s bias (it should be noted that during this period Theophilus was clearly on the side of the Origenists). However, in the end, in early 397, he managed to achieve reconciliation. Soon after this, Rufinus finally left Palestine, and his old friend even accompanied him on his way. 382 It is believed that one of the episodes of “Lavsaik” indicates that Melania played one of the main roles in healing the schism. 383 Three years later, in 400, she also left Palestine, but after the sack of Rome she returned to Jerusalem to die. 384 Jerome’s most bitter and prolonged quarrel with her and with Rufinus began after they returned to Italy, but in this case we are no longer interested in it. A few days after the death of Evagrius, which occurred on Epiphany in 399, Theophilus’ annual Easter message was read. It contained an open and categorical condemnation of anthropomorphism. 385 The educated inhabitants of Nitria and Kelia, of course, welcomed his appearance. However, in the Skete it was allowed to be read only in one of the four brotherhoods, namely, in the brotherhood of Abba Paphnutius, however, even there it was perceived extremely painfully. Deacon Photius, who came from Cappadocia, was able to convince Elder Serapion that anthropomorphism was rejected by the universal church. When everyone decided to thank the Lord for this wonderful admonition, the old man began to sob: “Oh, unfortunate me! They took my God from me; I no longer know whom I can hold on to, or whom I can bow to or pray to.” Cassian, from whom we find the story given here, was probably himself present at this scene. In other monasteries of Scete and Nitria, Theophilus' message was met with even more hostility. Socrates tells us how a crowd of monks descended on Alexandria, where Theophilus tried to calm them down with the following words: “I see you like the face of God.” Not satisfied with this, the monks continued to press the bishop: “If you really confess this, then condemn the books of Origen.” Theophilus gave up. “I, like you, blame those who follow the opinions of Origen.” 386 This volteface coincided with other events that turned Theophilus against his former favorites. The Long Brothers Euthymius and Eusebius returned to the desert, leaving their administrative posts in Alexandria, to which Theophilus had once appointed them. 387 Isidore, who returned from Rome, presented evidence in the case of Presbyter Peter that was contrary to what the bishop wanted to hear. 388 Moreover, in accordance with the terms of the will, he spent most of the inheritance on the needs of the poor, without notifying Theophilus about this, who would have used them to build churches. 389 Theophilus brought other charges against him and deposed him at a meeting of the synod. Isidore returned to his old cell in Nitria. 390 When the Long Brothers arrived in Alexandria to plead for him, Theophilus accused them of Origenism. 391 First in Alexandria, and then in Nitria, riots began to occur, the cause of which was the rejection of educated monasticism by the anthropomorphist monks. Theophilus probably had to resort to the help of imperial troops; among other things, he removed Dioscorus from the administration of his diocese, which included Nitria. Origenism was condemned at a synod held in Alexandria in early 400. 392 It was at this time that the peaceful Western pilgrim Postumianus appeared here. Upon returning to Italy, he was filled with gratitude to the generous and hospitable Theophilus. And Postumian himself found in Origen’s writings much that was inconsistent with the truth and therefore believed that it should be read carefully, but did not see anything in them that could lead to violence between Christians. 393 The Long Brothers, and with them three hundred more monks, fled from Nitria. Many of them went to Jerusalem, 394 about eighty monks went to Scythopolis (BethSan) in the Jordan Valley, where many palm trees grew, providing abundant material for the usual monastic craft. 395 About fifty more monks went to Constantinople (probably towards the end of 401), seeking protection from Archbishop John Chrysostom, who treated them hospitably, although he did not accept them into church communion, and then, against the advice of John, from the emperor. 396 John Chrysostom, of course, was not an Origenist. However, he had a great understanding of people. Palladius, who arrived in the same year, but somewhat earlier, from Palestine to the capital, was immediately installed by John as Bishop of Elenopolis in Bithynia. 397 Heraclides, another monk from Nitria and disciple of Evagrius, becomes bishop of Ephesus; The legality of this order was not recognized by everyone, which was later used against John. 398 Germanus and Cassian, whose arrival in Constantinople practically coincided with the appearance of Palladius there, were ordained: Germanus as a presbyter, Cassian as a deacon. 399 Theophilus, who was indignant at John for such a turn of events, on the eve of the Council of Constantinople, where he was summoned to answer a number of accusations brought against him, began to turn the synod participants against him. 400 The old fanatical Epiphanius was sent there in order to rebuff Origenism, however, it seems that he realized that they were trying to use him as a tool to achieve some other goals, and decided to return to Cyprus, but died during the return voyage. 401 Theophilus managed to turn the work of the synod into a trial of John, at which he himself became the chief judge. However, his anger soon subsided. In his Easter message of 402 the desire for reconciliation is already felt. 402 Dioscorus of Damanhur died in Constantinople. 403 The other Long Brothers and their companions, summoned to the council “under the Oak” in 403, obediently crossed over to Chalcedon, and it was there that Ammonius died. 404 They say that upon learning of his death, Theophilus began to cry and said that he had never seen monks equal to Ammonius, even though he caused him a lot of anxiety. All the others humbly asked for forgiveness and received it. 405 The Lavsaik says that soon (probably in the same year) Isidore also died peacefully. 406 From the Dialogue, however, it remains unclear whether he communicated with the Long Brothers after his conviction and return to Nitria. However, Sozomen and Socrates write that he also visited Conetantinople [with them]. 407 Hierax returned to the desert. 408 Isaac did the same, and remained presbyter of the Cells for many years. 409 However, Nitria never enjoyed its former glory. So, Sozomen considers it no more than one of the parts of the Skete. The tragedy of St. John Chrysostom remains beyond the scope of our topic; we only note that Herman and Cassian, who left Constantinople and arrived in Rome in 405 with written petitions, remained in the West; 410 Palladius, who also fled to Rome, 411 but returned with Roman envoys, 412 was isolated from them, 413 taken into custody 414 and sent to Aswan, 415 after which he was returned to Antinoe (Antinople), where he spent four years. 416 He wrote his “Dialogue on the Life of St. John Chrysostom” 417 (which is a polemical work written by a person who suffered in this tragedy) no earlier than 408. Of course, Theophilus is depicted here as the main villain. He (Palladius) probably returned from exile in the year of Theophilus' death in 412 and a few years later was installed as bishop of Aspuna in Bithynia. 418 Palladius wrote his History, intended for the ruler of Lausus, a remarkable document describing the golden age of Nitria, in 41920. in the fifty-sixth year of his life, the thirty-third year of monasticism and the twelfth year of bishopric. 419 The name of John Chrysostom was restored in the diptychs, 420 and this ugly page of history was turned over and forgotten. In his book, Palladius never mentions the name of Theophilus. He writes about the death of Ammonius in Constantinople or Chalcedon, but does not indicate the reasons for his stay there. 421 He remembers Jerome, bitterly noting his βασκανία (envy). 422 In the same way, Cassian, writing in the next decade, in two chapters of his work against Nestorius, gives credit to Jerome and Rufinus, 423 but does not at all cite the controversial name of his mentor Evagrius and somewhat softens his teaching; He remembers Theophilus only in connection with his Easter message directed against anthropomorphism, 424 without reporting anything about what happened after he himself left Egypt in 399. Skeet also lost the innocence that was inherent in the first generation. The old monks felt it. When the Mazik barbarians in 4078 devastated the valley, 425 the monks considered this test a punishment. Abba Moses Murin said: “If we keep the commandments given to us by our fathers, I assure you before God, barbarians will not appear here. If we violate them, everything here will fall into desolation.” 426 One day he said to the brothers sitting next to him: “Today the barbarians will come to Skete; run away from them." They answered him: “Abba, will you really stay here?” He answered them: “I have been waiting for many years for this day when the words of our Lord Jesus Christ will be fulfilled: “...All who take the sword will perish by the sword.” They told him: “Then we will not run away from them, but we will die with you.” “Decide for yourself,” he told the seven brothers and added: “The barbarians are already at the very door.” The Maziks burst into the house and killed the monks. Only one of the brothers took cover behind the ropes lying on the ground; he saw that all seven were crowned with wonderful crowns descending from above. 427 Most of the fathers fled. Daniel, a student of Arseny, passed by the barbarians unnoticed and thought: “The Lord protects me, I survived! So I must run, like other fathers ran.” 428 Arsenius himself, whose cell is said to have been thirty-two miles from this place, probably remained there somewhat longer, if we understand Augustine's message correctly, dating the devastation of the desert to 407-8. 429 The words attributed to him, allegedly said after the flight, clearly indicate the events of August 410: “The world lost Rome, and the monks of Skete.” 430 In 404, Jerome buried Paul in Bethlehem, and the 431 invasion of Alaric in 410 forced the elder Melania to go to Jerusalem again, where (forty days after her arrival in the Holy City) she died. 432 In 417, the granddaughter of Melania the Elder, the younger Melania, and her husband Pinian became a monk and settled in two Olivet monasteries. At this time, Melania the Younger was thirty-four years old. Many years earlier, she had convinced her husband that they should live like brother and sister, 433 and even before the ruin of Rome she managed to give away almost all of her rich estate. 434 This couple spent seven years in northern Africa, and then moved through Alexandria to Jerusalem. 435 Pinian and Melania wanted to become ordinary members of the local Church. However, for a long time, Melania continued to build churches and distribute funds for other church needs. In 418, she was able to visit the Egyptian deserts. 436 In 437, Melania, using the cursus publicus (state post), went to Constantinople, where her uncle Volusian, who was still a pagan, and whom she managed to convert to the Christian faith shortly before his death, appeared as the Western ambassador. 437 By the time of her first appearance in Palestine, both John, Bishop of Jerusalem, and Eustochia had already died. 438 However, Jerome still lived in Bethlehem. His dislike of Origen did not diminish at all, and his relations with those around him did not improve at all. The year before, the monasteries were attacked, during which a deacon was killed. 439 Jerome considered the Pelagians to be guilty of this, who were looking for an opportunity to avenge the expulsion of Pelagius from Palestine after the synod in Diospolis condemned his heresy without finding him guilty. 440 However, information about the said attack and the perpetrators is quite vague. Melania the Younger was the granddaughter of Melania the Elder, a noble Roman woman whom Jerome branded as “black in name and soul,” 441 and who patronized Rufinus in the last years of his life. 442 It seems very gratifying that Jerome accepted Melania the Younger and her husband, completely without remembering the past enmity; 443 he himself died, probably two years after this. 444 Melania developed the closest relationship with the younger Pavla, then still just a girl, called to monasticism from early childhood. 445 It is believed that Melania led her to great humility από πολλοΰ τύφου και “Ρωμαϊκού φρονήματος - “from great arrogance and Roman arrogance.” 446 Melania died in 439, and in the last days of her life Paula was next to her. 447 This is the last record I know of about the Bethlehem community of Jerome. The destruction of Skete in 4078, which followed almost immediately after the tragic events in Nitria, strengthened the monks in the idea that they - and this was already the third generation of monastics - had lost the dignity of the first generation. The author of Chronicles notices in the Tabennisiot community signs of the decline that Pachomius foresaw. 448 The elder said the following about the Skit and Nitrian desert: “The prophets left us their books, and our fathers used them, and their disciples memorized these books. Then another generation came and made copies of them and hid them in closets.” 449 Abba Pimen, who survived this time, said: “From the third generation of skete monks and Abba Moses, the brethren no longer grew [spiritually].” 450 The Tabennisiots were hampered by the growing wealth of the monastery; 451 Thus, the Metanoia monastery in Kanopus soon became one of the largest landowners in Egypt. 452 A decline in morality reigned in the Skete Hermitage. The monks remembered the words of Macarius of Egypt: “When you see a cell built near the Swamp, know that the desolation of the Skete is already close; you will see the trees, it is already near the door, you will see the youths, take your robes and run away from this place.” 453 In the same way, Isaac, the presbyter of Kelly, in his declining years used to say: “Do not allow the youths here, for because of them four monastic Ecclesias have already become desolate.” 454 This temptation was completely unknown to the first generation, although Anthony, 455 and Athanasius 456 in one way or another touched upon in their messages issues related to this side of human nature (but not to its perversion). The “Rules” of St. Pachomius contains a number of warnings against too close communication between monks; 457 at the same time, young men like Theodore were accepted into the monastery without restrictions. Father Jean Gribeaumont told me that, among other things, the primary “Basilian” sources differ from the secondary ones in their complete absence of any mention of homosexual possession, 458 which is mentioned in at least one of the main Coptic documents. 459 This reference refers to remarks of a secondary nature characteristic of this document, which are in conflict with the Greek sources, which, in my opinion, is not at all difficult to prove. 460 During the time of Macarius and Isidore, Carion, without the slightest doubt, brought his young son Zacharias to the Skete; after some time, part of the brethren began to grumble, after which the young man plunged into the waters of a salt lake for an hour and came out of there disfigured almost beyond recognition. 461 Macarius and Moses, without shame, asked him for advice, thereby embarrassing the young monk; 462 Moses and Presbyter Isidore were present at his untimely death. 463 In the next generation, when the beardless youth Eudaemaeon appeared to Isidore’s successor Paphnutius, he sent him away with the words: “I will not allow a woman’s face to remain in the Skete, for the enemy does not sleep.” 464 (As we will see, over time this condition became the rule in the laurels of Judea). A representative of the same generation, Theophilus, who decided to get rid of Isidore the Host, accused him of sodomy. 465 Half a century later, the same slander was spread by the monks who stood in opposition to Chalcedon in relation to the patriarch Proterius, who was killed by them in 457. 466 Such accusations and the obsession that gave rise to them would have been unthinkable during the lifetime of the first generation. To the envy of this century, the collection of stories about former times began at the same time. When exactly these kinds of stories began to be recorded, we do not know. But it is quite possible that both Palladius and Evagrius already had at their disposal some written sources. 467 These efforts were fueled by a sense of constant danger and moral decline, as well as the fear that the great Old Ones and their time might be forgotten. The period of history that we are about to consider is marked by the growth of the hermitage diaspora, the main document of which was the collection of Apophthegmata Patrum (Gerontikon - its earlier, or Paterikon its more successful name), which probably took shape by the middle of the fifth century and became the basis for all existing corresponding collections. 468 By its nature, this collection is a body of “case law” of the desert. The collection was constantly supplemented, but in relation to our human nature it was and is something timeless. Wherever we open it, we immediately find places that speak specifically about us and our weaknesses. While "Lavsaic" relates primarily to Nitria, Apophthegmas is primarily associated with Scete. It is the Skete that is most often remembered by the next generation, which, perhaps, was already in dispersion and supplemented the collection with stories about the ascetics of the Diaspora and their sayings. Skete stories carry a very significant genealogical element: “Abba Peter said that Abba Abraham said that Abba Agathon told ...” - and so on. But let us return, as far as possible, to a consideration of the history of the environment in which this collection began to take shape. For some time, Skeet seemed to be truly deserted. The abbots of the two communities, Abba Psoi and Abba John Kolov, judging by their Lives compiled subsequently, 469 never returned; John went first to Suez, and then to the mountain of St. Anthony, 470 Psoi moved to Antinoe. 471 Abba Theodore did not go so far and stopped at the monastic community of Ferme, 472 which Palladius, who had never visited, describes as a mountain on the way to Skete, on which about five hundred monks live. 473 This indication seems sufficiently vague that we can with a certain probability identify the said settlement with a large complex of monastic buildings near Hasmel Caud, twenty miles west of Skete, discovered and partially excavated before the war by Prince Omar Toussoun, who, without any reason, tried to identify them with the (Nitrian) Cells. 474 Among other things, an amphora lid with an image of a cross and the inscription “Paul” was found there; By the way, Paul, about whom Palladius writes, 475 was the first known Fermian monk. Arseny retired to Kanop for some time. It was there that he shocked with his answer a noble Roman woman who asked him to remember her in his prayers: “I pray to God that the memory of you may be erased from my heart.” 476 After some time, he and other monks returned to the Skete, which was destined to experience more than one devastation. The nature of the buildings of the four monasteries that have survived to this day testify to their complex history. In each of them there is a special tower (qasr) resembling a fortress, which could only be reached by a ladder (in such towers everything vital was stored in case of capture of the cells); 477 and finally, this element probably appeared only in the ninth century 478 - a high wall that protected the entire community except the hermits living in the outer desert. If we proceed from the chronology of “Apothegm”, 479 Arsenius finally left the Skete after its second destruction (about 434) and went to Mount Trogan (Tgoe, Tiga southeast of Cairo), where he spent the rest of his life (with the exception of three years lived in Kanop) and died around 449. But let's return to the first ruin. After him, Pimen and his seven brothers went the way of natra collectors to Terenuf 480 and lived for about a week in an abandoned pagan temple, where Macarius had used a mummy as a pillow sixty years earlier. As has already been said, they remained in this church for about a week. Pimen noticed that the eldest of the Anub brothers threw stones at the idol standing in the church in the mornings, and in the evenings he said to the same idol: “Forgive me.” At the end of the week, Pimen began to question Anub about his strange behavior, and he answered him that if the brothers want to continue to stay together, they must learn serenity from the idol, otherwise they will disperse in different directions, for “the church has four gates, and everyone can go their own way.” The brothers agreed with him and began to live like the Cenobites; one of them was appointed “housekeeper” by Anub, while the rest obeyed him unquestioningly. Let us note in passing that what was happening contributed to the strengthening of the Cenonic life; the hermits, wanting to protect themselves, came together and accepted the Cenonic Rule as a means of preserving the ideal of seclusion. Since we will leave aside the consideration of Egypt for some time, it makes sense to dwell in more detail on Pimen and his brothers, especially since the section of the alphabetical collection “Apothegm” corresponding to this name makes up about a seventh part of its (the alphabetical collection) total volume, not to mention the fact that Abba Pimen appears in many other stories of both this and other collections. In fact, Busse (whose pioneering work on the Apophthegmata collections laid the foundation for all subsequent research in this area) even believes that we owe the compilation of the corpus - at least to a certain extent - to Pimen and his school. However, if not for Apophthegmata, he would have remained virtually unknown to history. One important remark should be made here. In the seventies of the fourth century, Rufinus meets Pimen and Joseph at Pispir, 481 and this means that Pimen may well have recorded stories and sayings related to Antony, 482 to his successor Ammon, 483 as well as to Pior 484 and Pambo. 485 Probably Joseph’s question about fasting also belongs to this group, to which Pimen answers in the sense that in his youth he could go without food for two or three days in a row, but the fathers learned from experience that it is better to eat food every day, but consume a very small amount of it. 486 Cassian was told approximately the same thing when he was in the Hermitage of Skete, 487 and what was said exactly corresponds to the answer of Pimen, whose eldership was in the last decades of the fourth century. However, Pimen, who left the Skete with his brothers after its first devastation by the Maziks in 4078, survived Arsenius; 488 Abba John, exiled by Marcian after Chalcedon, tells about him. 489 Is it possible that we are talking about the same person here too? However, it is not difficult to answer this question. If it was the same Pimen who asked questions to Macarius 490 and Isidore, 491 it follows that he was in the Skete even before 390: however, the attribution of these meetings is not very reliable, and Palladium does not mention Pimen at all. Pimen's main contacts date back to the period 60 closer to the ruin of Skete; this is John Kolov, 492 Agathon 493 and, above all, Moses, 494 who wrote for him “Seven Headings of Ascetic Conduct”. 495 At least two of his brothers, the elder Anub and the younger Paisius, lived with him in the Skete. 496 Paisius was still too young, and his older brothers, who were burdened with him, decided to leave him. Paisiy, who did not immediately notice them, noticed the brothers almost on the horizon. Screaming, he rushed after them. Then they stopped and began to wait for Paisius, who, having caught up with the brothers, began to ask where they were going. They said that they decided to leave him because he was disturbing them. However, he refused to heed these words. “Wherever you go, I will go with you.” Seeing his innocence, the brothers turned back, realizing that it was not young Paisius, but the devil who was their hindrance. After they left the Skete, Paisius one day came across a golden treasure. 497 He immediately decided to leave Pimen and persuaded Anub to go with him, after which they began to cross the Nile by boat. In the middle of the river, Anub, who wrapped the treasure in his robe, threw all the gold into the river. Paisius had no choice but to return to Pimen. Another time 498 Paisius began to quarrel with one of his brothers so that it came to a fight. Pimen did not pay attention to them. Noticing Anub's surprise, he said: “They are brothers, and brothers can always make peace.” This abstinence from criticism, which, at first glance, in this situation would be appropriate and necessary, reminds us of another characteristic feature that seems completely unexpected in a world where unquestioning obedience is so highly valued: the abstinence of the spiritual leader, who teaches not by word, but by example, from instructions. This is how Pachomius won the love of his first students. 499 Isaac of the Cells spoke about his teacher Kronius and Theodore of Thermia: 500 when Isaac, in need of instruction, asked the elders to talk about him with Theodore, he replied: “Am I the head of the Kinobia to give him instructions? I won't tell him anything now. If he wants, let him do what I do.” Therefore, when the brother asked Pimen whether he should give instructions to those brothers who would like to hear them from him, Pimen replied: “No, you should be an example for them, but not a legislator.” 501 Before we move on to another topic, I would like to tell two more stories about Pimen. The elder asked whether the brethren who were nodding at the all-night vigil should be woken up? Pimen answered: “If I see that one of my brothers is overcome by sleep, I put his head on my lap so that he can rest.” 502 Seeing that Pimen was washing his feet with a very small amount of water, Abba Isaac asked why some ascetics treat their bodies with particular severity, and heard the answer: “We were not taught to kill the body, but to kill the passions.” 503 This suggests a comparison with Dorotheus’ answer to Palladius: “It kills me, and I kill it.” 504 After the first devastation, the monastery diaspora spread throughout Egypt. At least one of the refugees went to Palestine and lived for forty years in a cave above Libias (Bethramphea, Beth Horan), on the east bank of the Jordan. When the young Georgian prince Murvan (Nabarnugi) visited him around 429, his (Murvan) name and origin were revealed to this hermit. 505 However, the movement to Palestine began long before this. The Thessalonian Porphyry, who later became the bishop of Gaza, appeared here, according to his Life, 506 around 377. He spent five years in the Skete desert, then settled in a cave located in the Jordan Valley, and only after that, wanting to get rid of a serious illness, around 382 he moved to Jerusalem, 507 where he became a presbyter and guardian of the Venerable Tree of the Cross of the Lord. 508 Having served as guardian for three years, he was consecrated bishop (about 395). 509 We have already talked about how Hilarion and Epiphanius returned to Palestine the monastic life that they had learned in Egypt. Sisoi, who left the Skete after the death of Anthony, did not go east further than the Inner Mount of St. Anthony, where he probably stayed almost until the Council of Ephesus, 510 and at a very old age moved from there to Suez (Klysma). 511 However, he continued to maintain relations with Raif. 512 Raif (traditionally it is identified with a small port called Tor) 513 was located on one of the routes to Sinai, where Etheria saw the heyday of hermitic monastic life. 514 Another notable figure here was the Palestinian Silvan (Siluan), who had twelve disciples in the Skete, who moved with him to Sinai around 380. 515 While they were still in the Skete, the brethren began to envy the attention with which he treated Mark the scribe. Silvan demonstrated to some of the guests the reason for his apparent favor. He began knocking on the doors of his students, saying: “Come here, I need you!” Without delay, only Mark came out to him. Having sent him off on some errand, Silvanus led the guests into his cell, where they saw the manuscript that Mark was working on: he interrupted his work in the middle of the letter omega, not having time to complete the final arc. 516 Already at Sinai 517, a guest who saw how hard the monks were working remarked to Silvanus: “Try not to eat perishable food... Mary chose the good part.” Silvan asked monk Zacharias to give the guest a book and took him to an empty cell. He was not invited to dinner. When he, having left his cell, began to complain about this to Silvanus, he answered him: “You are a spiritual person and do not need such coarse food. We are carnal people and want to eat, but for this we have to work. You have chosen the good part, reading all day; rough food is not for you.” The guest realized that, ultimately, Mary could not do without Martha. We do not know how long Silvanus stayed in Sinai, we only know that one of his monks, Netras, became the bishop of Paran, 518 and Mark the scribe died before they set off for Syria. 519 It seems as if Palestine was also understood by Syria. In any case, eventually Silvanus and his disciples settled in the Gaza region, on the banks of Wadi Ghazzeh near Gerar. Here, as one of the surviving stories testifies, they adopted a Lavra-type organization of scattered cells with a central church, where the brethren could gather on Saturdays and Sundays. 520 Another story says that Silvanus strongly objected to church music among the monks. 521 In this respect he belongs entirely to the Egyptian tradition, going back to Pambo and to the first days of Nitria, 522 which at the end of the sixth century also appeared in Sinai. 523 Cassian also writes that in Egypt, especially in the Skete, the service was carried out extremely simply, and the hours were not particularly emphasized, since this would contradict the instruction on “unceasing prayer,” whereas in Palestine they began to be served very early. 524 There is a story about how Epiphanius, having become a bishop, continued to defend the Egyptian tradition, constantly arguing with the abbot of the Palestinian monastery. The latter told him: “Your prayers do not violate our canon, we only serve the Third, Sixth and Ninth Hours more zealously.” In response, he heard: “You disrupt all other hours of the day when you stop praying. For a true monk in his heart constantly prays and sings psalms.” 525 Sozomen tells us that Silvanus was a Palaetinian by birth, and was succeeded in Gerar by his disciple Zechariah, and this happened before 415, when his tomb, the prophet’s, was discovered in a village named after the prophet Zechariah (near Eleutheropolis). 526 However, the most famous student of Silvanus was Zeno, a small, lean man, very focused and, at the same time, sincere, filled with divine warmth and marked by a great gift of compassion, as a result of which many sought spiritual advice from him. 527 It appears that he moved fairly freely throughout Palestine and possibly Syria. 528 However, at the end of his life he settled in Kefr Shéarta, 529 fourteen miles northeast of Gaza. A year before Chalcedon, he went into complete seclusion and apparently died during this year. 530 We will hear about him later. And yet, the most significant figure was the monk, who left the Skete much later. Abba Isaiah, ' 531 who underwent ascetic training in the cinnamonium and then retired to the inner Skete desert, 532 was not left alone even here (judging by the records at our disposal, he did not leave Skete because of its devastation by the barbarians). He moved to Palestine during the period between the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon. 533 Having made a pilgrimage to holy places, he settled for some time near Eleutheropolis, but soon the monks of the Judean desert and guests from Egypt again began to bother Isaiah, having learned of his whereabouts. 534 Then he moved to Beit Daltha in the vicinity of Gaza. In this place, which was only four miles from Tawafa, where Hilarion was born, 535 he spent forty or fifty years and died there on August 11, 489. 536 Far from the Judean Desert, in this fairly densely populated area, he could be harassed by the Egyptians. To protect himself from them, Isaiah locked himself in his cell and saw only his disciple Peter the Egyptian. Those who came to him for spiritual advice passed on their questions and received answers through Peter. 537 It is likely that the monastery that was located here was also associated with Abba Isaiah. 538 We have the right to assume that it was not ruled by him himself, but by the abbot he appointed. Something similar will happen in Tawaf in the next century. This circumstance, as well as the time of his ministry and his contacts, are such that we could talk about it in the next lecture. Although Isaiah spent forty or fifty years in Palestine, in the Syriac translation of his works he is called Isaiah of Scete; to his younger contemporaries he must have seemed the living embodiment of ancient monastic asceticism. Like Janus, he looks not only forward, but also back, and that is why I found it possible to talk about him here. His friends belonged to the aristocratic and conservative party, which categorically opposed the innovations (as they assessed them) of Chalcedon and strove to preserve the purity of the old faith and the old way of life. It is quite possible that it was in this environment that the main primary corpus of Apophthegmata formed. Not only Silvanus and his disciples, but also Isaiah himself occupy a prominent place in this collection, but John, exiled by Marcian, 539 testifies to his anti-Chalcedonianism, the same testimony is repeated in a number of stories about the monks of Anaton, whose abbot was Longinus. 540 This monastery was located at the ninth milepost west of Alexandria and was therefore much closer than Nitria - not to mention Scete - connected with this city, which, it seems, by the time of Chalcedon had taken control of Egyptian monasticism, 541 already accustomed to violent intervention in history. 542 In fact, Longinus was the leader of the opposition to the council. 543 By the way, close contacts have always been maintained between the monks of Gaza and these Egyptian circles. Unfortunately, the writings of Isaiah in the original Greek are not so easy to find these days. Volume XL (11051204) of Greek patrolology contains their Latin version. In 1911, the monk Augustine published an imperfect Greek text in Jerusalem, the gaps of which were filled by back-translation from Latin. In 1929 I bought this book, and now it turns out that there are only a few copies of it in Western Europe. I also have a typewritten copy of a more complete text based on a comparison of the Jerusalem edition with the Bodleian MS. (Cromwell 14), which contains in the margins extensive old additions, considered until recently (for some chapters) the only example of the original Greek text, confirmed by the early Syriac and Coptic versions." 544 The Syriac text, prepared for publication by Antoine Guillaumont (who also prepared the Coptic text),545 contains material not found in the Greek version, including a small collection of stories about the fathers told to Isaiah by his older contemporaries. All or almost all of these stories, which may be presented in a somewhat abbreviated or generalized form and are sometimes of obscure origin, are contained in the alphabetic and other collections of the Apophthegmata. 546 This is strong evidence that they were originally part of the collection of Isaiah containing a record of the stories he told. Thus we are dealing with another collection of Apophthegmata, related to Isaiah or to his environment. It seems to me that a careful study of the dictionary will lead to the conclusion that many other stories have the same origin. Of the twenty-nine “homilies” (λόγοι) preserved in Greek, one series of sayings beginning with the words “Listen to yourself...” (πρόσεχε σεαυτω),” 547 has a different vocabulary than Isaiah, is absent in the Syriac version and is attributed in the version where the sayings begin with the words τήρει σεαυτόν, Ammon, successor of Anthony; 548 we have the right to assume that it could have been translated from the Coptic original. A number of manuscripts of the thirtieth λόγος'οΜ include the first chapter (“On the fact that prayer should be preferred to everything”) of the “Rules of Monastic Life” attributed to Basil the Great. 549 Some manuscripts adhere to this attribution, others assign it to Isaiah. It should be noted that its rather peculiar language and vocabulary are more similar to the language of Isaiah. It is said that Isaiah himself was illiterate, which, however, did not prevent the sophist Aeneas of Gaza from talking with him about Plato, Aristotle and Plotinus. 550 This also corresponds to the general impression made by his creations. They are full of profound thoughts about Scripture, but the quotations given in them are not entirely accurate. In this they resemble the “Epistle” of St. Anthony, who also brings the words of Scripture to memory. A significant part of Isaiah's writings is devoted to rules applicable to all periods of monastic life from novice to hermit, 551 where a variety of topics are considered from practical details to the deepest truths of spiritual life; Moreover, some of them seem to go back to the “Rules” of Pachomius. Besides this, we find in the writings of Isaiah lengthy and invaluable chapters in which he interprets the Scriptures using the allegorical method, or even in short chapters uses the same method when reflecting on the mustard seed or wine. 552 Here we find a long letter from Isaiah to his disciple Abba Peter, who had just chosen the path of an ascetic.' 553 In the chapter “On the Branches of Evil” there is an unusual list of seven, and not eight as in Evagrius, thoughts (λογισμοί), which includes: lust (or desire), love of money, slander (slander), anger, envy, vanity, pride. 554 The allegorism and language of Evagrius are accepted without the slightest doubt. What is virtually absent here is any kind of general or theological discussion. The short chapter provides a classic expression of the Eastern (Greek) Christianity's optimism about true human nature, arguing, for example, that lust, jealousy, anger, hatred, and pride are inherent in humanity as gifts of God, but sin distorts them into unnatural qualities. 555 This also includes a rather lengthy word “to beginners and those striving for perfection,” 556 containing what Cassian kept silent about. 557 The experience of ascetics contributed to the realization that a monk who chooses to live in solitude and who has not experienced himself in a dormitory is exposed to special dangers. The [cinema] monk bears the suffering of Christ and His Cross, and ascent to the Cross is entering into the peace of the cell. Here we find the basis of a motif characteristic of the decoration of some Syrian churches, where the pillar of the hermit is in a certain sense likened to the Cross itself: 558 just as the Lord was nailed to the Cross, so the stylite and the hermits of the sychasts are chained to their pillar or to their cell. However, “if the mind wants to ascend to the cross before healing the weakness of its feelings, it attracts the wrath of God, for it embarks on a task that exceeds its measure.” 559 Earlier we drew attention to the fact that in the Lives of Pachomius and Anthony (but not in the Epistles of St. Anthony), the Name of the Lord is never used alone, but “Jesus Christ” is always said. In the writings of Abba Isaiah, the Name of Jesus is used either by itself or in combinations such as “Lord Jesus,” “holy and great King Jesus,” or “our beloved Jesus.” Here we are again dealing with the spirituality that was characteristic of the people around Isaiah, who sometimes lost their true balance and, as a result, dared to talk about their closeness to the Lord and claim that He had only one nature. 560 Their characteristic religiosity is also connected with this (remember the story of how Peter the Iverian, while breaking the prosphora, saw that the altar was covered in blood). 561 These misconceptions should not be forgotten. However, ordinary Christians of any generation will understand it. Those around Isaiah, who zealously defended the indivisibility of Christ, actually rejected Chalcedon. Isaiah, who was in communication with them, was also among the opponents of the Council. However, there is a story indicating that his attitude towards Chalcedon was far from so clear-cut. Two monks from a village near Gaza asked the Abba, through his disciple Peter, an ardent opponent of Chalcedon, why one of them cried almost all the time, and heard in response that these tears were caused by demons: “Or do you not know that the Fathers speak of everything that exceeds measure as being devilish?” The monks found this answer very wise and decided to ask him whether they were doing the right thing by maintaining communion with the Council. The elder gave them the answer: “There is nothing bad in the Council of the Universal Church, it cannot harm you, and your faith is correct,” although he himself was not in communion with the Church at that time. The extremely embarrassed disciple conveyed it to the questioners: “The elder said that there is no harm in the Church, you cannot be harmed by it, and your faith is correct. But you must not forget that the elder lives in heaven and does not know about the evil that was committed by the Council.” Nevertheless, the monks decided to follow the advice of the Elder. 562 Thus, we have the right to hope, and this hope, as the history of subsequent years shows, is fully justified in the fact that Chalcedonian Orthodoxy was eventually able to convert to itself a part of those who at the beginning were forced to turn away from it by devotion to the Lord Jesus. And wasn’t the same genuine devotion in faith preserved, even if its expression was sometimes inadequate, among those peoples who never reconciled with Chalcedon? At the end of 405, a young presbyter, twenty-eight years old, appeared in Jerusalem, having come here from the city of Melitene, located on the Euphrates, in Lesser Armenia. Euthymius, born after the fervent prayers of his parents, was dedicated to God by them even before birth. 563 Baptized after the death of his father in the third year of his life by Otrius, bishop of Melitene, and appointed reader as As soon as he was taught to read, Euthymius, under the supervision of the bishop, who entrusted him to the care of two young clerics Acacius and Synodius (future bishops of Melitene), received a good education. 564 Pious and scrupulous in everything that related to the liturgical rules of the Church, he, being prone to asceticism, sought solitude and silence, but after a short time he was ordained as a presbyter and, despite his youth, was appointed trustee over all the monasteries of the diocese. He could not bear such obedience for long and soon fled to Jerusalem, 565 and from there he moved to the first Lavra of St. Chariton in Fara and, settling, as it says in his life, in a hermit’s cell outside the Lavra, he began to learn the most unassuming monastic craft of twisting ropes. 566 Euthymius brought a special practice from Melitene, which significantly influenced the future of Jewish [Paletian] monasticism. On the eighth day of Epiphany - the Baptism of the Lord, he, following the example of the Lord, retired into the inner desert (Utter Desert) and returned to Jerusalem only by the week of Vai. 567 In 411, he, together with his friend Theoctistus, went to the πανέρημος (“completely bare”) Kutilli desert [Κουτιλά], which lay towards the Dead Sea, located in the Qumran region. They walked two or three miles, leaving behind hills and valleys, crossed a relatively flat area (the bottom of the basin), behind which rose a limestone ledge leading from Jericho to the southwest, and, having crossed it, found themselves in the vicinity of Tekoa, where the southeastern slope of the ridge slopes steeply down to the desert stretching in a southern direction, enclosed between the Dead Sea and the horizon of Judea. This mountain ridge is cut by fantastic wadis and bizarre valleys, the water in which, apart from rare drying puddles, appears after the rain only for an hour or two, and the walls are full of caves. It is here, in these wild gorges, that the center of gravity of monasticism, which has left the outskirts of the villages, has now shifted. Descending along one of the most beautiful valleys of Wadi Mukellik, the monks came across a large cave, which was located on its northern slope, climbed the rock to its entrance and, having examined it, thanked God for this unexpected shelter. For some time they ate plants growing in the area, but after two shepherds from Bethany (Lazaria) saw them, the inhabitants of this village began to bring them everything they needed for life. The rumor about them reached Fara, after which other monks began to join them. 568 A church was built in the main cave. Getting to it along steep slopes from other caves was dangerous, especially when it came to night services - and therefore the monks did not turn this place into a monastery, but gathered into a monastery, building it on the edge of the lower ledge at the foot of the very cliff on which the first cave was located; They also built a tower (which collapsed over time), from where they could get into the church cave, in which Euthymius remained throughout the week, but the brethren could see him only on Saturdays and Sundays. 569 One day, and it was not Saturday or Sunday, Arabs appeared in the gorge, looking for Euthymius. Theoktist asked them to come on Saturday, but the sheikh, taking him by the hand, showed him his son, whose entire right side of his body was affected by an incurable disease, and told the monk his story. He was once a military leader among the Arabs (his name Aspevet is a Persian title for “horsemaster”), who were under Persian rule. In the last years of Izdigerd's reign (420), persecution of Christians began. When it became known that he was helping Christians fleeing persecution, Aspevet found refuge with the Romans and was soon appointed to a similar position (“phylarch”) by Anatoly, magister militumper Orientem. However, he still remained a pagan. However, his sick son, whom neither doctors nor magicians could help in Persia, finally turned to the God of the Christians (perhaps here we should say “Romans”?) and in a sleepy vision was directed by a gray-haired monk with a large beard to a gorge located south of the road connecting Jerusalem with Jericho. Euthymius (whom the boy immediately recognized as the monk he had seen in a dream) went downstairs and healed Aspevet’s son. Those who came immediately believed in Christ and were baptized in a small baptismal place built right in the cave. The sheikh was named Peter. His wife's brother Marin wished to become a monk and remained in the monastery; when Theoktist died - and this happened forty years later, Marin became the head of the cinema. 570 Euthymius, who was looking for a solitary life, soon left this place and, together with a native of Melitene, young Dometian, like himself, walked along the shore of the Dead Sea to the south and, probably, stopped for some time at the top of the ancient Jewish stronghold of Masada. The church, the ruins of which have survived to this day, may have been founded by him. Even he found it difficult to stay in this place for a long time, and so he moved from there to the area of ​​Ziph east of Hebron, where David was hiding from Saul. 571 Soon he again had to hide from people, and he and his disciple settled in a cave on that flat stretch of desert along which he and Theoktistos walked from Farah to Wadi Mukellik in 411. They immediately learned about his return in the desert, and soon Theoktist himself came to Euthymius, asking him to return to his monastery, which was only three miles from this place. The elder did not accept this invitation, but began to come there on Saturdays and Sundays for worship. 572 Peter Aspevet also learned about the return of the elder and came to him with all his people and with the new catechumens, whom Euthymius took to Wadi Mukellik for baptism. Peter built for the saint a large “two-mouthed” reservoir, a bakery and three cells, one of which was a “prayer or church.” There is nothing strange in the fact that Euthymius did not yield to the requests of Peter and his people to stay near him, but - instead - took them to a convenient place located between two monasteries, where they built a church and pitched their tents near it, and where he came every now and then until they had their own clergy. In the end, Peter was installed as a bishop, and his people already lived in several camps. 573 He was destined to play a prominent role at the Council of Ephesus. 574 Euthymius had no desire to turn his new refuge into a monastery or a monastery. He sent all the petitioners who came to him to Theoktistus. However, in a dream vision, he was ordered to receive three Cappadocian brothers and no longer send away those who came. Soon twelve brothers settled next to him. Peter Aspevet built small cells for them and decorated the church with παντι κόσμω (“all decorations”). This place became a monastery “like Fara,” and on May 7, 428, Juvenal of Jerusalem consecrated the monastery church. 575 Cyril of Scythopolis, who wrote the Life of Euthymius more than a hundred years later, knew that in his time this monastery was located on the road to other deserted monasteries, and tried to imagine how deserted this place was at the time when Euthymius came there. This place is located in the central part of the desert, and therefore the choice of it by Euthymius might seem extremely unexpected if he, Euthymius, did not realize its strategic significance. Euthymius built a monastery here. However, he understood that this place was more suitable for the monastery, and left instructions for the appropriate transformation of the monastery after his death. 576 At the same time, the Monk Euthymius laid the foundation for monasticism, which is characteristic of Judea, considering the Cenonic “Lower Monastery” of St. Theoktistus as a monastery for beginners, from which young monks would eventually move to the Lavra with its residence close to a hermitage. 577 In the times of Antony and Pachomius, the vocations of anchorite and cenobite were considered as something separate. Saint Basil the Great considered cinenic residence higher. In Nitria and in the Skete, a situation arose that was vaguely reminiscent of the indicated “Jewish” charter, but there it never received a concrete embodiment. In the Euthymian system, finally adopted in the next generation by Sava, the cinnamonium is an integral part of the laurel, corresponding to the inevitable preparatory stage. The list of the first twelve students of Euthymius is very indicative. Four of them (as well as Euthymius himself) were natives of Melitene, three came from Cappadocia, three from Raifa, located on the Sinai Peninsula, one from Antioch, and another native of the Palestinian Tiberias from Scythopolis, where he was a presbyter. The Scythopolis presbyter and one of the Raifa brothers, who was also a presbyter, continued this service in the monastery. Dometian of Melitene and Domnin of Antioch were ordained deacons of the Lavra, and Dometian served in this rank until the end of his life. Domnin, who was a nephew of Patriarch John of Antioch, despite the prophetic warning of Euthymius, after Ephesus went to help his uncle, whose successor he later became. At the “robber” Council of Ephesus in 449, he lost his episcopal see (although he signed the council’s decisions) and, filled with repentant feelings, returned to Euthymius. 578 Three more brothers became bishops: the Cappadocian Cosmas of Scythopolis, 579 the Melitian Stefan of Jamnia 580 and his brother Gaian of Madaba. 581 Before becoming a bishop, Cosmas was for some time the custodian of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem, and was succeeded in this ministry by his brother Chrysippus, 582 who left us many sermons marked by skillful rhetoric. 583 The third Cappadocian brother, the eunuch Gabriel, became abbot of the church of St. Stephen founded by Eudokia; it is known that he could speak and write in Greek, Latin and Syriac. 584 Andrew, the third of the Melitene brothers, was appointed by Vassa as abbot of the martyrium of St. Menas in Jerusalem. 585 We have no information about only two Raifa brothers. Euthymius had never been to the Egyptian deserts, but was ready to take them as a model. We are not at all surprised when we read that closest to him was the strict and educated Arseny, who was still alive and about whom wanderers returning from Egypt told him. 586 Anthony was illiterate and did not have holy orders; we can say the same about most Egyptian monks. Euthymius was a church minister almost from birth, and enough has been said about his disciples in this regard. When Juvenal arrived to consecrate the church of the Lavra of St. Euthymius, he brought with him the theologian Hesychius and the chorebishop Passarion. 587 Hesychius died after Chalcedon, but we know very little about his life. His extensive works, mainly commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, have survived only in fragments, but require much more thorough research; 588 Chrysippus, a disciple of St. Euthymius, may be dependent on him in his writings. We know nothing about Passarion, and his writings have not reached us. Nevertheless, he is the first who is spoken of (in the passage we are considering from the Life of Euthymius) as the “archimandrite of the monks.” It should be noted that in Jerusalem the clergyman who bore this title supervised all the monks of the diocese. It was for this reason that he had to be present at the consecration of the church of the monastery of St. Euthymius. He died less than seven months later, at the end of November. 589 In the monastic life of Jerusalem, he was considered as a main figure: he created a famous almshouse outside the eastern gates of the city 590 (πτωχοτροφεΐον) and built a great and beautiful cinnamon within the walls of Holy Zion for the “zealots” of this shrine, “for the sake of the service and psalmody of those who constantly praise God." 591 The special importance attached to the church charter is also a distinctive feature characteristic of Palestinian monasticism. The named feature of the cinema organization, as well as concern for the poor, indicate the closeness of Passarion to the tradition of Basil the Great. As we have already seen in 417, Melania the Younger and her husband settled on the Mount of Olives. Her monasteries were also organized according to the principle of cinnamonia, and when talking about how she performed the dirtiest and most difficult work, one is forced to remember the Vita Pachomii. She did not even become an abbess, but appointed another strict nun to this place, whose severity towards the other sisters Melania tried to somehow moderate. 592 Here there is also a special emphasis on the church charter, 593 ' attention is also drawn to the multiplication of tombs over the relics of saints; 594 in the last years of her life, Melania showed special concern for the construction of a large monastery and the regular service of the Liturgy at the site of the Ascension of Our Lord Jesus Christ and in the “Cave of His instruction to His Apostles”. 595 Pinian and Melania took the Jerusalem boy Gerontius under their guardianship and in due time made him a monk - having tonsured him at the Holy Sepulcher and praying to God to grant him the triple grace of right faith, righteousness and tears. After Gerontius was ordained a presbyter, he began to serve Sunday liturgies in three places - at the site of the Ascension of the Lord, in a monastery and in a women’s monastery; in addition, according to the traditions of the Roman Church, he performed services daily in Melania’s home church. 596 He also wrote her Life, which is preserved in both Greek and Latin. After the death of Melania, Gerontius remained the head of the “double” monastery, sharing with Passarion’s successor Elpidius the post of archimandrite, whose duties, as we have already said, included supervision of all the monks of the diocese. 597 Probably, a few months after the consecration of the church [lavra] of St. Euthymius, Pinian and Melania were invited to visit the young Georgian prince Murvan (Nabarnugi) and his friend the eunuch Mithridates, who fled to Jerusalem from the palace of Theodosius, where Murvan was brought up in love and piety, although he lived as a hostage due to the friendly relations of his country with Rome. 598 In the last lecture we already heard about their visit to a hermitage monastery who lived beyond the Jordan. Shortly before this, Gerontius tonsured them as monks, and named them Peter and John (by these names they are best known). 599 It seems that at first they do not think at all about monastic discipline - either they go into the desert, then, inspired by the example of Passarion, 600 they build a house to the left of the road leading from the Tower of David to Zion, and receive pilgrims and beggars in it, setting the table up to twenty times a day and spending the rest of the money they brought with them on it. 601 It was at this time that Abba Zeno warned them, saying that the young monks must submit to the discipline of the monks. They go to Kinovia and remain in it (about a year?) until the same Abba Zeno allows them to leave it. 602 From this time on, Zeno became something of a spiritual mentor to Peter, although, of course, he himself rarely visited Jerusalem. Peter and John returned to their monastery, which as a result was called Iberian for a long time. However, lack of funds no longer allowed them to provide their former hospitality. One day, Juvenal, heading to Zion, where the holiday was to be celebrated, sent his people for Peter in order to ordain him. However, Peter, having heard about this, jumped from the roof behind the house and fled. 603 Juvenaly himself was a monk and therefore treated monks with special affection. 604 As for the monks, they treated him with some prejudice. The stories against him contained in the Anti-Chalcedonian writings, which were clearly influenced by subsequent events, tell of the corruption and negligence characteristic of the then Jerusalem Church, of which he is blamed. 605 Euthymius also seemed to treat him with a certain caution. Before Ephesus, he advises Peter Aspevet not to conform his actions with the actions of Cyril of Alexandria and Acacius of Melitene, without mentioning Juvenal who ordained him. 606 It seems as if the aristocratic monastic community treated Juvenal as a parvenu. And it really was aristocratic. At the center of this society in 438 was Melania. It was at this time that Empress Eudokia arrived as a pilgrim to Palestine; in May of the same year [or in May 439] Cyril of Alexandria came to consecrate the first church of the First Martyr Stephen, and the next day he consecrated the other churches of the Mount of Olives. 607 Five years later, when Evdokia, already removed from the court, but still full of royal stature, again arrived in Jerusalem, one of the first objects of her concern was the renewal of relations with the young Iberian prince, whose education in Constantinople she was also involved in. Prompted by a sense of duty, Peter saw her, but this meeting was the only one. He found old Zeno, and he told him: “Save yourself!” Having entrusted their Jerusalem monastery to the care of others, he and John (no later than 444) retired to a monastery located between Gaza and the Mayum harbor. 608 They were unable to avoid ordination to the priesthood for long, although Peter refused for a long time to perform a bloodless sacrifice even after his ordination. 609 In one of the sources at our disposal, 610 the monastery of Peter is called a monastery. We hear faint echoes of Palestinian unrest associated with the Council of Robbers of Ephesus (Latrocinium Ephesinum) of 449. The deposed, repentant Patriarch of Antioch, Domnus, returned to the Lavra of St. Euthymius, from which he had once left. 611 Auxolaus also came there, who after Peter became the bishop of the Arab camps. He also signed up for the acts of the council of robbers and died while out of favor with the saint. 612 It seemed that the long-awaited peace had arrived. However, here and there events happened that did not bode well. Pelagius, who fled from Edessa, and Bishop Ibas of Edessa shouted from Golgotha: “Juvenalius! Juvenaly! Juvenaly! When Pelagius was asked for an explanation, he replied that Juvenalius, whom they saw attracted by monks and clergy, would one day be attracted by Romans and demons. 613 Summoned along with his bishops to Chalcedon, Juvenal called on his flock to anathematize him if he ever accepted the Tomos of Leo. 614 Of course, he again joined the winning side; the bishops followed his example. The monk Theodosius, who returned to Jerusalem before the bishops, hastened to notify the townspeople of Juvenal’s betrayal. Eudokia and the vast majority of the monks, as well as some bishops, took the side of Theodosius. 615 Such an army of monks headed to Caesarea that the governor, despite all their protests, did not dare to let them into the city, where they intended to meet Juvenal returning from the council. 616 As for Juvenal himself, he prudently departed for Constantinople. 617 His place was taken by Theodosius, who began to appoint opponents of the council to all empty Palestinian sees, regardless of whether the bishops who legally occupied them were alive or not. 618 At the same time, Peter the Iberian was brought to Jerusalem and he himself did not strive for this ministry, but was ready to accept it as God’s will - he was appointed Bishop of Mayum. This happened on August 7, 452. 619 Almost all the monks of Palestine took the side of Theodosius. Among them were the archimandrites Elpidius and Gerontius, as well as Romanus, another disciple of Passarion, who three times retired into the desert from his cell in Tekoa for long prayers before he heard the anathema of Chalcedon sounded from heaven. 620 It is written that only Gelasius of Nicopolis and Euthymius remained firm. Theodosius summoned Gelasius to Jerusalem, hoping to consecrate him as a bishop, but he categorically refused to recognize anyone other than Juvenal as bishop of Jerusalem. 621 As for Euthymius, 622 Stephen, Bishop of Jamnia, and John, Bishop of the Arab camps, who had just arrived from the Council, hurried to him, fearing to make a mistake and share the fate of John’s predecessor Auxolaus. The language of Chalcedon was unusual for the East, and the authority of Juvenal was not so great as to see in him an example to follow. However, Euthymius did not find anything reprehensible in the Council’s Definition either then or when two archimandrites sent by Theodosius came to him, seeking his support. Euthymius was able to reason with Elpidia, although the latter did not leave Theodosius. Gerontius remained of the same opinion. The enemy continued to harass Euthymius, and he retired for the duration of Lent to the inland desert of Ruva near the Dead Sea. He was joined by other true seekers of silence, many of whom initially sided with Theodosius, but under the influence of Euthymius they accepted Chalcedon. Among them was a monk who had recently come from Lycia, who performed his monastic exploits in his native country, and then decided to move to the Jordan Valley. Gerasim (it was he who was originally spoken of in the story of the lion, donkey and camels, the hero of which, due to the ignorance of Latin pilgrims, was considered Jerome for many centuries after the death of both fathers) 623 created a system significantly different from that which was characteristic of Judea, about which, fortunately, we have preserved quite detailed evidence, although its (the said evidence) attribution to Cyril of Scythopolis raises some doubts. 624 Here the cenovia itself was the center of the monastery, in which about seventy hermits lived, living in cells scattered throughout the Valley, where the inhabitants of the cenovia could have moved at one time. From Monday to Friday, the hermits stayed in their cells, eating bread, water and dates, doing without lamps, fire or food cooked on fire. On Saturday they brought their handicrafts (ropes and baskets) to the cinema. On Saturdays and Sundays they received communion, ate cooked food and drank wine, and on Sunday evening they went back to their cells, taking with them a week's supply of bread, water, dates and palm leaves for needlework. All their property was limited to robes consisting of colovium, pallium and cassock, a reed mat that served as their bed, and a clay vessel for water, which was used not only for drinking, but also for wetting palm leaves. According to the rule, monastic cells always had to remain open, and any brother, in the absence of the owner of the cell, if necessary, could take from there any object found in it. When the inhabitants of Jericho brought them various kinds of “consolation” on Saturdays and Sundays, some of the hermits fled from them. It is said about Gerasim himself that during the entire period of Great Lent he lived solely by Communion. In 453, Juvenal returned to Palestine with the imperial army. Theodosius, it seems, tried to offer armed resistance to him, but was defeated in a kind of decisive battle at Naples (Neapolis), however, anti-Chalcedonian writers adhere to a different point of view and write that Roman soldiers and Samaritans slaughtered monks who did not resist them. 625 Juvenaly again became the ruling bishop, Theodosius fled to Egypt, and a reward was promised for his head, 626 Romanus was arrested and exiled to Antioch. 627 Other self-proclaimed bishops were expelled. 628 Probably, an exception was made only for Peter the Iberian, but he considered it best to go to Erapet. 629 The Episcopalchalcedonites again occupied their sees, and Euthymius, after two years spent in the Ruva desert, returned to his monastery. 630 However, the empress and the vast majority of the monks remained adamant. At the same time, it should be noted that the events of 455 in Rome and Africa, as well as the pleas of relatives, gave rise to certain doubts in Evdokia’s soul. 631 However, she never forgot about her royal dignity and therefore could not convert as ordinary people do. She sent Chorebishop Anastasius, another student of Passarion 632, to ask for advice from Simeon the Stylite, whose pillar stood west of Aleppo. Probably Feodosia somehow heard about this. In any case, soon after this he went from Syria to Egypt: some say in order to prevent Simeon the Stylite from falling under the influence of Theodoret, others to heal the dispute between the Antiochian anti-Chalcedonites. He disguised himself as a soldier, but was recognized and captured at the gates of this city and taken to the monastery of St. Dius in Constantinople. 633 Simeon sent a written response to Evdokia, in which he unambiguously expressed his attitude towards Theodosius and expressed his joy that the empress had finally seen the light, as well as surprise caused by the fact that she did not draw water from the nearest source, but began to look for it in the distance: “Next to you is the God-bearing Euthymius. Follow his instructions and advice and you will be saved.” Three miles south of the Lavra of St. Euthymius is the grand massif now known as Jebel Muntar, the highest point in the desert beyond Jerusalem, from which a beautiful view of Jerusalem itself opens; Bethlehem is visible on the horizon, the entire length of the Dead Sea is visible, the desert lying between it and the Judean hills, the eastern wall of the Moab Mountains, the Jordan Valley stretching far to the north and the Lavra of St. Euthymius located in it. It was here, as befits an empress, that Evdokia built a tower for herself and sent Anastasius and Koemu, the guardian of the Cross, to search for Euthymius. But the bird had already flown away. Having learned about the queen’s intentions, Euthymius again went into the Ruva desert. Taking Theoktistus to help, they (Anastasius and Cosmas) found the old man and with great difficulty persuaded him to climb the Tower in order to ask Eudokia to leave communication with Dioscorus and join Juvenal. After this, Evdokia returned to Jerusalem and entered into church communion with the patriarch, bringing with her many laymen and monks, led by Elpidius. Nevertheless, Gerontius continued to stand his ground. 634 When he was invited not even to negotiations, but to a meeting with Juvenal, he replied: “God forbade me even to see this traitor Judas.” 635 Elpidias' disciple Marcian also turned out to be very rebellious and for this reason refused to rule the kenobia in Bethlehem. 636 Romanus, still in Antioch, sent a letter to Eudokia in which he said that Chalcedon was under God's anathema. 637 Juvenaly and Evdokia turned to Emperor Markian with a petition for pardon for both Romanus himself and other exiles. 638 They seem to have achieved their goal (or else the emperor died before their petition took effect). In any case, Romanus returned long before Juvenal's death. However, he chose not to return to the monastery of Tekoa, which was located in the diocese of Jerusalem and, accordingly, was directly subordinate to Juvenal. Romanus moved to the top of a hill located to the west of Eleutheropolis and belonged to Eudokia, who, despite the recognition of Chalcedon, convinced him to build a large, beautiful monastery there. 639 No one knew what position the new Emperor Leo would take. 640 In Egypt, the opponents of the Council, who constituted the overwhelming majority, decided to ordain Timothy “Cat,” who became the successor of Dioscorus, who had died in exile. Peter the Iberian was summoned from his refuge, who was to carry out this illegal ordination (except for Peter himself, obviously, only one bishop was present). Twenty days later, on Good Friday 457, the Chalcedonian bishop Proterius was brutally murdered. 641 For three years the authorities tried to come to some kind of compromise, after which in 460 they sent Timothy into exile, 642 installing in his place a very gentle Chalcedonite who bore the same name 643 ' (apparently, this was a monktabennisiot from the Canopic monastery, where he went fourteen years after Timothy “the Cat” returned from exile). 644 Apparently, the Tavennisiot monastery, located to the voetok from the city, took the side of the Chalcedonites, 645 while the monastic opposition to the council was led by the monastery of the “Ninth Mile Stone”, located on the other side of Alexandria and ruled by Longinus. 646 If in Egypt the general uncertainty even led to murders, then in Palestine an atmosphere was established that promoted peace and harmony. When (we are talking about this time) two Nitrian monks came to the Judean desert, they were not so much fleeing from the Anti-Chalcedonites as seeking peace and quiet. We may note in passing that they were not Egyptians: Martyrius came from Cappadocia, and Elijah from Arabia. Both of them later became patriarchs of Jerusalem. Probably, life in the Lavra of St. Euthymius was distinguished by greater severity than in Nitria at that time; in any case, Elijah soon settled somewhat south of Jericho, and Martyrius retired to a cave located on the top of a hill one and a half miles from the Lavra of St. Euthymius in the direction of Jerusalem. 647 Like Gerasim, they began their monastic feat even before coming to Palestine. It should be noted that after Chalcedon, many young people aspiring to the monastic life appeared in Jerusalem, who subsequently left a noticeable mark on history. It makes sense to briefly familiarize yourself with the abodes that are ready to receive them. On the Mount of Olives, Gerontius, who stood at the head of the monasteries of Melania, was in opposition to Chalcedon. 648 Down the slope, in the Gethsemane region, another noble native of Rome, Flavia, founded the church and monastery of the martyr Julian, into which in 454–5. the young Cappadocian monk Theognius came. 649 Somewhere between this monastery and the gates of the city stood the famous almshouse of Passarion. 650 Hotels appeared, mainly, on the sparsely populated western ridge, which had fallen into disrepair, the settlement of which was encouraged by the authorities. 651 We have already heard about the local settlement of Peter the Iberian, which, apparently, was located not far from the modern Anglican Christ Church. 652 Inside and around the Tower of David, the “faithful” of the Church of the Resurrection organized themselves independently and did not have a special organization. 653 Even further to the south, on the current territory of the Armenian Patriarchate, where the Church of St. Menas now stands, there was probably a church and monastery founded by another noble Roman woman, a friend of the Empress Vassa, whose rector was the student of Euthymius, Andrei of Melitene. 654 In the fence of Holy Zion itself, the head of the Passarion monastery was Elpidius. 655 There was also another monastery founded no later than 466 by Eustorgius. 656 Even before the death of Emperor Marcian 657, Longinus, an old Cappadocian who lived in the Tower of David, was visited by a young compatriot from Mogarissos, a small village located in one of the valleys that later became famous for its cave churches. 658 This young man, called Theodosius, had been a singer (ψάλτης) since childhood and knew the Scriptures and the liturgical regulations of the Church well. 659 He heeded the ancient call of the Holy Land: “...Get out of your land... to the land that I will show you.” On his way to Jerusalem, he visited Simeon the Stylite. 660 After some time, Theodosius decided to leave Jerusalem and go into the desert. He left Longinus and became one of the 'spudaeí, assigned to the monastery founded by another noble Roman, Icelia, in Kathisma, on the Bethlehem road, located somewhere near the Well of the Magi (Well of the Wise Men) and the modern monastery of Elijah the Prophet. 661 It was Ikelia who brought from Rome to Palestine the custom of celebrating Candlemas (Feast of Presentation) with candles. 662 After her death, Theodosius was appointed steward of the monastery. When the abbot died, they wanted to make Theodosius his successor, but he fled to the desert 663 and began to learn desert life from two long-time students of Euthymius, who lived northeast of Bethlehem, 664 after which in 479 he settled on the top of a hill, where his monastery is still located. 665 In 4567 another Cappadocian Savva, who was eighteen years old at that time, came to Jerusalem from Cenobia, located two miles from his home at the foot of Mount Argaeus, where he fled at the age of seven after witnessing a quarrel between his two uncles, assigned who came to him during the absence of his father, who was a military leader and was in the royal service. 666 He found himself in the monastery of Elpidia, who had shortly before reconciled with Juvenal. Here he was looked after by another Cappadocian elder. 667 Very soon, with the blessing of Elpidius, he went to Euthymius, who, being true to his principle of not allowing beardless [young men] into the monastery, sent him to Cenobia to Theoctistus. 668 For a long time he looked after the monastery horses. 669 Once, when one of the brothers went to Alexandria to arrange some family affairs, he was allowed to take Savva with him. There, in Alexandria, Savva was unexpectedly recognized by his parents, who had not seen him for many years. His father John Konon, who commanded the Peterus Isaurorum (“Isaurian Regiment”), wanted Savva to leave the monastery and become presbyterus (πρεσβύτερος - “priest”? or “elder” - senator military rank?) of this numerus. 670 In the fall of 466, another seventeen-year-old youth came to Zion to the monastery of Eustorgius. 671 Cyriacus was the nephew of the Bishop of Corinth and was a reader in the church there. Hearing the Sunday Gospel: “If anyone wants to come after Me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross and follow Me,” he, without saying a word to anyone, left the church, reached Cenchrea and sailed on a ship to Palestine. 672 He spent the winter in Jerusalem, after which Eustorgius sent him to the monastery of Euthymius, where two brothers he knew from Corinth, one of whom was a presbyter, labored. He received tonsure from Euthymius himself, but due to his youth, of course, he could not remain in his monastery. Theoktist died in September of the previous year, and therefore Euthymius sent a young monk to the monk of Gerasim, located in the Jordan Valley, where Cyriacus prepared firewood, carried water and prepared food. 673 In the meantime, Juvenal died (apparently this happened on the first of July 459), and his place was taken by the chorebishop Anastasius, 674 'who, as we are told, took a fairly neutral position in relation to Chalcedon, and in fact was very close to Eudokia, whose conversion did not in the least prevent her from supporting the opponents of the Council as before. She provided Romanus with a place for his new monastery, “675 and the tower on Jebel Muntar, chosen for her conversion, was occupied by obvious anti-Chalcedonites.” 676 Euthymius, who several years earlier predicted the patriarchate of Anastasius, “677 treated him in much the same way as Arseny at the turn of the two centuries treated Theophilus: he refused to accept him 678 and saw him only when he went down to the funeral of Theoktistus.” 679 Anastasius, for his part, showed special attention to Euthymius and in 473 went down to his funeral twice. 680 The very important position of guardian of the Holy Cross of the Lord during his patriarchate was invariably occupied by the disciples of Euthymius.” 681 Evdokia remained true to herself. Thus, among other things, she participated in the construction of the church of St. Peter and a large reservoir, which was dug at the place where the Roman road from Jerusalem to Jericho leaves the valley and rises to a mountain ledge from which a view of the monastery of St. Euthymius, located two miles away, opens. 682 In 460, shortly after Easter, she visited this place and sent Gabriel to the monastery to ask her old mentor to come to her. The answer was no less characteristic: she would no longer see him in the flesh, she herself would leave this world before the onset of winter, and therefore she should devote the summer to preparing for the exodus; While she is in the flesh, there is no need to remember him anymore, just as there is no need to bequeath anything to him. “When you go to the Lord of all, remember me.” Extremely upset because she wanted to donate a large sum of money to the monastery of St. Euthymius, Evdokia again hurried to the Holy City, sent for the patriarch and persuaded him to consecrate the still unfinished church of the Holy First Martyr Stephen on June 15, after which the patriarch went on a trip to Palestine, consecrating other churches founded by her, but still unfinished, until Evdokia died on October 20. 683 The successor of Theoktistus, who died on September 3, 466, was the Arab Maris, who died two years later, after which a certain Longinus became the abbot of the monastery. 684 In 469, thirty-year-old Savva, with the blessing of Longinus (who obeyed Euthymius in everything), left the monastery and settled in a cave on the southern cliff (opposite the cinnamon). Over the next five years, from Monday to Friday, Savva did not eat food at all; he left Kinovia on Sunday evenings, taking with him palm leaves for needlework, and returned there on Saturday morning with fifty baskets. 685 Now Euthymius found Savva ready to retire with him into the desert for the duration of Lent. How amazing ascetics gathered around this holy monastery after 470, in the last years of Euthymius’ life! Euthymius himself, who was already over ninety, his faithful deacon Dometian, the future patriarchs Martyrius and Elijah, Savva, Gerasim, who labored in the Jordan Valley, and with Gerasim the young Kiriak, who was barely twenty. 686 They went to Ruva on January 14, each taking with them a shovel [μικρόν σκαλίδιον] to dig up the roots of melagra [μελάγριον, for example, in the “Life of Euthymius” by Cyril of Scythopolis or in the “Life of Cyriacus”; in one of the lists of the latter, the spelling μελιάγριον] is accepted], which Saint Sophronius in his “Anacreontik” identifies with the “marvellous honey” on which the holy Forerunner and Baptist of the Lord John ακρίδες πελέν τό βρώμα ate μελιαγρίου τε ρίζαι. 687 They dispersed through the desert separately and spent almost the entire week like this, but on Sunday they gathered to receive Communion from the hands of Euthymius. By the Week of Vai, they returned to their monasteries or with bouquets of flowers, which in this spring appear in the most lifeless corners of the desert (dried soil, filled with water, becomes especially fertile), went to the Mount of Olives or to Jerusalem for the annual remembrance of the events of this day and the week following it. One day, when Euthymius led Dometian and Savva along the shores of the Dead Sea into an even more distant desert, Savva was completely exhausted from thirst, and Euthymius, having said a prayer, dug a small hole in which water appeared. 688 On January 14, 473, those who intended to either accompany the elder on his journey or go into the desert with him again gathered in the Lavra of Euthymius. But this time everything was different. Euthymius told them: “I will stay this week, but on Saturday night I will leave.” On Tuesday, at the evening service to St. Anthony, he invited the elders to the diaconium and informed them of his imminent death. In the morning he gathered all the brethren to choose a new abbot. The brethren unanimously chose Dometian, but Euthymius did not accept this choice. Then they named Elijah, a native of Jericho, who was the steward of the Lower Monastery. Edifying Elijah, Euthymius said that he would have to turn the monastery into a monastery and begin the construction necessary for this, and also gave him the rules of welcoming strangers and the rite of psalmody. He remained in the diaconium and rested on Saturday night. 689 That same night in the monastery of the Monk Gerasim, young Kyriakos, who at that time was serving as a cook, remained peeling vegetables for his fathers, and at eleven o’clock in the evening Gerasim asked him to put on a robe and sandals and follow him. When they passed by Jericho, Cyriacus asked where they were going, and Gerasim answered him that at the third hour of the night he saw a flash of lightning that descended from heaven to earth, which turned into a pillar of light from earth to heaven, while he was told that he saw the soul of Euthymius ascending to heaven. 690 So many people came to the funeral of the monk, at which the patriarch was also present, that the soldiers had to push the crowd back, and only after that at three o’clock in the afternoon (at the ninth hour) his body was placed in a fob and buried. 691 Seven days after the death of his teacher, Dometian also died. 692 The Patriarch left Deacon Fida to oversee the construction of the “tomb” in the very cave that became Euthymius’s first desert refuge. Her arrangement was completed within three months. A cylindrical vault appeared at the top, the form of which was oriented from north to south; The shrine with the body of the saint was in the center of the hall, and on both sides of it a place was prepared for the burial of abbots and holy ascetics. 693 We were excavating this hall in 1928-1929. Its tiled floor was rebuilt several times. One of the slabs (lying face down) turned out to be part of the marble altar barrier. There were no slabs in the central part of the hall, and an empty stone tomb was discovered there, in which only a very small coffin or the body of a short person could fit. Between its base and a small altar, standing at the eastern wall on an unshakable base filled with binding mortar, we discovered below the floor level many clay lamps, on one of which the word Άνάστασις - “Resurrection” - was imprinted in reverse order. On the north side, under the slabs that remained in place, seven skeletons were found, lying on top of each other. 694 I do not know of a single document that would say where exactly the relics of the saint were transferred when the monastery was finally abandoned by the monks in the twelfth or thirteenth centuries. On May 7, on the anniversary of the consecration of the church, the patriarch again arrived at the monastery with a heavy stone lid with a silver vessel attached to it, in order to place it on the saint’s shrine, surrounded by a marble barrier. The coffin was placed in the prepared place and closed so that, as reported in the Life, it could not be opened. 695 Further, the Life of Euthymius of Cyril of Scythopolis tells how Euthymius continued to manage his monastery from the tomb. He became the true founder of “Jewish” [Palestinian] monasticism, which over the next four centuries played a decisive role in the formation of the Eastern Christian monastic rule, as well as in the development of liturgics, church chant and dogmatics. The Monk Euthymius is practically unknown in the West; 696 in Byzantine hymns to the venerable fathers his name appears after the name of the Monk Anthony. 697 After the reburial of Euthymius, Patriarch Anastasius took Martyrius and Elijah with him and, ordaining them as presbyters, made them clergy of the Church of the Resurrection. 698 The very next year, Sawa, feeling that times had changed, withdrew from Wadi Mukellik to the Kutilli Desert and the Ruwa Desert, which are closer to the Dead Sea. 699 In the same year 474, the deceased Emperor Leo was succeeded by his son-in-law Zeno. Then, in January 475, Leo's brother-in-law Basiliscus seized power for twelve months and published an Encyclical anathematizing Chalcedon. 700 Opponents of the Council triumphed. Timothy Elur (“Cat”) returned to Alexandria in order to take the chair of the patriarch (he occupied it until his death in July 477). 701 In Antioch, Peter Suknoval [Γναφεύς], who introduced into the Trisagion the words “Crucified for us,” which became the slogan of the Monophysite party, occupied the pulpit for the third time. 702 It was he who ordained a certain John Rufus of Samosata, a passionate opponent of the Council, who studied law in Beirut, as a presbyter. 703 Peter the Iberian had already returned to Palestine (not to his Mayum diocese, but to the Ashkelon region); he appears to have made a long journey, preaching against Chalcedon and promoting anti-Chalcedonian sentiment among the monks living on the coast; 704 at the same time he tonsured the young lawyer Theodore of Askadon (Ashkelon), who studied in Beirut together with John Rufus, as a monk. 705 Gerontius was still in charge of the Mount of Olives, Marcian was in Bethlehem, and Romanus was in Eleutheropolis. Even on Jebel Muntar there lived two Anti-Chalcedonite monks. When Gerasim died in 475 and young Cyriacus moved from his monastery to the monastery of St. Euthymius, 706 nothing had yet been done 707 to transform the monastery into a monastery, which the monk spoke about before his death. Anastasius, Patriarch of Antioch, accepted Encyclical 708 and did not dare recognize the Anti-Encyclical. However, it appears that he maintained communication with both parties. 709 He died on July 1, 478, exactly nineteen years after his predecessor; 710 in the Chalcedonian calendars preserved in the Georgian language, his name is indicated under this date. 711 Martyrius, who became patriarch after him, immediately found himself in a very difficult position, for Gerontius held views that, after Chalcedon, were characteristic of Theodosius. We are told that Martyrius sent Deacon Fida to Constantinople with letters that were too frank (παρρησναστικώτερον), - however, Fida, having been shipwrecked and miraculously returned to Jerusalem, told about his vision of Euthymius and about the message he conveyed to Martyrius, in which the monk advised him not to pay attention to the “aposchists” (from αποσχιστής - schismatic; in this case, the one who does not recognize Chalcedon - approx. trans.) and take up the never-completed transformation of the Lavra into the Cenovia. 712 Martyrius decided to heed this instruction and “a few days later” Marcian gathered his monks in Bethlehem and invited them to make a choice between the Church of Monks and the Church of Bishops. The choice fell on the Church of Bishops, and a great celebration was held in Jerusalem in honor of the Second Union (the first union meant the reconciliation of Eudokia and Elpidia), during which the entire Church of the Resurrection was flooded with lights. Gerontius, who did not want to join the others, had to leave the Mount of Olives, where he had been bishop for forty-five years. 713 Down in the desert, two opponents of the council were expelled from the Tower of Eudokia on Jebel Muntar. 714 In Eleutheropolis and on the coastal plain there was no longer any talk of expulsion. What Cyril of Scythopolis does not tell us is what exactly the conditions of the Second Unification were. However, Zechariah of Mytilene cites the corresponding declaration of Martyrius, 715 preceding the Henotikon (Genoticon) of Zeno, which does not directly speak of the anathema of Chalcedon, but anathematizes all those who accept any doctrine other than the Nicene one, no matter where it comes from: from Ariminum, Sardis, Chalcedon or from any other place. In the meantime, Fida was entrusted with the task of transforming the Lavra of St. Euthymius into a cinema, which he did for three years. 716 Cyriacus also participated in these works; together with the monk Thomas, he was sent to buy a curtain for the monk απλώματα from the Patriarch of Alexandria, 717 who at that time was most likely the Chalcedonite Timothy (he probably did not live to see the completion of the work), the anti-Chalcedonite Peter Mong (Mongus) was in hiding at that time. 718 The Lavra cells were demolished to the ground. Cenovia was surrounded by a wall, and a tower was also erected there, which, quite possibly, was located above the cemetery (tomb). Traces of the walls of the old church can be seen in the refectory, which now occupies the central room under the new church. Her orientation also changed somewhat. 719 Everything was done so that the consecration of the monastery would again take place on May 7 - May 7, 482. In the indicated year, such a drought developed that on the eve of this event, all the horses of the surrounding monasteries were taken for water to the never-drying spring of Fara, when suddenly Abbot Elijah ordered all the animals to be taken back to their stalls, saying that this was the order of the Monk Euthymius, who appeared to him in a subtle vision. Three hours after dawn, such a downpour fell in the area of ​​the monastery (despite its extreme rarity, such downpours are well known to the inhabitants of the desert) that the two huge reservoirs of the monastery quickly filled to the brim, after which the downpour stopped. 720 It is difficult not to relate this story with the story of a similar rainfall that occurred after a three-year drought on the eve of Trinity in the Madaba region with its hot springs, where Peter Iverian came to improve his health. 721 Obviously, we are talking about the events of the same or next year. John Rufus accompanied Peter on this journey. When Peter Suknoval was again expelled from Antioch, and after a period of well-known anarchy in 479 722 his place was taken by the Chalcedonite Kalandion, John, who received an invitation from his friend Theodore of Ashkelon, fled to Peter the Iberian, who was at that time in Palestine. 723 From then on, he was constantly close to Peter, who died ten years later, and wrote his life, from which we learn about the last years of Peter’s life, as they say, first-hand. 724 Among other things, he was the author of a series of Plerophoriums (Admonitions) directed against Chalcedon, which, like the Life of Peter, are preserved in a Syriac translation. Subsequently, he may have become the Bishop of Mayum. 725 Returning from Transjordan, Peter spent several months in one of the old estates of Evdokia, several miles north of Jerusalem, but did not enter the Holy City, whose patriarch had compromised with the cathedral. 726 After this, he retired to the coast, living for some time near Ashkelon, but eventually settled in Migdal Tawaf, the birthplace of Hilarion. At the same time, all four eastern patriarchs, thanks to Zeno's Henotikon, restored communication. However, Peter categorically objected to any compromises and did not allow his biography to accept the persistent invitation of Peter Suknoval (restored to his former rank after accepting the Henotikon) to return to Antioch. 727 Tawafa was separated from the old skete monk Abba Isaiah by a distance of only four miles. Peter maintained fairly close relations with him. 728 In 487, Zeno, striving for complete reconciliation, tried to summon them to negotiations in Constantinople. Isaiah refused the invitation, citing illness; as for Peter the Iberian and his biography, they fled to Phenicia and remained there for more than a year, until rumors reached them that they were no longer welcome in Constantinople. 729 Returning to Palestine, they no longer settled in Tawaf, but near Jamnia. 730 It was there that the news of the death of Abba Isaiah found them (he died on August 11, 489). 731 Four months later, on the night of Friday, December 1, 732, Peter himself died. In the last instruction given to his students, he drew their attention to the ascetic works of Basil the Great. 733 His body was exhibited in the church, where the next morning a liturgy was served, during which the novices received a blessing for monasticism. 734 Then those four who were named his successors, 735 took the coffin and hurried - making a short stop in the evening in the church near the walls of Ashkelon to his old monastery near Mayyum, where they arrived in the morning, and placed the body of their teacher in a specially prepared sarcophagus, which stood near the sarcophagus with the remains of his old friend John the Eunuch, before the inhabitants of Gaza and Mayyum knew about it, who subsequently moved Peter's coffin to one of their churches. 736 Theodore of Ashkelon, the fourth of the successors, became the local abbot 737 and immediately began to build on the site where the abandoned cells of the small Peter's Lavra stood, the buildings of the cinnamon, which were then surrounded by a wall. 738 John Rufus and other brothers who came from Jamnia arrived there on the fortieth day after his (Peter’s) repose. 739 Returning from Phenicia, Peter met a remarkable group of young students studying law in Beirut, 740 among whom it should be noted the younger brother of John Rufus Evagrius, Severus of Sozopolis of Pisidia and Zechariah of Gaza; Severus and Zechariah had known each other since their studies in Alexandria. 741 Some of them joined Peter's community even before his death. 742 Now Evagrius and other participants in this circle came to Mayum. Among them was Zechariah, who was overcome by certain doubts, largely due to the fact that his family lived very nearby in Gaza. He soon returned to Beirut, taking with him the messages of Evagrius to Severus and the sophist Aeneas of Gaza to his compatriot Zenodorus. 743 The North dissuaded Zechariah from seeking seniority. Sever himself, although his life was distinguished by ascetic severity, was planning to return home and engage in legal practice. For this purpose, he acquired the necessary judicial robe. But first he wanted to make a pilgrimage to the Holy Places. Leaving his things in Beirut with Zechariah and taking with him a certain old slave, he went first to Jerusalem, and then finally to his old friends, the monks in Mayum, where everything changed literally overnight. He sent his old slave to Beirut with a message to Zechariah, asking him to send his slaves and his property home to Sozopol and informing him of his intention to become a monk and stay in Mayum. 744 After some time, he decided to become a hermit and, together with some other monk, went into the desert near Eleutheropolis, but soon fell ill, after which he was sheltered in the monastery of Roman, 745 from where he returned to the Gaza seaside and became a hermit near Mayum, not far from the monastery of Peter, 746 where he soon began building and equipping a monastery for those who sought his spiritual guidance. 747 Meanwhile, Zechariah, having completed his studies, returned home to Gaza, but was forced to go to Constantinople on his father’s business and practice law there. 748 It is to him that we owe the short Life of Abba Isaiah, 749 the Life of the North, written while the latter was still Patriarch of Antioch, 750 and four of the twelve books of the Church History attributed to him, 751 which have been preserved in the Syriac translation. His connections with Aeneas, the sophist Gazekim, testify to the closeness of our highly educated circle and the more secular literary Ghaz school, which flourished at the same time. 752 Generally speaking, this topic needs much more serious consideration. I will only remind you that it was the supporters of the North who were the first to quote the works included in the corpus of mystical works attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite. 753 Some researchers even tried to attribute them to the North. 754 Recently, Peter the Iberian began to be named as a possible author of the Areopagitik. 755 In my opinion, they do not correspond to him in spirit. The only thing we can say is that they most likely did have some connection with this circle. The story about the death of the arbitrary Theodosius of Jerusalem and Abba Romanus probably belongs to John Rufus. 756 John Rufus and Zechariah of Mytilene (after all, he seems to have become not only the bishop of this city, but also a Chalcedonite!) 757 often write about the same or overlapping events that they witnessed, which turns their testimonies into a living stereoscopic picture of what was happening. After four years spent in the deserted desert, Savva came to the Tower of Evdokia and prayed there all night (we must not forget that this tower at that time belonged to two opponents of Chalcedon). 758 The angel who appeared to him pointed to the Kidron Gorge, which was two miles to the south-southwest, and said: “If you want to people this desert like a city, go to the east side of the stream.” Savva saw in front of him an unoccupied cave in which he was supposed to settle. He crossed into it at the beginning of 478 and hung a rope at its entrance, located on a steep rock; he carried water from a lake located one and a half miles from the cave. The Arabs who found him and were surprised at his poverty began from time to time to bring him crackers, cheese and dates. He spent five years conversing in the silence of his life with God 759 and purifying the eye of his mind, so that it, like a mirror, could reflect the Glory of God, and by unceasing prayer and approaching God he completely defeated evil spirits. Now only he was called - according to the word of the prophet - to beat swords into ploughshares and turn from the feat of war to the peaceful cultivation of other souls. Many hermits and wandering monks (βόσκοι) came to him, including those who later founded their own laurels (and in one case, the monastery) in Palestine. He gave each of them a cave with a small cell; these cave cells are visible to this day both in this gorge and in other similar places chosen by the monks for residence. Their number reached seventy and they were like “the new face of the seventy apostles.” To the north of his cell, on an inaccessible peak near the bend of the wadi, he built a tower, which stood on the far face of the Lavra, and in the center of the Lavra, a small church (prayer), in which the presbyters who came to the Lavra served the liturgy for the brethren, for neither Sava himself nor any of his disciples accepted ordination. They continued to lack water. 760 One day on a full moon, Savva was praying in a small church and suddenly heard the hooves of a wild donkey coming from below and, looking out of the church, he saw that the animal, having dug a rather deep hole with its hooves, lowered its head into it and began to drink. He went down and actually found an inexhaustible water source at the foot of the cliff. On another night 761 he saw a pillar of fire from earth to heaven where his grave is now located. At dawn, he climbed the slope to this place and found a spacious cave with a wide entrance facing south and a natural apse facing east, while in the depths, on the northern side of the cave, he saw a chamber that could be used as a sacristy (διακονικόν). This was the God-created Church of θεόκτιστος, the sight of which immediately reminded Savva of exactly the same, but much smaller cave church of the monastery of St. Theoktistus, in which he passed his obedience. From that time on, the brethren, whose number soon increased to one hundred and fifty, began to come here on Saturday and Sunday for divine services, although he postponed the consecration of the cave, fearing ordination. On a high cliff above the cave church, he built himself a tower, from which a secret passage led to the sacristy (after his death, a reservoir was built in the place of this passage). Many began to come to him with offerings, which he used mainly for the construction of the monastery. Patriarch Martyrius had known Savva for a long time, and therefore no one dared to oppose him. When Martyrius died and Sallust took his place in 486, 762 dissatisfied people appeared in the monastery, who after a year or two went to the patriarch and began to ask him to give them an abbot. Under pressure from the patriarch, they were forced to admit that they came “from the valley of Abba Sava,” and began to complain about his rudeness, saying that he did not ordain himself and did not allow others to be ordained, although the number of the brethren was one hundred and fifty people. Sallust, finding some convenient excuse, sent for Savva and ordained him in their presence, after which on December 12, 490 the God-created church was consecrated. The next year, 763, three Armenians, an elder and his two disciples came to the monastery, and Savva gave them a cave and a cell north of his first cave, and also allowed them to perform services in Armenian in the first small church on Saturdays and Sundays. In the same year 764, bishop John of Colonia from Greater Armenia (John the Hesychast or John the Silent) came to the monastery incognito (under the guise of a novice), having fled here from the worldly temptations with which his bishopric was associated. We will return to it a little later. At the same time, Sava’s father John, nicknamed Konon, died in Alexandria, 765 and Sava’s mother Sophia sold all her estate and came to Jerusalem. Soon she too died, and Savva used her money to set up a hospice house in Jericho with a garden and water, as well as to build a hospice house in the monastery itself. He inherited from Euthymius the practice of going into the desert after Epiphany. 766 However, unlike him, he celebrated the memory of Saint Anthony, which falls on January 17, in his monastery, then went to the monastery of his old teacher, whose memory was celebrated on January 20, and only after that he retired into the desert to return to the monastery for the Week of Vai. It seems that during his desert wanderings he went further into its depths than Euthymius. So, one day he reached the source of the Jordan in Lanias. 767 Another time he went to the southern tip of the Dead Sea, where according to tradition Zoar was located, 768 and saw a small island that seemed suitable for him to spend days of fasting on. However, when Savva tried to reach him (other sources say that the sea could be forded in this place), 769 he fell into a tar pit and barely survived, scorching his face so that upon returning to the monastery the brethren could recognize him only by his voice. From then on, his beard no longer grew. Another time he took his student Agapit with him. 770 One day, when Agapit fell asleep and Savva indulged in prayers, a huge lion (it seems to me that all of Cyril’s lions are παμμεγεθέστατοι - “huge”) began to sniff Agapit’s body from head to toe. Savva prayed for Agapit, and the lion, as if he had been lashed with a whip, waving his tail and waking Agapit, immediately hurried to hide. In 492, Savva went in an easterly direction and moved away from the monastery only two miles to the east. This place is called Kastellium (Castellian Hill) 771 after the ruins of the ancient Hyrcanian fortress, Herod’s fortress. 772 The shepherds believed that hordes of evil spirits lived on this mountain (this is not surprising, since its steep slopes are full of scree and pitted with many unexpected caves and failures into which you can fall at any moment). Savva sprinkled this place with oil from the Holy Cross and stayed here, despite the demons attacking him, who were intolerable to his prayers, until one day at midnight the evil spirits with a terrible hubbub, like a huge flock of crows, left this mountain. The shepherds, who heard this cry at night, came to the mountain the next morning and saw Savva on its top. After Easter, he and his brethren returned to the same place and began to clear it in order to set up a monastery there. And so, under piles of rubbish and stones, they found a large building with two vaults, 773 in which a church was built. This is how the first monastery of St. Sava appeared, which, like the first monastery of St. Euthymius in Wadi Mukellik, owes its origin to the custom of going into the desert during Lent. Perhaps because of the dangers that the local inhabitants constantly faced, Castellius was not a monk for beginners, but only for experienced monks. 774 For the first ones (unless they were too young), Savva the very next year built a small cinnamonium to the north of the laurel, likening the cinnamonium to a flower, and the laurel to a fruit. He did not even accept beardless people there, but sent them to Theodosius - to the large cinenovia located on the top of a hill, three miles to the west. We will now tell you about Feodosia. If the Magi came to Bethlehem from Persia or Mesopotamia and wished to return by another route without going to Jerusalem, they most likely followed the ancient desert road leading from Bethlehem to Jericho. Not far from this road, on the top of a prominent hill five miles east of Bethlehem, is a cave in which, according to legend, they spent the night on their return journey. 775 Theodosius, who already had some experience of desert living, came to this cave at about the same time that Savva organized a monastery in the Kidron Gorge. For some time he lived there alone, eating plants that grew nearby, but soon became the center of attention. There is a story about how at that time others began to join him, doubting that he had chosen the right place, took a censer filled with coal and incense, but unlit, and began to wander with him through the desert. The censer began to smoke only after he returned to his summit. 776 When a certain famous guest, unbeknownst to Theodosius, left a large sum of money, he used it to build a hospice house located above the cave. 777 The monastery gradually grew and after some time became the largest monastery in all of Judea, in which by the time of the death of its founder in 529 more than four hundred monastics lived; 778 it was famous for such hospitality that legend connected the Feeding of the Five Thousand with this very place. 779 There were hospice houses and hospitals for monks and for laymen who came to the monastery, an almshouse 780 and a “monastery within a monastery”, where monks who had been damaged by excessive or unreasonable ascetic deeds stayed. 781 In addition to the special church intended specifically for them, there were three more churches in the monastery, in which the Greeks, Armenians and Bessians (βέσσοι or βεσσοί - one of the Thracian tribes, approx. transl.) held services and performed the liturgy of the catechumens (catechumens) in their own language, gathering for the liturgy of the faithful in the main church, where the service was conducted on Greek 782 We are told that Theodosius was especially famous for three things: his ascetic life and right-wing faith, his welcoming attitude towards everyone, regardless of person, and his special focus on worship. 783 One gets the impression that in the entire Judean desert he was the only one who followed the ideal of Basil the Great, who, as we have already said, had a significant influence on Passarion and Peter the Iberian. It is worthy of note that Theodore of Petra of Arabia, in his panegyric to Theodosius, reproduces for his disciples a lengthy passage from the Regulae Fusius Tractatae (Long Rules) of Basil the Great. 784 It should be noted that quotations from Basil the Great are completely uncharacteristic of Palestinian monastic literature. We find stories indicating that Marcian of Bethlehem was on friendly terms with Theodosius, 785 another story tells how Marcian sent various supplies to Savva in 492, 786 when the builders of the Castellius found themselves in straitened circumstances. Apparently, the Second Unification did take effect here. In this regard, a few words should be said about the monastic administration of the diocese. We have already said that in the middle of the century it was in the hands of two Jerusalem archimandrites: Elpidius and Gerontius. 787 In the eighties, after the expulsion of Gerontius, the collected and strict monastic life ακρίβεια was no longer characteristic of the local archimandrites, absorbed in worldly concerns and benefits. 788 The anarchy was also strengthened by the freedom granted to the “apochists” after the accession to the throne in 491 of the new emperor Anastasius. Patriarch Sallust appointed the said Marcian as archimandrite. However, in November 492 Marcian died. 789 Then the desert monks came to the patriarch, who was already ill at that time, and asked him to appoint Savva and Theodosius as archimandrites of hermits and desert dwellers and cenobitic monasteries, respectively. 790 Each of them was given an assistant: Theodosius, abbot of the monastery of Abba Martyrius, Savva, abbot of the Lavra of St. Gerasimos. Thus, the control of the monks of the diocese passed from the cities to the desert itself, Patriarch Sallust died on July 23, 494. 791 His place was taken by Elijah, whose agreement with the two monastic leaders over the next twenty years contributed to the establishment of a healthy Chalcedonianism, over which the Monophysite emperor had virtually no control. One of the first steps taken by Elijah in the city was that he gathered the “zealots” of the “spudeans” of the Church of the Resurrection, who previously lived in cells scattered around the Tower of David, building a cozy monastery near the bishop’s house 792 - we have the right to assume that this is where the history of the Orthodox Patriarchal monastery began. Savva took advantage of the opportunity to purchase cells and set up three hotels in them: the first for his own monastery, the second for the Castellius and the third for wandering monks. 793 This is not the first time we have heard about hotels of this kind. We read that in 485 the abbot of the monastery of St. Theoctistus gave the monks of the monastery of St. Euthymius two hundred coins (nomismata) so that they could independently maintain the hotel (before that the monasteries had been running it together). 794 The monks of the monastery of St. Euthymius spent this money on a hotel near the Tower of David, which they bought from the monks of Sukkah. 795 In one of his gardens in Jericho, Sava also built an inn for Castellius. 796 When two Isaurian architects, Theodulus and Gelasius, came to the Lavra, Savva immediately entrusted them with the construction of a bakery and a hospital, and above them (probably the bakery and the hospital were in the basement) the large Church of the Mother of God, which remained the main church of the Lavra, separated from the God-created Church by an inner courtyard, under which there was a monastic cemetery and [later] the fob of the monk himself. Elijah dedicated the new church on July 1, 501. 797 The Armenians, who by this time felt cramped in the small chapel, were transferred to the God-created church. However, Savva, noticing that when singing the Trisagion in Armenian they add the Antiochian addition “Crucified for us,” insisted that from then on it should be sung only in Greek. 798 Meanwhile, Bishop John of Colonia, who arrived at the monastery in 491 and was accepted into it as a novice, 799 dutifully performed all the hardest and dirtiest work, carried water from the valley and prepared food for the builders. 800 When there was a change of officials in the first indiction (4923), the new “housekeeper” appointed him as a hotelier and cook. 801 A year later, Savva gave him a separate cell, where he lived for three years, leaving it only on Saturdays and Sundays. 802 Then (496–7) he himself was elected steward of the Lavra for a year. 803 Towards the end of 497, Sava found him ready to accept the priesthood and brought him to Jerusalem for ordination. 804 For this purpose, Elijah arrived at Golgotha. John asked the patriarch: “Vladika, I am a sinner, and I would like to confess my sins to you; if after this you consider me worthy of ordination, I will accept it.” Not far from Golgotha, he secretly confessed to Elijah that he was a bishop. The Patriarch called Savva to him and, without giving away the secret, told him the following words: “He confessed to me. I cannot ordain him. But from now on, let him live a solitary life, and let no one disturb him.” Savva, deeply saddened by the fact that he had formed a wrong opinion about his child, went to a cave near Castellius, and, having raised prayers to God, received admonition, which he told John about, promising to keep his secret. 805 For four years, John remained in his cell, not seeing anyone except his cell attendant, and left it only [on the day] of the consecration of the Great Lavra Church (July 1, 501 - approx.). 806 Soon after this, Savva, discovering that forty people from the brethren were enmity towards him, left his own monastery. 807 For this reason, John also left there, settling in a cave in the inner desert of Ruva, which he left every two or three days, going in search of melagra.” 808 For some time, Savva lived in the vicinity of Scythopolis and Gadara, having managed to sow the seeds of cenovic residence there too.” 809 After this, he returned to his monastery, but finding that the number of his enemies had increased to sixty, he went to Nikopol, where another cenobia arose.” 810 Meanwhile, his enemies went to the patriarch and began to ask him to install a new abbot, saying that their previous abbot was eaten by lions near the Dead Sea (λεοντόβρωτος γέγονεν). Elijah did not believe their words and began searching for Savva. He recognized him when the elder came from Nikopol on the Feast of Renewal (the Exaltation of the Honorable and Life-Giving Cross of the Lord), and insisted on his return to the Lavra, giving him a letter in which he demanded from the brethren unconditional submission to their abbot.” 811 The indignant monks [after reading the letter] destroyed Sava's tower, throwing its wood and stone into the gorge, and left the monastery. At first they tried to find refuge in the Sukkah Lavra, but in the end they chose the ruins of the ancient monastery of Romana near Tekoa as their refuge. After some time, Savva managed to find them. He spent five months with the fugitive monks and during this time built them a bakery and a church, which was consecrated in 507. This is how the New Lavra appeared, the main source of health anxiety for the next forty years. 812 John continued to live alone. It was at this time that the Lakhmid king AlMundir began to terrorize the lands of Arabia and Palestine with his raids.” 813 Fearing for John, the fathers of the Lavra asked him to return back. However, he did not want to leave his sweet silence, entrusting himself to God with the words of Daniel, Arsenius’s disciple, spoken by him at the time of the Devastation of Skete: “If God does not care about me, then why should I live?” 814 The Lord sent him a huge lion to protect him. On the first night, John was somewhat frightened when he discovered the beast lying next to him. However, noticing that the lion accompanies him day and night, scaring away the barbarians with his formidable appearance, he rejoiced and thanked God, “for [the Lord] will not leave the rod of the wicked over the lot of the righteous.” 815 Finally, Savva himself came to him and repeated the words spoken by Elder Daniel during the Sacking of Skete: “God helped you, and you did not die; So do you also do what is fitting for a man: run, as the fathers ran.” 816 Only after this did John return to the monastery, where Savva in 509 shut him up in a cell, 817 in which he, now a hundred-and-four-year-old elder, remained forty-seven years later, when Cyril of Scythopolis wrote his “Life.” 818 Within a few years, four more monasteries connected with it appeared at a distance of two or three miles from the monastery. 819 We will not dwell on their history; we will only say a few words about the Tower (Castle) of Evdokia on Jebel Muntar. 820 The two Monophysites expelled from there during the period of the introduction of the Henotikon were replaced by two Nestorian monks. All of Sawa’s monasteries are in one way or another connected with Jebel Muntar, and therefore it is not surprising that Sawa was so concerned about their conversion, which he achieved with his prayers and instructions. After the aforementioned appeal, he entrusted these brothers to the care of Theodosius, appointing one of his students John Scholarius as abbot of the tower and sending several Lavra monks to this monastery. In the fall of 511, John Scholarius met at Easter in Jerusalem a man of God who was on a pilgrimage, whom (since his monastery did not have its own hotel in Jerusalem) he brought to the hotel of the Great Lavra and introduced to Savva. With Sava's permission, he took him to his tower, where he readily accepted the life of the community. 821 It was Abraham, who for ten years had already been presbyter and abbot of the monastery he founded in Gonora Kratea (between Paphlagonia and Bithynia), but fled from glory. 822 The local bishop Plato looked for him everywhere and, having learned that Abraham had appeared in Palestine, hastened to send him a letter asking him to return back. 823 After Abraham spent four years in the monastery of John Scholarius, Plato, desperate to bring him back, excommunicated him from the church. 824 Then Scholarius sent Abraham to Savva, and Savva to the patriarch, so that he could help find a way out of this situation. Elijah said that church excommunication could only be lifted by the same bishop who committed it, as a result of which Abraham had no choice but to return to Kratea, where he was immediately added to the church. 825 After the death of Plato, Abraham was appointed bishop in his place. 826 After another fifteen years, he was sent on diocesan affairs to Constantinople and, taking advantage of this opportunity, fled from his bishopric and returned to John Scholarius. 827 Let us give another story relating to the same period of Savva’s life. 828 After fasting, the old man walked from Ruba to the reed-covered banks of the Jordan and met a limping great lion, in whose paw a large splinter had lodged. Savva took out this thorn, after which the lion accompanied and served him until the end of Lent. At that time, under Savva, his student Flavius ​​the Syrian lived in Ruva, who had a donkey. Having sent Flavius ​​on some errand, Savva ordered the lion to guard the donkey. Leo obediently fulfilled the elder’s command until Flavius, who ended up in Jerusalem, fell into grave sin. That same day the lion ate the donkey. Flavius, who learned about this, understood the reason for what had happened and, not daring to appear in front of the elder, returned to his native village in despair. After a long search, Savva not only found, but also returned the lost sheep. The repentant Flavius ​​locked himself in his cell and began to lead a life pleasing to God. At the same time, on the coast and near Eleutheropolis, opponents of the Council probably continued to live in their own way. However, around 508, the troublemaker monk Nephalius, who twenty years earlier had been one of the irreconcilable opponents of the Henotikon in Alexandria, 829, after strengthening the position of the Chalcedonites in Palestine, began to threaten the “apochists” with expulsion from the monasteries. Severus was forced to go to Constantinople as apocrisiary of Theodore of Ascalon and other Mayum monks. 830 He remained there for three years, organizing resistance to the Council and apparently exerting a decisive influence on Emperor Anastasius. Among other things, he achieved the deposition of Patriarch Macedonius, although he was not re-elected in his place. 831 After this, Severus returned to his abode in Mayum, but not for long. About the deposition of Flavian of Antioch and the installation of Severus in his place, 836 about the refusal of Elijah and the monks to accept the synodics of the North or to anathematize Chalcedon, 837 about the message of the monks to Alkison of Epirus, which aimed at the consent of all Chalcedonian resistance, 838 about the deposition of Elijah in 516 and the installation of his deacon John as bishop of Jerusalem, 839 about the hesitations of John and his agreement to gather all the monks outside the walls of Jerusalem, in the church of the first martyr Stephen (the only church that could accommodate them), on the pulpit of which they ascended and stood next to John Savva and Theodosius, who unanimously proclaimed an anathema on those who opposed Chalcedon, on the addition of Theodosius an anathema on those who “do not accept the Four Councils as the Four Gospels,” 840 about what they subsequently compiled a lengthy defensive letter in which “the truth of the faith of the holy places” was opposed to the policy of the emperor, 841 about the death of Anastasius and the death on the tenth day after that in July 518 of Elijah, 842 about the great feast of August 6 of the same year, when, by order of the new emperor Justin, the four councils were recorded in the diptychs of the church. 843 Here I will only present a few comments of a general nature. First of all, we must pay attention to the fact that multinational Orthodoxy, the center of which was Jerusalem, was able, not through struggle, but through its patience, to resist imperial Monophysitism. We also see that the Henotikon, as a temporary measure (which, of course, subsequently lost its significance), played a positive role, giving time for choice and freedom of this choice, as a result of which the followers of those who, like Marcian of Bethlehem, began with an unconditional anathema to Chalcedon, were now ready to die in defense of Chalcedon. Among other things, we have witnessed how the beneficial power of the Holy Places helped their devotees maintain sobriety and remain faithful to the historical Faith. Our history also demonstrates the complete integration of monasticism into the diocesan system. In addition, we can see with our own eyes that monasticism plays a very significant role in a history filled with moral and spiritual dangers, while maintaining its dignity and its righteousness. Savva and other monks, without the slightest embarrassment, use the wealth given to them, which, at first glance, indicates their significant difference from the Monk Anthony and, in general, from the monks of the first generation. But we must not forget that the acceptance of these riches testified, first of all, to the acceptance of responsibility for what is happening in society, which we will soon talk about in more detail. Savva became the head of the embassy sent by Patriarch John to Palestine and to the cities of Caesarea and Scythopolis in order to convey this good news there [about Justin's order]. 844 Upon his return, John, despite the five-year drought that began after Elijah's exile in 516, invited him and the other abbots to dinner and seated Sava between himself and his brother, the bishop of Askadon (Ashkelon). 845 Savva, who could go for weeks without food, could eat his fill and twice a day, when the laws of cordiality required it, and did not suffer at all from this. The bishops vigorously treated him until he said: “Leave it, fathers, I will eat exactly as much as I need.” Seeing this, Theodosius joked: “Sava is so hungry that even you, who by the will of God are caring for Paleetina in this dry time, are vying with each other to feed him.” The Patriarch responded to this: “Forgive me, fathers, but we cannot bear either fasting or satiety; This man of God is endowed with the apostolic gift and knows how to live both in poverty and in abundance, he has learned to be filled and to endure hunger, to be in abundance and in lack; he can do all things through the Lord Jesus Christ who strengthens him.” Savva jokingly said to Theodosius: “Abba, you are the abbot over the children, but I am the abbot over the abbots; each of my students is independent and is the abbot of his own cell.” 846 Theodosius died on January 11, 529. 847 In the same year, four months later (it was then that Justinian issued an edict against the pagans), the Samaritans rebelled, plundering and burning churches and Christian villages; they killed the bishop of Naples, as well as many elders and ordinary Christians, and elected their own ruler. 848 The rebellion was suppressed, and Patriarch Peter of Jerusalem (Patriarch John died in 524) convinced Sava to go to Constantinople and ask for funds to restore the losses. Savva went to the capital in April 531, 849 and returned in September with five commands with which the emperor responded to Savva’s petitions: 850 1. The two bishops were to assess the damage to buildings in two provinces of Palestine and use three centenaries of gold from taxes collected in 53032 (the ninth and tenth indiction) to restore them. 2. The same bishops also had to assess the damage caused to the churches, which were to be restored using funds from the Samaritans' estate. 3. It was ordered to build a hospital with one hundred beds [for one hundred people] in the middle of the Holy City with an annual allowance of 1850 coins, which later became a hospital with 200 beds with a proportional increase in the amount. 4. It was ordered to complete the construction of a new Church of the Mother of God in Jerusalem, begun under Patriarch Elijah. 5. It was ordered to build fortifications (castrum) capable of protecting the desert monasteries of Savva, and to send a military garrison there to protect them from Arab raids (Sava returned with the funds given to him for this purpose, but after the death of the monk, his successor handed them over to the patriarch, who did not use them for these purposes at all). 851 In turn, Sava promised Justinian the return of Africa and Rome and the rest of the Honorian Empire, as well as the eradication of Arianism, Nestorianism and Origenism. 852 What he, despite persistent requests, did not do was pray for Theodora to give birth to a son. 853 We are told that during Savva’s visit to Emperor Anastasius in 51112. he thanked him for the abolition of the tax, called chrysargyrum, carried out many years earlier, and asked the emperor (although this was denied to him) and the abolition of the unbearable perissopractia (περισσοπρακτία). 854 The hermit monk in both cases cares about the practical benefit of the people. In 511, when Sava arrived at the palace, the silentiarii (σιλεντιάρωι gatekeepers of the reception room) allowed all the monks to see the emperor except Sava himself, whom, due to the fact that the monk was dressed in an old dress, they mistook for a beggar. 855 After some time, the ministers sent to look for him found him in the corner of the consistorium (κονσνστόρνον “meeting hall”) reading psalms. In 531, when he presented his proposals to Justinian, and the emperor began to discuss them with the quaestor in Magnaurus, Sava stepped aside and began to read for the third hour. 856 His student Deacon Jeremiah made a remark to him: “Honest Father, the emperor deigned to consider your petitions, but for some reason you keep to yourself.” In response, he heard: “My son, they are minding their own business. Let’s do our own thing.” Returning to Jerusalem with imperial orders, he distributed the gold he received among his monasteries. Deacon Jeremiah was dissatisfied with this distribution and, leaving the Lavra, settled in the valley east of Jebel Muntar, where Sawa subsequently helped him establish a Lavra. This was the last monastery organized by Savva. 857 At the request of the patriarch, he once again went to Caesarea and Scythopolis in order to promulgate imperial decrees there. 858 Returning to Jerusalem, he walked around the Holy Places - as if saying goodbye to them, and only after that he headed to his monastery. Soon Savva fell ill. 859 His cell was visited by the patriarch, who did not find any consolation in it other than a few carobs and dried dates. Savva was placed on a stretcher and carried to the patriarchate, where the patriarch himself looked after him. However, after a few days, Savva felt the approach of death and asked to be taken back to his cell. On the first of December, he gathered all the fathers of the Lavra in his tower and appointed Melitus of Beirut as abbot, after which he handed over to him the manuscript with the Establishments adopted in his monasteries, bequeathing him not to deviate from them. For four days he abstained from food, but on the night of Sunday, December 5, 532, he partook of the Holy Mysteries and with the words: “Lord, into Your hands I commit my spirit,” in the ninety-fourth year of his life he gave his soul to God. The Patriarch, together with other bishops and famous men of the city, as well as countless monks and laymen, came to bury him in the courtyard between the churches, on the spot over which his cenotaph now stands. After fifteen years, at the burial of one of his successors, Sava’s biography writer went down into the tomb and found the saint’s body completely incorrupt. 860 Despite many different kinds of vicissitudes and a number of Bedouin raids, its monastery exists to this day. His younger contemporary Benedict, who settled on Monte Cassino around the same time when the Monk Sava died, bequeathed to us his Rule. Judging by the Life of Savva, the monk also left a handwritten Charter. 861 This charter itself has not reached us, but a collection of the Rules of his monastery compiled several centuries later, preserved in two Sinai manuscripts and of extraordinary interest, may include at least some reminiscences from the original Charter. 862 Perhaps the fact that the [original] written Rule has not been preserved is more consistent with the spirit of Eastern Christian monasticism, which preserved the very life of its monastery, the Typicon of which for many centuries occupied first place among the Typicons defining the liturgical structure of the Eastern Orthodox Church. When Egypt sank into heresy or schism, and the monasteries of Athos did not yet exist, it was the Lavra of St. Sava, together with several other monasteries that survived on the land of Judea (even though they had lost their former fortress during the period of the rule of Islam) that set for many centuries to come the very image of Orthodox monasticism, together with its chants and the rite of worship, with its dogmas and with its ongoing intellectual life, one of the examples of which is the example the highest one is revealed to us by St. John of Damascus. You have cultivated barren deserts, And even from the depths of sighs, You bore fruit with a hundred labors, And You were the lamp of the universe, Shining miracles, Reverend Savvo, Our Father: Pray to Christ God to save our souls. 863 The small dome between the two churches marking the resting place of the Monk Sava remained for many centuries only a cenotaph, for the relics of Sava were transferred to Venice during the Crusades. The present book was already being typed when the news arrived that they would be returned to their first resting place - an appropriate and noble conciliatory gesture on the part of the Western Church, designed to seal and strengthen our brotherhood in the One Heritage of the Saints, through whose prayers, the effect of which [prayers] is manifested in our lives, may our Lord heal Jesus Christ of division in His Church! VII. Monasteries under Justinian When Savva arrived in Scythopolis in the fall of 531, he was constantly served by the bishop's assistant, John. 864 Twelve years earlier, he, his wife and his house received the blessing of the saint when he came [to Scythopolis] to announce the triumph of Chalcedon with the accession of Emperor Justin to the throne. 865 Now John was accompanied by his son Cyril. When the boy bowed to the monk, wanting to receive a blessing from him, the holy elder turned to his father with the following words: “From now on, this boy will be my disciple and the son of the desert fathers.” Then he turned to the metropolitan: “Vladyka, I entrust this boy to you, take care of him, for I need him.” Kirill's mother really wanted to see the saint; [having learned from] John that the elder was going to visit the silent Abba Procopius, she hurried to the Abba’s cell, taking her son with her. Seeing the boy with his mother, Savva exclaimed: “Yes, this is my student Kirill!” And again he said to John: “Teach him the Psalms, for I need him and indeed from now on he will be my disciple.” After a meal at the silent man's, at which the boy was also present, they returned to the bishop's house. The next day, before leaving Jerusalem, Sava visited John's house and blessed his family. 866 “How is Abba Sava’s disciple doing there?” Every now and then the Metropolitan asked John, forcing him to teach the boy the Psalter and the Apostle. Soon he blessed and tonsured Cyril, elevating him to the first level of church service. 867 About twelve years after Sava's visit, Cyril became a monk in one of the monasteries; Abba George looked after him, to whom Cyril’s writings were subsequently addressed. After some time, with the blessing of his Abba, he went to Jerusalem for the consecration of the huge New Church (Na) of the Mother of God, which took place in November 543, with the secret intention of settling in the Judean Desert. 868 He had the right to expect a warm welcome here. After Savva’s visit, their house was opened to all guests from the desert, essentially turning into a monastic Scythopolis hotel. 869 Knowing about her son’s intention or guessing it, Cyril’s mother commanded him not to do anything without the blessing of John the Bishop and Hesychast. She was afraid that her son would be misled by the Origenists, who by this time had become a very influential force in Jerusalem. 870 This is a long, complex and bitter story. Back in 514, Savva’s disciple Agapit, who took over the leadership of the New Lavra from the simpleton monk Paul, who resigned these responsibilities after six months, immediately expelled from it four monks, led by a certain Nonnus, who had been accepted into the monastery by the unsuspecting Paul. They were infected with Origen's doctrine of Pre-existence and Apocatastasis; 871 and we can with good reason assume their connection with Stephen barSudaili, whose teaching was condemned by Philoxenus of Mabbug in his writings. 872 This Stephen moved from Edessa to the region of Jerusalem; Philoxenus says that he should have warned the Patriarch of Jerusalem against Stephen if he had been in church communion with him (the patriarch). It is assumed that it was Stephen who was the author of the secret “Book of St. Ivrotheus” (preserved and probably written in Syriac), which, of course, could not but cause protests from the Orthodox. 873 Five years later, after Agapit died, four of these monks, who hid their teaching until the death of Sava, somehow managed to return to the New Lavra. 874 One of them, called Leontius of Byzantium, accompanied Sava during his visit to Constantinople in 531 and was left there by the monk. Cyril of Scythopolis writes that Savva recognized Origenism behind the guise of this defender of Chalcedon and therefore rejected both him and some supporters of Theodore of Mopsuestia. However, it cannot be ruled out that these people were left in Constantinople as his, Savva’s, representatives, and the above words of Cyril were brought to life by subsequent events. 875 Of course, after the death of Sava, the “Origenian” teaching began to quickly spread among educated monasticism, and not only in the New Lavra. Two such “Origenists”, Theodore of Askidas from the New Lavra and Dometian from the monastery of St. Martyrios, who arrived with others in Constantinople to participate in theological disputes in the summer of 536, thanks to Leontius (who became a very influential figure) were quickly promoted to the metropolitan sees in Caesarea Cappadocia and Ancyra. 876 The following winter Melitus, abbot of the Great Lavra, died and was replaced by Gelasius, one of two Isaurian architects who participated in the construction of the Lavra at the turn of the two centuries. 877 The decisive attack of the new abbot against the Origenists led to the emergence of an opposition led by the deacon and canonarch John, who came from Antioch, who, having been expelled from the priesthood for his heresy, gathered a group of accomplices of about forty people, which included John, called the Demon of Thunder or Vrontodemon (Βροντοδαίμονος). Expelled from the Great Lavra, they began to seek refuge in the New Lavra, to which Leontius had recently returned from Constantinople. The latter gathered a real army of “Origenists”. Having failed to persuade. On their side, Sophronius, the successor of the Monk Theodosius, they, armed with spades, shovels and crowbars, decided to destroy the Great Lavra. However, in the second hour of the day such darkness and darkness fell upon them that they wandered throughout the rest of the day in the desert, and the next morning they found themselves near the monastery of Marcian, located not far from Bethlehem, after which they abandoned their intention. 878 Subsequently, around 540, presenting Gelasius as the instigator of the unrest, they presented him with the choice of either accepting the exiles or expelling them from the Great Lavra and their opponents. Gelasius chose the second and expelled six brothers from the monastery. These brothers went to Antioch and turned for help to Patriarch Ephraim, who convened a local council that condemned Origenism. After this, the Origenists (Leontius had already left for Conetantinople by this time) began to force Peter, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to exclude the name of Ephraim from church diptychs. However, Peter prompted Gelasius and Sophronius to sign a //bellus (petition) against the Origenists, in which they asked him to leave the name of Ephraim [in the diptychs]. This petition was sent by him to Constantinople, where the Roman legate Pelagius was already working in the same direction. As a result, at the beginning of 543, Justinian issued an edict against “Origenism”, to which bishops Theodore Askidas and Dometian were forced to sign. When Dometian (who by this time had become Metropolitan of Ancyra) discovered that the edict was not signed by everyone and that Theodore Askida, despite signing it, continued to adhere to his previous views, he shaved his beard, broke with the church and after some time (there, in Constantinople) died without communion from dropsy. 879 In Jerusalem, the Origenists, as soon as they heard about the edict, left the New Lavra and retreated to the valley. However, very soon, fearing the threats of Askida, Peter very carelessly allowed the Origenists to return back. Askidas (Leontius died around the same time) tried to fight Pelagius and Peter, speaking out against the “Three Heads” (Theodore of Mopsuestia and others). Peter fell out of favor with the emperor after he brought to Conetantinople another libellus from the archimandrites who objected to the abolition of the “Three Chapters”, and under pressure from Askida was forced to accept two Origenist-minded “cell attendants” (σύγκελλος) and appoint John the Eunuch, Domitian’s successor in the monastery of Martyria, as abbot of the New Church Holy Mother of God (Nope). 880 In the midst of these events, in November 543, young Cyril came to Jerusalem. 881 Having venerated the Holy Places, he headed to the Great Lavra, wanting to see John the Bishop and the Hesychast, who told him that if he really wanted to be saved, he should go to the monastery of St. Euthymius. However, instead, young Cyril went to the Jordan Valley and, falling ill, spent six months in the Kalamon Lavra. Finally, in July 544, John appeared to him in a dream, saying that he had suffered sufficient punishment for his disobedience and now must go to Jericho, find the inn of the monastery of St. Euthymius there and find a monk there who would take him to the monastery. Thus, in the end, Kirill finally settled in this monastery. He often sought advice from John the Hesychast, who at that time was already about ninety years old. It should be noted that John, who did not abandon his seclusion, blessed the inhabitants of the Great Lavra to resist the Origenists. After one of the first such visits 882, Cyril was sent by John to the Old Lavra (Sukkah) with messages intended for another great recluse, Elder Kyriakos (this elder was already over ninety), which described the unrest taking place in Jerusalem (the hotel of the monastery of St. Sava was in a state of siege, and any monk of this monastery on the streets of Jerusalem could not feel safe) 883 and His (Kyriak's) prayerful help was asked. A generation earlier, at the center of the spiritual life of the desert, apparently, were the figures of two great abbots - Sava and Theodosius. Now, when the monasteries themselves were mired in the intrigues and outrages of church politics, the great hermits again became the focus of it [spiritual life]. Here it is appropriate to recall the life of Cyriacus, who, as we remember, back in 466, as a seventeen-year-old youth, left his home in Corinth and settled in the Judean desert, 884 and subsequently helped rebuild the Lavra of St. Euthymius into the Cenobia. 885 When in 485 the two monasteries of St. Euthymius separated and Upper Cenovia bought an inn in Jerusalem from the fathers of the Lavra of Sukkah, Kyriakos, saddened by the said division, moved to the Lavra of Sukkah 886 and for four years served there as a baker, innkeeper and steward. 887 After this, being ordained a deacon at the monastery of St. Euthymius, he served in the sanctuary (ίερατεΐον) for four years before being promoted to treasurer (κειμηλιάρχης) and to canonarch. At the end of thirteen years he was ordained an elder, but performed the same duties for another eighteen years. For thirty-one years he performed the same obediences, and the sun never saw him eating food or being angry; he struck the wooden laurel beat, convening the monks for nightly psalmody until he completely read the entire 119th psalm (the 118th psalm of the Septuagint, called “Blessed” after the first verse). 888 Finally, in 525, at the age of seventy-six, he went with one of his disciples to the inner Natufaean desert. Since there is no melagra in those lands, and only sea onions grow there, he began to pray to God, who created everything and can change bitterness into sweetness, so that he would saturate them with this potion. 889 After some time, the elder from Tekoa, having heard about them from the shepherds, loaded a bag of warm bread onto his donkey and took it to the ascetics. After they ate the bread, the student, without the elder’s blessing, brewed a certain amount of potion and began to eat it as usual, but was immediately speechless from bitterness. Immediately understanding the reason for what had happened, the elder prayed over his disciple and gave him communion, after which he immediately came to his senses. After some time, the loaves came out, but the student was afraid to touch the potion. Then the elder blessed this potion and tasted it first, after which the disciple followed his example, and not one of them suffered any harm from the potion. 890 A year after Kiriak healed a possessed boy and became famous throughout the region, he had to flee from human glory and hide in the Ruva desert, where he spent five years eating “the roots of melagra and the core of reeds.” 891 Not finding peace here either, he settled in a completely deserted and hidden place called Susakim (Σουσακεΐμ), where in the depths of the desert the wadis converged, lying near Sukkah and near the New Lavra, which, according to some, were those “rivers of Itham”, about which David wrote: “Thou hast dried up the rivers.” Ifamskaya (or “strong rivers”).” 892 Here he remained for seven years, until, during the Great Plague, the fathers from the Lavra of Sukkah convinced him to move to the “overhanging” cave of the Monk Chariton, located outside the Lavra. 893 In this cave (somewhere around 544) Cyril found him, who brought the elder a message from Bishop John and told him about the intrigues of the Origenists and why their teaching should have been rejected. 894 Having learned that Cyril had come from the cenobia of Saint Euthymius, Cyriacus greeted him as a syncoenobiote (συνκοινοβιώτης) and told him many stories about Euthymius and Sava. 895 The Jerusalem Origenists did not even think of calming down, but the fathers of the Great Lavra were able to persuade their abbot Gelasius to go to Constantinople and tell the emperor about what was happening. 896 Abba Gelasius went there without much hope, realizing that he had compromised himself in the eyes of Justinian by signing the libellus against the anathematization of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Of course, when he arrived in the capital, he was not received anywhere; fearing the intrigues of the treacherous Theodore Askida, Gelasius soon set off on foot to Jerusalem, but died in Amoria of Phrygia in October 546, about fifty years after his arrival in the Great Lavra. Having heard about his death, the fathers of the Great Lavra went to Jerusalem so that the patriarch would appoint a new abbot for them, but they were expelled from the city and returned to the Lavra with nothing. The Origenists seemed to be winning everywhere. In February 547, they seated the Origenist George in the abbot’s seat, which had once been occupied by Saint Sava himself; With the appearance of this wolf, the fathers of the Lavra were forced to leave their monastery. Bishop John himself left his retreat and, together with many others, moved to the Mount of Olives, while the rest scattered throughout the surrounding lands. And on this same day, Nonnus, who was in charge of the Origenists, died suddenly. George, after seven months, was accused of obscenity even by those who put him in the abbot’s place, and was expelled from the Lavra. 897 His successor Cassian, who, like Cyril, was a native of Scythopolis, studied monastic life with the Monk Sava and for eight years abboted the Sukkah Lavra. He died just ten months later, on July 20, 548. Cassian's successor, the Lycian Conon, took monasticism in his homeland at a young age, but he came to Palestine after the death of Sava. Konon was a wise and kind man, and soon things in the Lavra began to improve, and the fathers scattered around the area began to return to their monastery. The Origenists began to divide, which deprived them of their former strength. Bishop John probably did not spend too long outside his cell. When Cyriacus, who was constantly being pestered by people in the Cave of St. Chariton, became convinced that the battle against Origenism was essentially won, he, in his ninety-ninth year, again went to his old desert refuge of Susakim, located nine miles from the Sukkah Lavra. 899 Cyril visited him here too, 900 having first gone to Sukkah and taking Cyriacus’ disciple John as his guide. When they were already near the desired place, a huge and terrible lion came out to meet them. John told Cyril that they need not be afraid of this terrible beast, and indeed, seeing that they were heading towards the Elder, the lion immediately made way for them. The elder was extremely happy about the guests. “Yes, this is my syncoenobiote Kirill!” - he exclaimed. “Father,” John turned to him, he was terribly frightened when he saw the lion.” To this Kiriak replied: “Do not be afraid, child, for this lion lives next to me in order to protect my vegetables from wild goats.” Having told the guests many stories about Euthymius and other Desert Fathers, Kiriak invited them to a meal. While they were eating food, a lion approached them, and then the Elder gave him a piece of bread and sent the beast to guard the vegetable growth. Cyril and John spent the night with the Elder, and the next day he blessed them to set off on the return journey. After some time they saw on their way a lion devouring a wild goat; noticing that they did not dare to pass by him, the lion left his prey and stepped aside, clearing the way for them. The Origenists were divided into isochrists, who taught that with the “restoration of everything” (apokatastasis) all would become equal to Christ, and into the protoctists of the Lavra of St. Firminus near Michmash, who, based on the pre-existence of the soul, taught that the pre-existent human soul of Christ was the First-born in All Creation. 901 This division eventually led to an alliance between the latter (protoctists) and the anti-Origenists, with Isidore of the Lavra of St. Firmin promising not to say anything about pre-existence. At the end of 551, together with Conon from the Great Lavra, he went to Constantinople, hoping to seize a favorable moment. 902 They did not have to wait long. Soon Peter of Jerusalem died, and the monks of the New Lavra angered Justinian by installing their nominee Macarius as patriarch without the approval of this candidacy by the emperor. 903 After the death of Isidore, Conon and his people, with even greater freedom, took advantage of the opportunity to file a libellus against the Origenists to the emperor and presented him with their own candidate for the patriarchate, Eustochius, who was then in Constantinople. Justinian accepted their offer. Eustochius was sent to Jerusalem as patriarch, and the Fifth Ecumenical Council was convened in Constantinople, condemning both the “Three Chapters” and Origenism. 904 The last meeting of the Council took place on June 2, 553. The Origenists were finally expelled from the New Lavra, and on February 21, 555, one hundred and twenty monks took their place, half of whom came from the Great Lavra, and the rest from other desert monasteries. Among them was Cyril of Scythopolis, who transferred to the New Lavra with the blessing of Bishop John. 905 From the very first days of his stay in the monastery of Saint Euthymius, he never ceased to be amazed at the miracles that occurred from the saint’s shrine, and tried to collect everything that was in one way or another connected with his life. 906 Kiriak, as they say, first-hand, told him in detail about the last years of Euthymius’ life. Others retold to him what had once been told to them by people who knew the monk, they told him stories about Savva and Theodosius, etc. Like a tireless, hardworking bee, he walked around the desert, walked back and forth, collecting these memories that had not yet had time to fade, wrote them down on scattered sheets, folding them in no order. Once in the New Lavra, Kirill spent two years sorting out his notes, trying in vain to put them in order and realizing the lack of secular education, inexperience in Scripture and his own tongue-tiedness. Cyril was already close to despair, however, one day, around the second hour, when he was sitting in his usual place and was busy sorting out the sheets, he dozed off and saw in a sleepy vision the Reverend Fathers Euthymius and Savva in the usual attire befitting their rank and heard the words of Savva spoken to Euthymius: “Smotrika, your Kirill is still sitting with the sheets in his hands, determined to carry out his plans, however, despite all his work and efforts, he cannot even begin his composition.” The great Euthymius answered Savva: “How can he begin his essay about us if there is not yet the grace of the word in his mouth?” When Savva said: “Give him this grace, father,” Evfimy nodded, took out a silver box for ointments and a twig from his bosom, lowered the twig into the box and put it three times in Kirill’s mouth, who felt that something similar to oil appeared on his lips, its sweetness surpassing honey and making him remember the words of Scripture: “How sweet is the word of my throat?” Yours; more than honey in my mouth.” He woke up from an inexplicable sweetness and, still feeling the unearthly fragrance on his lips and in his mouth, immediately began to write the preface to the Life of Saint Euthymius. The first biography was immediately followed by the Life of Saint Sava. However, before they were completed, Cyril, forced both by Bishop John and by his first mentor George of Scythopolis, to whom he intended his works, moved from the New Lavra to the Great Lavra of St. Sava and was going to build a cell there. 907 By the time the Life of Bishop John the Hesychast (the Silent One) was written, that is, around 557, he had already been settled there 908 and could visit John much more often, who, in the one hundred and fourth year of his life, began to prepare for death. 909 Around the same time (in 556), Cyril once again visited the Monk Kyriakos, who lived in the cave of St. Chariton, where the fathers from the Sukkah Lavra had brought him a year earlier from Susakim, where the elder had lived for eight years. 910 Kyriakos was already one hundred and seven years old, but he was still full of strength and himself received the guests who came to him. A year later he died. Kirill writes about him as an ascetic “meek and responsive, possessing a prophetic gift, inclined to mentoring, highly Orthodox; a man of large and noble physique, all of whose members were in good health, and he himself was truly filled with grace and the Holy Spirit.” 911 He seems to be the most perfect and, perhaps, the most unusual of all the heroes of Kirill’s Lives. It seems as if St. Anthony has come into the world again. The publication by Schwartz in 1939 of all the works belonging to Cyril of Skithopolsky in one volume, even though the text given there and the conclusions drawn by the author may be the subject of criticism, served a great service in helping scientists realize what a significant and remarkable historian we are dealing with. Certain errors in Kirill's dating cause particular difficulties, primarily because he is usually extremely attentive and accurate. The accuracy of topographical details can be verified on site again and again. Let's say, following his descriptions, we were able to find the cemetery [monastery] of St. Euthymius, as well as the foundation of the walls of his Lavra church, which was located under the church of the monastery; locate the New Lavra with the ruins of two churches on a hill southeast of Tekoa; 912 to find in the desert the secret refuge of the Monk Kyriak, called Susakim - a walled-off cave with a stone shelf that served as the monk’s bed, and with a square cell built without mortar at the entrance, from where two converging wadis are visible. 913 Although Cyril was a typical resident of Palestine of that time, full of naive prejudices (which in the eyes of modern scientists gives his works even greater significance), judging by the texts of the Lives, he never embellishes what he saw and does not complement what he heard from himself. His narrative is completely devoid of redundant or irrelevant details; At the same time, we not only see wonderful ascetics, but a century and a half of the history of this unforgettable country passes before us. In his religiosity, Kirill is not at all original. In his works, it will certainly be possible to find many quotations from earlier monuments: Vita Antonii, 914 ' Vita Pachomii, Apophthegmata Patrum, etc. We should not forget that Cyril lived at about the same time when the first Latin versions of the Apophthegmata appeared, while the earliest Syrian collection of them dates from the last year of the life of the Monk Sava. In the first generation of monks, who lived in the fourth century, all their reading was limited to the Holy Scriptures, to which the Vita Antonii was soon added. By the end of this century, the monastic library had grown noticeably. In Cyril's time, it included a body of desert "case law", which, since it dealt with the familiar monastic world, often seemed to be a more reliable guide than Scripture itself, which allowed for many different interpretations. The same impression about this era is formed when considering the works created in the Gaza region, to which we will now turn. After the installation of Severus as Patriarch of Antioch, his anti-Chalcedonian monastery in Mayum seems to be hidden from us behind a certain veil, which is lifted only after the appearance of a remarkable community in Hilarion’s homeland in Tawaf, 915 where Peter Iberia lived for some time before his flight to Phenicia in 487. This community gains prominence under Justin or, perhaps, in the last years of the reign of Anastasius. His floruit covers a period of at least eighteen years during which Justinian's edict against the pagans appeared (529) and the Great Plague (542–3) occurred. During this period, the monastery probably accepted Chalcedon, while preserving the spiritual tradition of Abba Isaiah (we have no evidence at our disposal that the adoption of the Council led to any unrest). We do not know when exactly the Egyptian monk Barsanuphius locked himself in his cell, leaving Abba Serid to preside over the ascetics gathered around him. The Great Elder did not leave his cell at all, communicating with the outside world through Abba Serid, who showed him complete obedience (here it is appropriate to recall the relationship of Abba Isaiah with his disciple Peter the Egyptian) and who served him. Not earlier than 525 and not later than 527, the Great Elder moved to a new cell, freeing his former cell for another Elder - John, who led the same reclusive life and communicated with the world through one of the monks for eighteen years. The community took the form of a cenovia, surrounded by the cells of hermits who had taken refuge. The fifty-four epistles of [Answers] Barsanuphius (one short epistle written by another Elder), written in response to questions from the monk John of Birsheba (Beersheba), precede a collection of more than eight hundred answers given by the Elders to various questions and to various questioners. This collection was edited by one of the monks of the monastery (his name is unknown to us), who witnessed how Barsanuphius left his retreat to wash the feet of the brethren and thereby dispel the doubts of one of the questioners, tormented by the thought that the invisible Elder was an invention of Abba Serid. When I gave these lectures, the only printed edition of the original Greek text (there were also Slavic translations) was the edition prepared by St. Nikodim Svyatogorets, and published after his death in 1816. 916 Finding it, at least in Western Europe, is very difficult. After a long search, the tireless Marcel Richard, with the help of the Assumptionists, found this book in Paris and made a microfilm of it for me. After the end of my lecture course in 1960, the book was republished in Volos by Soterios N. Skoinas (essentially, this is a reprint of the previous edition with corrected numbering of Questions and Answers and with the addition of fragments from MS. Iviron 1307 to the incomplete text used by Nikodim). I am preparing a critical edition of this book. The Epistles [Responses] to John of Bathsheba, 917 seem to serve as a kind of preface to the collection; Thus, at the end of the first message, Serid himself shares doubts about his ability to remember everything that Barsanuphius told him, and regrets that he did not have a charter and ink and could not write down the words of the Elder under dictation. Immediately the Great Elder assures him that the Holy Spirit will allow him to remember everything said in the right sequence. What follows is a story about how, having overcome the doubts that had tormented him for several years, John moved from Bathsheba to Tawatha, and over time began to lead the life of a recluse. There is a temptation to identify John of Bathsheba with the second Elder, but in the same letters another Elder, Elder John, is also mentioned. 918 The message that follows is addressed to the Egyptian elder Abramius, who wrote his question in Coptic language. 919 Barsanuphius, who was of course a Coptic himself, explains that he made it a rule never to write replies himself, but to send replies through Abba Serida, who did not speak Coptic and therefore wrote only in Greek. We can give here only a very brief description of the collection in question. There are answers here to monks of all different calibers; sometimes one person receives so many answers that from them we can reconstruct almost the entire history of his spiritual development with his characteristic ups and downs. Some answers are intended for the laity. There are also answers to bishops here. It can be said (although both fathers are very close in spirit) that Barsanuphius usually speaks about more general and profound things, while John pays more attention to practical details and sometimes explains Barsanuphius’ answers to those questioners who find the Great Elder’s answers exceeding their measure. Barsanuphius gives thirteen answers to the questions of Elder Euthymius, whose mind was completely absorbed in the allegorical interpretation of Scripture. 920 Barsanuphius, as they say, answers him in kind, and his answers sometimes sound very unusual, in the end, he advises Euthymius to surrender to silence and no longer bother him with his questions. However, after the death of Euthymius, the Great Elder seems to have venerated his remains as the relics of a saint. 921 We also find here a touching correspondence, including about fifty messages from two Elders to the old sick monk Andrei, 922 who was worried about the fact that he could not fulfill the rule accepted in the community, and was burdened by the brother assigned to him. In this regard, it would not be out of place to note that, despite numerous requests to the Great Elder for the appointment of a special rule, the Elder refuses this to Andrei, wanting him to live “not under the Law, but under Grace.” Here are answers about distinguishing between thoughts that come from God, from our nature and from demons. 923 A reproach to some monks who ask about who gave the devil leadership and power 924 (“...you want to know what is not necessary for you at all”), followed by a short reasoning from the Elder, ending with the words: “...Forgive me that I got carried away by your childish questions and abandoned the perfection that was presented. Chad! May the Lord Jesus Christ bless and multiply your fruits... [forever and ever].” The Great Elder’s answer to a question that might have arisen for the questioner after reading that passage from Cassian, where it is said that the Lord’s Prayer is intended only for the perfect: 925 “The Lord’s Prayer is commanded to be said by both perfect and sinners: perfect so that they, having learned whose sons they have become, would try not to fall away from Him; sinners so that with shame, calling Him Father, Whom they often insulted, they would condemn themselves and come to repentance. But, it seems to me, Our Father is more fitting for sinners; for it is common for sinners to say: “...forgive us our debts.” The answer to the father, who after a long correspondence asks for complete silence, deserves to be given here in full. 926 “May our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the Blessed and Most High God, confirm and strengthen you to receive His Holy Spirit, who by His good coming may teach you everything, may enlighten your hearts and guide you to the truth; and may I see you flourishing like dates in the paradise of God [my Father and God], and may you appear like a fruitful olive tree among the Saints, and like fruitful grapes, all true, in the Divine field. May the Lord grant you to drink from the Source of Wisdom, for those who drank from it forgot themselves, being completely outside the old man, and from the Source of Wisdom they moved to another source of Love that never falls away, and, being in this state, they reached a measure that exceeded distraction and arrogance, becoming completely mind, completely eye, completely bright, completely perfect, completely gods. They labored, became exalted, became famous, became enlightened, and came to life, because they had died before. They are having fun and having fun; they rejoice about the indivisible Trinity and rejoice at the Highest Powers. Desire their fortune, follow their path, be jealous of their faith, acquire their humility, patience in everything, so that you may receive their property. Hold on to their unfailing Love in order to inherit unspeakable blessings, “which no eye has seen, nor an ear heard, nor has sighed into the heart of man, what God has prepared for those who love Him.” Regarding silence (I will say): now train yourself a little more (time), and God will show His mercy to you. [The Lord will enlighten your hearts to comprehend the meanings contained herein. For it is difficult for him to understand them who has not come to the extent of them. Forgive me and pray for me, so that I, unworthy, may achieve this measure].” Another Elder is more inclined to give answers to questions regarding worship, the amount of food and wine, clothing, sleep and times of prayer. His answer about the statutory hours testifies to the development of the ancient Egyptian tradition: 927 “The hours and songs are Church traditions and are well established for the agreement of all people (in prayers), also in commons for the agreement of many. The nomads do not read the hours or songs, but in private they practice handicrafts, reading and meditation, and [little by little] in prayer. When you stand in prayer, you must pray for liberation from the old man, or say “Our Father,” or both, and then sit down to do your needlework. As for continuing prayer when you stand at it (I will say): if you pray unceasingly according to the word of the Apostle, then there is no need for duration when you get up to pray, for your mind remains in it all day. When you sit at needlework, you should read or speak the psalms orally, and at the end of each psalm, pray while sitting: “God, have mercy on me, the wretched one.” If your thoughts bother you, then add: “Lord! You see my sorrow, help me.” And when you finish three rows of the net, stand up for prayer and kneel, and also say the said prayer while standing. As for the evening time, the hermits read twelve Psalms, and at the end of each, instead of a doxology, they say: “Alleluia,” and read one prayer; They also read the twelve Psalms at night, and after singing psalms they sit down to do needlework. And whoever wants to read the Psalms by heart, another tests his thoughts and the lives of the Holy Fathers; another, having read five or eight sheets... again takes up needlework. When someone sings or recites by heart, he must say it out loud, unless there is someone else nearby watching him, so that no one knows what he is doing.” Much here has something in common with Cassian, whose writings were probably well known to the Elder and were translated into Greek very early. About a hundred answers were given to Dorotheus, 928 who is growing before our eyes. Arriving for the first time at Kinovia, he asks how he should divide his property between her and the poor. We witness how he is overcome by various temptations—fornication, despondency, forgetfulness, and so on—with which the Elders who treat them with understanding (mainly John, for whom he later became a cell attendant) help him cope. Carrying out obedience in the hospital, he asks the Elders whether he should read medical books and be guided by them, how to combine hospital duties with the singing of Psalms, and so on. However, the most detailed description of life in Tawaf is contained not in the collection we are considering, but in the writings of Dorotheus himself. This is the story of his first disciple 929 [his uncle’s] favorite, who was a commander, young Dositheus, who went to Jerusalem and was honored in Gethsemane with a vision of the Mother of God, who said that he should leave the world and become a monk. In the same military uniform, he came to Tawafa and was received by Abba Serid into the monastery (Abba experienced considerable doubts, fearing that he saw a deserter in front of him) and soon, having received the obedience to take care of the sick, he showed himself to be an example of obedience and at the same time was always laconic and quiet, although he had a naturally loud voice, “like a Goth.” The elder gradually reduced his daily ration of bread from six pounds to eight lots. Five years later, the young man died of consumption. But even in his hour of death, he showed obedience to the Great Elder, asking him for blessings to leave this world. Some of the questions and answers in Barsanuphius's collection probably also relate to this story. However, we should go further. Of extreme interest is the correspondence with an educated monk who read Origen, Didymus the Blind and Evagrius the Centurion (quotes from which he gives), which returns us to the Origenist debates that were taking place at that time. 930 Partially, this material was published by Minh (P. G. LXXXVI. i, 891902), but only one and, moreover, incomplete Parisian manuscript is presented there. 931 Barsanuphius condemns their errors, and John advises reading from Evagrius only what serves for spiritual benefit. When Barsanuphius is asked why Gregory of Nyssa supports some of these errors, the Great Elder answers in the sense that the saints were not mistaken when their answer was preceded by prayer; however, it happened that they answered immediately with words they had accepted from their previous teachers, which could have turned out to be erroneous. Correspondence with bishops touches on issues of ordination. For example, it is said that in a village one cannot ordain clergy beyond the need, even if among the villagers there are those worthy of ordination. 932 One of the selections of answers is probably addressed to Patriarch Peter of Jerusalem, who, among other things, asks what he should do with the pagans who, after the promulgation of Justinian’s edict, wished to be baptized after Easter 529. 933 The Great Elder advises the Patriarch to give them holy baptism “on Holy Pentecost or on the Holy Ascension of the Savior” (that is, on the Feast of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives), so that this week would serve for them “instead of a holiday” before Pentecost. Since the time of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, preparation for baptism has probably been significantly simplified. The next question concerned a non-Christian who was detained during the Liturgy of the Faithful [cf. from Russian: “One of the non-believers was taken from the land of the faithful...”]: 934 many believed that he should be killed or even burned. Of course, the saint considers this not a Christian matter and advises first to flog the offender - for this is a human matter - and then hand him over to some God-fearing person so that he can teach him the way of God and enlighten him. Another answer, the question for which is not in the printed publication, is in the nature of an explanation; the question itself relates to a ruler experiencing some problems and begins with these words: “Since, thanks to the zeal of our Christ-loving emperor, our ruler recently became a Christian...” 935 The questions of the laity are very varied, and we can only name some of their topics: work on Sunday, 936 conversations in church, 937 slaves, 938 debts, 939 locusts, 940 is it possible to squeeze wine belonging to the Jews on your winepress? 941 What should I do if my father according to the flesh begins to talk to me about bodily things that do not bring me spiritual benefit? 942 Is it possible to call someone to speak to my sick horse? 943 (Of course, charming is forbidden by God; ask a doctor for advice or sprinkle your cattle with holy water). I have noble relatives living nearby and humble relatives living at a distance who sometimes visit me. Should I tell the truth about my relationship with them or should I hide it, so as not to offend my relatives here with such dishonor? 944 If they tell me that I must anathematize Nestorius and similar heretics, should I do it? 945 (He is already under anathema; you should not curse, but mourn your sins. If your interlocutor, even after your words, insists on his own, curse that heretic so as not to damage his conscience). If I don’t know whether the one whom I am asked to be damned is a heretic, then what should I do? 946 (Say: “I do not know how the one of whom you speak is wise; I do not know any other faith than that handed down from the 318 (fathers); whoever thinks differently from what she teaches has anathematized himself.”) When the plague began to rage in the Roman Empire in 5423, the abbot and the fathers of Cenobia began to ask the Great Elder, like Aaron, to stand between the living and the dead. In response to 947, the Great Elder wrote that there are only three men in the world who have surpassed the measure of humanity, through whose prayers “the Lord dissolves punishment with mercy”: John in Rome, Elijah in Corinth and someone else in the diocese of Jerusalem. Among the laity who constantly turned to the Elder was a certain Elian, whose answers were also included in the meeting. He wanted to become a monk, but first he wanted to somehow dispose of his property and provide housing for his elderly mother and slaves. Is it possible to send her to live with her nephews, giving them property as payment for taking care of her? 948 While Elian was thinking, Abba Serid died, bequeathing the transfer of the abbot of the monastery to the eldest: in the event of the death of the eldest, the next in seniority was to become the abbot, and so on. At the very end of the list he placed the name of the Christ-loving Elian, if only he became a monk. One after another, the brethren humbly renounced their leadership until it was Elian’s turn. He, not knowing about this, being burdened with despondency, wrote about this to Abba John, who in his answer exhorted him to complete obedience. 949 Elian immediately freed himself from the thoughts that were bothering him, completely not understanding the essence of the answer he received. Then the Elder directly wrote to him that he should become abbot of the cinnamon. Elian responded to this: “Abba, [the Spirit of God living in you knows me better than I know myself]... I am filled with fear and tremble, thinking about the danger of this matter. If you are sure that I can receive mercy in this, using your protection in Christ, I do not contradict, for you have power over me, and I am in the hands of God and yours.” Having received another assurance and command from the Elder, he replies: “Behold your servant, be with me according to your word.” By order of the fathers, Elian was honored with a monastic image. Then, on behalf of all the monks of the monastery, a petition was submitted to the bishop, who ordained Elian as a presbyter and made him abbot of the monastery, after which he was for the first time allowed to come to Abba John himself. The elder, who did not have holy orders, accepted him in the same way as he had once received the late abbot and turned to him with the words: “Pray, Abba!” Elian fell into complete confusion, not daring to pray for the Elder. When the Elder repeated his request, Elian, not daring to contradict him, prayed and, having received the command, sat down. The Elder told him: “Brother, long before this time the Holy Elder foretold about you that you would be a monk and abbot of the hostel…. Take heed to yourself, and let your heart be established in the Lord, who strengthens you. Amen". 950 John predicted that he would end his life in the weeks of Abba Serida. 951 When Abba Barsanuphius no longer gave answers, the brethren began to ask John not to leave them orphans. However, he answered them: “If Abba Serid had lived longer, then I would have lived another five years, but since God hid him from me and took him, then I will not live any more.” Abba Elian, with many prayers and tears, begged Abba Barsanuphius to grant [extend the days] of Elder John. Having learned about this, the next day Abba John, when the monks again came to beg him, met Elian with the following words: “Why are you worrying about the Elder about me? Don’t work, I won’t live anymore.” Abba Elian was able to beg him to stay for another two weeks, so as to have time to ask him about everything related to the monastery and its management. Having taken pity and being moved by the Holy Spirit living in him, the Elder replied: “Okay, I will stay with you for another two weeks.” During this time, Abba Elian asked him about everything. Some of these questions and answers are included in our collection. 952 These include the question of Elian’s old mother, who did not want to live with her nephews. 953 He was told that it was his duty to talk to her from time to time and satisfy her needs, regardless of where she chooses to live, in the village of Tawafa or in the city. Among other things, he must financially support and instruct his servants [“for a good life”]. After the death of the mother, the slaves had to be freed, giving them “decent food” in the village of Tawafa or in some other place. Towards the end of the aforementioned two weeks, the Elder commanded the brethren not to announce his dormition until that very day and, “having called all the brethren and those who happened to be in the hostels, he greeted everyone and dismissed them, and having dismissed them all, he gave up his spirit to God in peace.” 954 At the same time, Barsanufius completely closed himself off from the world. About fifty years later, the historian Evagrius 955 wrote that the Great Old Man was still considered alive, although no one had seen him and during all this time he had not received food; when Eustochius, who occupied the See of Jerusalem from 552 to 563, did not believe this and ordered the cell of the Great Elder to be undermined, the fire that came out of there almost burned everyone who was there. History tells us nothing else about Eliana. The fact that the monastery existed in the seventh century can be judged by the mention in the Life of John the Merciful of the monastery of Abba Seridon (sic) in Gaza. 956 Dorotheos, who may have compiled Questions and Answers, retired from the monastery and founded his own monastery in some other place. 957 Most likely, we owe the same Dorotheus the preservation of the collection of sayings of Abba Zosima, 958 a monk from Phenicia, who spent some time in the Lavra of St. Gerasimos in the Jordan Valley, and then settled near Caesarea. From the historian Evagrius we learn 959 that while he was in Caesarea, Zosima clearly saw the terrible earthquake that was occurring at that moment in Antioch (526). Evagrius also tells us how Zosima traveled with a donkey, which carried some of his belongings. They met a lion, which immediately killed the animal. When the lion had had enough, the saint told him that he was already old and did not have the strength to carry the donkey’s burden. Leo humbly allowed the burden to be placed on him and carried it to the gates of Caesarea. One of Zosima’s sayings, in which he gives a balanced assessment of the human body, makes sense to quote in full: 960 “...Not to have is harmful, but to have with passion. Who doesn’t know that of all that we have, nothing is more valuable to us than the body? So, if, when time demands it, we are commanded to neglect even the body, much less what we have besides it? Abba Dorotheos himself, faithful to the tradition of his mentors Barsanuphius and John, also left us works on asceticism, which are more famous in the West and are included in the Patrology of Min (P. G. LXXXV1II, 1611–1844). As has recently been shown in an article dedicated to [Abba] Dorotheus from the Dictionnaire de Spiritualite and, in more detail, in an article by Father Lucien Regnault of Solesmes Abbey, published in the Revue d'Ascetique et de Mystique (No. 130, April June, 1957; pp. 141-9), the reason for this was their discovery and use by the first generation Jesuits, on whom these works had a noticeable influence, as evidenced by their inclusion in a fairly short list of books approved for reading by newcomers entering the Society. When Cyril of Scythopolis wrote his Life of St. John the Hesychast in 557 (John, who had been holiness in the Great Lavra, was still alive), he inspired a monk associated with the ancient monastery of the Old Lavra, St. Chariton, to write about its founder, who came to Palestine a century before Euthymius. We are entering an age of retrospection, when legends begin to play a much more prominent role. The author of the Life of Saint Chariton may have been Saint John of the Old Lavra (we only know his name). The only known manuscript naming the author of the Life identifies him with “John, son of Xenophon and brother of Arcadius.” 961 These saints are the heroes of a monastic story about two brothers who went by sea from Constantinople to Beirut to study law, were shipwrecked, lost each other and independently took monasticism (it is reported that John went to the Lavra of Sukkah). In the end, the father and his sons miraculously met at Calvary, recognized each other, after that became hermits and “lived happily from then on.” In the best manuscripts (but not in those that formed the basis of the printed edition), this story begins with the words: “One great old man told me...” 962 This beginning immediately introduces us to the world of John Moschus, the great compiler of the anthology of the Desert, in Leimonarion or “Spiritual Meadow” whose stories are often preceded by a similar initial formula. John Moschus left the monasteries of Judea and began wandering through Palestine, Egypt, Sinai, Syria and, eventually, went west to Samos and Rome. His work is undoubtedly an anthology, as he himself says in the preface: 963 roses, lilies and violets are collected randomly and woven into a whimsical garland; they are largely "genealogies", covering in some cases a period of one hundred and fifty years, which usually bear no relation at all to the experience of the author himself. Thus, here we find the earliest version of the story of the lion of St. Gerasim, 964 apparently representing another monastic story, most of the details of which go back to other, more reliable stories about lions told by Cyril of Scythopolis. At least two more chapters present independent but less reliable versions of the stories also given by Cyril. 965 Six chapters of the printed edition are directly related to the collection of stories of Abba Zosimas. 966 There are also chapters that make us remember Anastasia Sinaita. 967 On the other hand, a critical edition could include a whole series of stories that, with good reason, we could attribute to Moschus himself. 968 True, it is very difficult to reconstruct the life of Moschus himself from such a collection. The earliest autobiographical information he reports is that by 570 he had spent about ten years in the Lavra of Paran. 969 Thus, not much time passed after the events described by Cyril of Scythopolis. Konon was still abbot of Marsaba. 970 Eustathius, whom Moschus met when he was the rector of the monastery of the Cave of St. Sava, 971 assumed this position a few days before Cyril finished the Life of St. John the Hesychast (Silent). 972 Leontius, abbot of the monastery of St. Theodosius, told Moschus that he came to the New Lavra after the Origenists were expelled from there, 973 that is, thereby, together with Cyril. In 5634 Eustochius lost his patriarchate, and his rival Macarius regained the throne after renouncing Origenism. 974 It seems as if not all the monks of Judea were ready to recognize Macarius, 975 although they were often guided by non-doctrinal considerations. So, for example, Julian (Julian), a blind monk of the monastery of St. Theodosius, stopped being tempted by Macarius only after a conversation with Saint Simeon the New Stylite from the Marvelous Mountain, which is near Antioch. However, Macarius remained patriarch for almost twenty years. A certain Gregory, abbot of the Paran Lavra, in 564, after much persuasion, was able to visit the hermit Sergius, who had recently crossed from Sinai to the Ruva desert near the Dead Sea. 976 His Armenian student Sergius was embarrassed by the completely unusual signs of attention shown by his mentor to George. The elder assured him that he saw the guest in the vestments of the patriarch, with an omophorion and with the Gospel in his hands. And so it happened. About six years after his brief abbotship at Sinai 977, Gregory became Patriarch of Antioch and remained in this rank until his death in 593. 978 In 578, at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, Moschus was in Egypt and visited the Oasis (Kharga). 979 There he met a Cappadocian monk named Leo, who told him: “I will be king.” Soon after this, the Oasis was attacked by the Maziks, who took three weak monks captive. When the authorities were unable to pay the ransom for them, Leo offered himself as ransom, saying that he was in good health. The robbers accepted his offer and released the three old monks. Soon Leo was completely exhausted. The robbers cut off his head, and he was awarded a royal crown. Around the same time, the Maziks again attacked the Skete, after which its four monastic centers (now, like the Palestinian monasteries, they were called “laurels”) remained desolate for the duration of an entire generation. 980 When Moschus arrived in Terenuf, Abba Theodore of Alexandria told him: “Truly, son, the monks have lost the Skete, as the Elders predicted.” 981 He told him about the love, abstinence and gift of understanding of the scetiots and about the elders who took food only in those cases when the laws of hospitality required it. Elder Ammonius lived near him; Knowing about his habit, Theodore began to visit him every Saturday, so that for the sake of his coming he would taste food. As we see, Skeet still remembered the old spirit. His loss probably occurred quite recently, and therefore Moschus heard stories about the former elders again and again. John of Petra told him that when he was a very young man, one of his fathers had a sick spleen, but vinegar could not be found in any of the four laurels, although in those days there were about three and a half thousand fathers in them. 982 As before, they traded their handicrafts in Alexandria or Terenuf. 983 As before, during the harvest they went to the fields of the Delta and hired themselves out as day laborers. 984 Abba David also took a job. One day, when the sirocco blew, he took refuge from the heat in a hut, where he was found by a landowner who angrily told him: “Why aren’t you working, old man? Or have you forgotten that I am paying you?” The elder began to explain to him that in intense heat the grains of wheat fall from the ears to the ground, and therefore he should wait a little so as not to suffer damage. The landowner did not heed his words. “Go to work, even if everything burns!” he ordered. “Do you want everything to burn?” the old man was surprised. "Yes! cried the landowner in anger. Do as you are told!” The old man rose from the ground, and at the same moment the whole field burst into flames. The landowner, in horror, rushed to the other elders and began to pray to them to beg David to preserve his field. “But he wanted it himself,” David was surprised, but he went out into the field and, approaching the edge of the burning field, prayed, after which the fire went out. Another story related to John of Petra tells how Abba Daniel the Egyptian came to Terenuf with his handicrafts. 985 Here we can forget about Moschus for a while and turn to a whole cycle of stories in Greek, Coptic and Syriac, 986 in which Daniel is presented as the central figure of Scete, the “abbot” of the entire valley. 987 The Greek stories seem to be original; in the Coptic version they are supplemented and linked into a single Life. In the Greek version, Daniel is called a supporter of Chalcedon; Coptic additions depict him as persecuted for his rejection of the Council. 988 Which of these two points of view is correct, we do not know, but supporters of the latter portray the schism as more serious than indicated by other sources relating to the period described. Accordingly, we have the right to doubt the historical accuracy of several stories, even if the picture they paint of Egypt and the Egyptian monasteries of that time seems plausible. According to the earliest history, Daniel was in the Skete from childhood and in his youth was captured three times by the barbarians. 989 For the first time, after two years of captivity, a certain navigator ransomed him; in the second, he escaped from the barbarians within six months; the third time, while fleeing, he threw a stone at one of his pursuers and killed him. Repenting of this sin, he confessed it to Timothy, the Pope of Alexandria (the only possible Timothy is Timothy III (51936), the opponent of Chalcedon), who said in response that he had nothing to worry about, for he had killed not a man, but a wild beast. Unsatisfied with this answer, Daniel went to the Pope, the Patriarch of Constantinople, the Archbishop of Ephesus, and the Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem, but everywhere he heard the same answer. Finally, he returned to Alexandria and handed himself over to the secular authorities as a murderer. After thirty days of imprisonment, he was summoned to the ruler. After listening to Daniel’s story about what happened, the governor stopped the matter: “Go, Abba, and pray for me. It’s a shame you didn’t kill seven more.” Deciding that the Lord in His goodness did not count this murder as a sin to him, Daniel gave his word to have the cripple in his care for the rest of his life. The following story also gives exact dates: Daniel talks about the events of forty years ago. In his youth, during the reign of Justin I, he prayed to God to grant a kingdom to the hospitable Eulogius, who worked in a quarry and lived in a village higher up the Nile. 990 After this, Eulogius found a cave filled with treasures, went with his wealth to Constantinople, became a patrician and prefect there, but under the influence of Hypatius and Pompey he became involved in the Nika rebellion, after which, having lost all his wealth and turned into a state criminal, he fled to his Egyptian village. Pretending that the outlawed prefect Eulogius was a completely different person, he again returned to work in the quarry, remaining as hospitable as the owner before. Eulogius was already more than a hundred years old when Daniel visited him again in 565. However, this story, full of lively and edifying details, is not confirmed historically, since in Conetantinople at that time there was no prefect (city or praetorium) with such origin and name. Another time-bound story tells how Daniel retired eighteen miles from Skete to bury the solitary “eunuch Anastasius,” 991 and revealed to his disciple that this hermit was in fact a noble woman, Anastasia, who had fled from the malice of Theodora and founded the monastery of the “Noble Lady” at the Fifth Mile from Alexandria. When Theodora died and Justinian tried to return Anastasia to the palace, she told her story to Daniel, who dressed her in a man's monastic robe and took her to a distant cave, where she died twenty-eight years later. Since Theodora’s death occurs in 548, it follows that we can talk about the year 576, that is, about the time before the desolation of Skete. It is difficult not to connect the patrician Anastasia with another lady of the same name, the wife of Pompey, who often visited the Monk Sava during his stay in Constantinople in 51112. and settled after the execution of her husband on the Mount of Olives, where around 554 Cyril of Scythopolis spoke to her, collecting materials for the life of Saint Sava. 992 The theme of an ascetic eunuch who turns out to be a woman was very popular at this time: just remember the legend about Ilaria, the daughter of Emperor Zeno. 993 We find another similar example in the Daniel cycle. This is the story of the Antiochian silversmith Andronikos and his wife Athanasia, 994 who, after the death of their children, decided to devote their lives to God, and he went to Skete, also in the Tabennisi community. Twelve years later, on the way to the Holy Land, Andronicus met the monk Athanasius, who had gone on the same pilgrimage, and did not recognize him as his wife, who immediately recognized him. They settled on Eighteen Mile (from Alexandria) and lived there another twelve years; and only after the death of Athanasius it was revealed to Andronicus that it was his wife Athanasius. The picture presented in these stories, probably written at the same time, of life (and not only monastic life) in Egypt and its deserts in the sixth century makes this collection invaluable. We cannot consider them strictly historical, but we must not forget that the fictional character is a characteristic feature of this particular period. It seems that the least reliable stories are those told to the student by the Elder himself, and not stories about the Elder told by friends. Geographical details are presented quite clearly. At the same time, Nitria and Kelly are mentioned once, 995 Skete is named the main center, but the centers located along the road leading from Alexandria to the west, on its Fifth, 996 Ninth 997 and Eighteenth 998 miles, are given more attention; The path to Skete often does not pass through Nitria or Terenuf, but along the western path, going through the City of St. Menas, 999 from where in the late afternoon travelers left, leading loaded donkeys, walked throughout the night and reached their goal at about eight in the morning, that is, even before the heat. Moschus met some of his interlocutors during another, much later visit to Egypt. However, they still kept a living memory of Skeet. In the monastery of Monidia, Marcellus, 1000 a native of Syrian Apamea, said that in his homeland there was a charioteer named Fileremus (desert-lover). When he lost the contest, his supporters began to shout: “Filerem will not get a palm tree in the city!” Arriving at the Skete, Marcellus chose these words as his motto and, thanks to this, did not leave the monastery for thirty-five years, after which he was captured by the barbarians, who sold him into slavery in Pentapolis. The same Marcellus said that nothing arms the demons and Satan himself against us more than constant exercise in psalmody. Speaking about the same thing, Abba Irenaeus 1001 said that one skete elder saw the devil distributing hoes and baskets to the brethren: “I am preparing entertainment for the brethren so that they will be more distracted during the praise of God.” Abba Irenaeus also said that during the barbarian attack on Skete, he retired to the Gaza region (probably returning to his homeland) and occupied a cell in the monastery. The abbot handed him the “Gerontikon” (I remind you that the monastery was located in the Gaza region), and he opened the book to a story about a brother who asked the elder to pray for him and heard in response: “When you were with us, I prayed for you, but when you went to your place, I stopped praying for you.” Irenaeus immediately returned the book to the abbot and went to Kellia. The memory of the past was still alive in Kellia. One of the stories tells how a stranger who came to the Lavra wanted to settle in the cell of Evagrius. 1002 The presbyter warned him that the evil spirit that seduced Evagrius still lived there. This brother insisted on his own, and so, before the second Sunday had come [from the time of his appearance in Kellia], he was found hanged. The story of the Cells from Apophthegm 1003 takes us back to the time before the desolation of Scete, when its narrator Phocas lived there (he later moved to the monastery of St. Theognius in Judea). He says that in Kellia there were two churches: one Chalcedonite, the other Monophysite. The young, humble Jacob (“James the Younger”), whose father according to the flesh was also his spiritual father (he later moved to Skete), 1004 did not know whose calls he should heed. Unable to resolve this difficulty, he locked himself in a cell outside the monastery, [put on funeral clothes], lay down on the ground, and so spent forty days in fasting and prayer, after which he saw the Youth in front of him, who told him: “Stay where you were.” At that same moment, Jacob saw the doors of the Chalcedonite church in front of him. This story testifies to the relatively peaceful coexistence of the two named parties. This feature can also explain the appearance of “paired” monasteries in all four monastic communities, although, without a doubt, subsequently all eight monasteries belonged to Monophysites. One of these pairs has been preserved: the Sira Monastery is the “Virgin” pair of the monastery of Abba Psoy. At one time, three other monasteries - Macarius, the Roman Brothers and John Kolov - also had similar “Mother of God” couples. 1005 As we have already said, most of the Egyptian stories were most likely heard by Moschus during his longer and later visit to Egypt. We know that he visited Sinai before 590 1006 (probably this happened shortly after 580). If the Iliot Lavra, 1007 in which Moschus spent ten years, 1008 was a Jerusalem colony in Sinai (we cannot speak about this with certainty), then we have the right to assume that he was in it from 584 to 594, when, together with his abbot, he went to Jerusalem to appoint Abba Ammos as patriarch. 1009 John, who ascended the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in 583 after Macarius and died without appointing a successor in 593 [594], when the historian Evagrius Scholasticus wrote about him, [was once] an “akimite” monk (probably in Constantinople). 1010 Moschus talks about the construction of a reservoir he undertook near the Iliot Lavra 1011 in Sinai (if the Greek text is correct - in the Latin text instead of the word “Sinai” there is sigma, which may indicate some other place that was closer to Jerusalem). John's successor was also a monk - and possibly a monk of Sinai, for Moschus writes that he “descended” to Jerusalem. However, his attitude towards monasticism left much to be desired. 1012 When a monk who had fallen into certain sins was brought to him, he publicly tore off his monastic vestment and put it on a pig, which, on his orders, was taken out into the city streets. That same night, Saint John the Baptist appeared to him in a dream, addressing him with the following words: “How dare you do this to my vestments? On the Day of Judgment I will testify against you.” The horrified patriarch hastened to build the Church of St. John the Baptist outside the city, east of the Church of the First Martyr Stephen. However, as soon as this church was built and decorated, the Forerunner appeared to him again: “Build me at least five more churches, larger than this one, anyway, at the Last Judgment I will testify against you.” This patriarch died in 601, and the fathers decided to forever erase his name from the diptychs of Jerusalem. The end of the century became for Mosch the time of collecting the flowers of Palestine in Jerusalem itself, in the Judean Desert and in the Jordan Valley. Many of his narratives looking back to the past bear the characteristic signs of this time. Moschus was accompanied by his young friend Sophronius, a native of Damascus, 1013 who received a “sophistic” education, which also included a certain knowledge of medicine. 1014 He - who had not yet left the world 1015 - was with Moschus in Egypt, then, probably, in Sinai, 1016 after which he became a monk of the monk of the Monk Theodosius. 1017 This great monastery above the Cave of the Magi and the Lavra of St. Sava located behind it in the Kidron Gorge continued to remain the main centers of the mountain desert. However, if most of the monasteries mentioned by Cyril of Scythopolis can be more or less accurately identified from his descriptions, then the stories of Moschus, fully confirmed by modern research, indicate that the desert and the Jordan Valley were literally replete with monasteries unknown to us. In the Jordan Valley, a special place was occupied by the laurel of Kalamon (“reed thickets”) 1018 and the laurel of “Towers” ​​(Pyrgia). 1019 In this half of the century, in contrast to the previous and subsequent periods, our monastic world seems to be recreating its own spiritual history (events occurring in the outside world are recorded, but do not have a noticeable impact on it). The monastery, about which we know a lot about during this period, is Khoziva. It can be seen from the Roman road to Jericho on the steep northern slope of the WadiKelt gorge (the only stream that does not dry up in summer in the entire surrounding desert) somewhat south of Jericho, not far from the place where the stream flowing from the Paran side runs into the Jordan Valley. Behind the monastery, on a steep slope, you can see paths leading to the hermits’ cells. In our time, the large cave above the monastery is spoken of as the place where Joachim prayed to God for the gift of a child, and also (this is a later tradition) where the prophet Elijah was fed by ravens. A little lower there is a cave monastery cemetery, on the walls and arches of which you can see a lot of ancient graffiti covered with soot, and this time testifying to the multinational nature of monasticism in Judea. 1020 The founder of the monastery is considered to be the Egyptian John. However, it is also said that five Syrian hermits lived here before him at different times, at least the last of whom was a disciple of his predecessor. 1021 Without a doubt, John was the head of the community in the nineties of the fifth century, when he sent the monk expelled by Saint Theodosius to the monastery of Saint Sava. 1022 There is also a story that suggests that John had a relationship with Marcian of Bethlehem. According to another story, at first John was an opponent of Chalcedon, but then finding that he could not enter the Holy Sepulcher, John became a Chalcedonite. 1023 No later than 518, he was made metropolitan of Caesarea Palaete and it was in this rank that he greeted Sava, who came to announce the restoration of Chalcedon in diptychs. 1024 Somewhat later, in the same century, a young pilgrim from Galatia, Theodore Sikeot, came to Khoziva, who accepted monasticism before his return to his homeland 1025 (having already become a bishop, he again made a pilgrimage to Palestine, spending the entire Lent in Marsaba and hoping to leave his bishopric, but the Great Martyr George, who appeared to him in a dream, commanded him to return back). 1026 In Moschus we find a story 1027 about an old monk who lived in the monastery of Khoziva, who used to meet pilgrims on the road going to Jerusalem: this monk helped carry their burdens or their weary youths, accompanying the wanderers all the way to the Mount of Olives, or sat by the road (he took with him the shoemaker’s tools) and repaired their worn-out shoes. However, the most striking evidence at our disposal is the Life of the Monk George Chozevit, written by his disciple Anthony, the appendix to which describes various miracles that happened in this monastery of the Mother of God, and also tells about its history. 1028 George was the youngest son of a poor Cypriot landowner. 1029 After the death of his parents, one of his uncles decided to marry him, but George took the side of another of his relatives, who was the abbot of the monastery, 1030 and fled to his older brother Iraklid, who managed to become a monk of the Kalamon Lavra. Since the young man’s beard was not yet growing, Heraclid handed the young man over to the abbot of the Khoziva monastery, who duly tonsured him as a monk and put on him the monastic vestments, 1031 after which he sent the young man to an old rude monk from Mesopotamia so that George would help him take care of the garden. When the old monk hit the young man, accusing him of some guilt, his hand immediately began to dry out, but through the prayers of George, his hand became healthy again. When the brethren heard about this, George hastened to retire to his brother in the Kalamon Lavra. 1032 Here he remained until the death of Heraclid, who died at the age of seventy. 1033 When strife began in the monastery related to the election of a new abbot, he again returned to the monastery of Khoziv and asked its abbot Leonty for permission to settle in the cell. 1034 Having received the consent of the abbot, George left Kalamon. Every night from Saturday to Sunday, the inhabitants of the cells went down to the cinema for Sunday worship and a common meal. George received leftover food from the cellarer, which he took to his cell and crushed, after which he molded it into balls and dried them in the sun. He ate them once every two or three days, when he found it necessary. 1035 Before returning to his cell on Sunday evening, he, fulfilling the request of the brothers, went to bless their handicrafts or entered into a conversation with them. He never stayed in the cinema overnight. Once, when the goalkeeper, protesting, released him after the monastery gates had been closed for the night, on the steep path leading to the cell, an evil spirit began to approach George, trying to throw him into the abyss; when George ordered him in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ to transfer him to his cell, he obediently fulfilled his command. 1036 When a certain brother asked if he was afraid of a storm with a leopard, George replied that the monk suffered from a leopard only once: one of the brothers met him on a narrow path, where they could no longer pass, and ordered the beast in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ to give way to him, after which the beast jumped onto the path, which was about twelve feet lower; the brother, forgetting about the fear of God, began to throw stones at the leopard, which the beast could no longer tolerate - he jumped onto the same shelf, but did not bite the monk and only hit him two or three times with his paw, after which he retreated back home. After some time, the brothers found the monk on the trail and took him to the hospital, where he recovered very quickly. 1037 Around this time, or a little later, two young men who wanted to become monks were warned that going to Raif was dangerous, since the road to it was infested with robbers; They were advised to go to the monastery of Khoziva, where they were received and duly tonsured as monks by Abbot Dorotheos. However, one of them, having gone with the abbot to the Holy City, fled and, in spite of everything, went to Raif. His friend Anthony became extremely despondent about this and began to think about going after him. 1038 Unable to dissuade him, Dorotheus appealed to George, who managed to convince Anthony, who from that time on became his (George’s) student and cell attendant. 1039 It is to him that we owe the Life of the Saint, written approximately twenty years after this, when Modest was the patriarch (that is, in 631), and Dorotheus became the keeper of the Honorable Cross of the Lord. 1040 Despite the authenticity of the narrative, it cannot be considered truly historical like the writings of Cyril of Scythopolis. However, Anthony pays more attention to the spiritual life of his father, revealing it to us as well. His testimony is of very great value, since this generation experienced not only a safe life in the Roman Empire, but also survived its destruction by the Persians. He sees the main sins of this generation as pride, which manifests itself, first of all, in forgetting the fear of God, in “false wisdom” and in condemning one’s neighbor. 1041 Love and reverence for God and our neighbor go hand in hand here. That world did not suffer at all from a disrespectful attitude towards Orthodox dogma, and therefore we are especially pleased to read the words of the teacher quoted by him: “I tell you, brothers, there is neither a Greek, nor a Jew, nor a Samaritan (there is not a Greek, or a Jew, or a Samaritan) who would possess true piety and kindness and at the same time would not be loved by God and pleasing to God and man.” 1042 Jerusalem remained the highest of peaks, to which many nations flocked. In the last years of the reign of Emperor Mauritius, peace was established between the Byzantine and Persian empires, which, among other things, created a sense of security. Churches and monasteries multiplied, became decorated and grew richer thanks to the influx of pilgrims from all over the Christian world. In this regard, a characteristic figure appears to be Abraham, who came here from his Constantinople monastery, discovered the “Byzantines” on the Mount of Olives and subsequently became the rector of Justinian’s “New” Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary and, finally, the Archbishop of Ephesus. 1043 The “new” church with the monastery attached to it, which was, in a sense, in a privileged position, quickly became accustomed to worldly riches and became a source of constant trouble for the patriarch. Abbot Anastasius received it in 596–7. letter of exhortation from Saint Gregory of Rome. 1044 When Isaac succeeded Amos on the patriarchal throne in 601, Saint Gregory, in response to his synodal message, again drew attention to this contradiction and called for an end to the practice of simony. 1045 It is reported that Saint Gregory sent a monk to Jerusalem so that he would find a hotel there. 1046 The September holiday of Renewal (Encaenia) and the Exaltation of the Venerable Cross of the Lord, in a sense, was a great annual celebration of the Christian Empire, attracting no less a number of pilgrims than Easter. Connected with this holiday is the story in which Sophronius (if the ancient tradition attributing authorship to him is correct) describes this time and this place - the story of the Egyptian harlot Mary, 1047 who went with the pilgrims to Jerusalem out of curiosity. Mary was able to enter the church only after she repented and confessed; After that, she went beyond the Jordan, where people could not see her, and spent forty-seven years twenty days' journey east of the Jordan, where she was met by the old Abba Zosima, who, like other monks of his monastery, spent Lent in the desert. Here, two years later, he buried her, and a lion helped him dig the grave. The writer reports that he wrote down this legend as he was told by the monks of Zosima's monastery near Jordan, who passed it on from generation to generation. This is a true icon. In the Eastern Church, one of the Sundays of Great Lent is dedicated to the Venerable Mary of Egypt. Whether this narrative is historical or not is completely unimportant. In 602, the centurion Phocas seized the throne and executed the Emperor Mauritius and his family, ushering in a period of tyranny and unrest. The Persian king Khosroes immediately went on the warpath, wanting to take revenge on the murderers of his benefactor, the Emperor of Mauritius. There were rumors that some members of the family of the executed emperor managed to survive: it was rumored that his son was hiding in Alexandria, 1048 and his sister and daughter, wanted by Phocas and his minions, might be in Jerusalem. 1049 Perhaps the evidence that the military leader Bonosius (who was hated no less than Phocas himself) was plotting the murder of Patriarch Isaac 1050 had some basis. Meanwhile, the circus parties, “blue” and “green,” violated the peace of Jerusalem itself. 1051 Magic flourished everywhere. Jews and Monophysites treated the Empire with increasing hostility. It seemed that Faith itself might lose its roots. Savvait Antiochus, whom we will hear about later, urging us not to believe in dreams, tells the story of a hermit who labored for many years in Sinai and who had prophetic dreams. In one of his dreams, he saw many martyrs, apostles and Christians, whose faces were dark and filled with shame, while the faces of Moses, the prophets and the Jews shone with light and joy. Immediately leaving the Holy Mountain, he came to the Jews living in Hoape (Noara) and Livias, on both sides of the Jordan Valley (Noara was only three to four miles from Hozibah), was circumcised, took a wife and from that time on conducted open propaganda against Christianity. Antiochus saw him in this place a year or two before the Persian invasion. The Jews revered this apostate, calling him the second Abraham. 1052 This story brings to mind the sad story of Moschus about a monk from Mesopotamia who went on a pilgrimage to Palestine and converted to Orthodoxy, seeing in a dream Nestorius, Theodore and other heresiarchs burned by hellish flames. 1053 Probably in the first years of the reign of Phocas, Moschus and Sophronius again left Palestine and went to Antioch and the monasteries of Syria and Cilicia. 1054 However, the threat of a Persian invasion soon forced them to turn south again and head to Egypt, 1055 this most likely happened shortly before the overthrow of Phocas by Heraclius and before Niketas installed John the Laikacypriot (who became known as John the Merciful) to the patriarchal throne in 610. 1056 Thanks to their learning and participation, they were able to provide serious support to the new pope in his unusually successful (if only temporarily) attempts to reconcile the Egyptians with Chalcedon. 1057 Meanwhile, Sophronius was struck by blindness, which doctors could neither explain nor cure. However, his prayers to Saints Cyrus and John in their tomb in Canopus 1058 were heard, after which, filled with gratitude, he wrote a large book consisting of seventy stories about miraculous healings near the tomb of the saints, ending it with the story of his own healing. This unusual document, in addition to things that one can only believe in, contains many detailed observations (including medical ones), although, generally speaking, there is little Christian in it. On the other hand, this book is written in the same rhythmic syllable (using dactyl) which is characteristic of all the prose works of this versatile writer, such as sermons, “The Life of St. Mary of Egypt” and “Conciliar Epistle”, in which, twenty years later, he presented his exposition of the Faith in Christ. The chaos of the counter-revolution, during which Heraclius managed to recapture the empire from Phocas, allowed Khosroes (who could no longer call revenge for Mauritius the reason for the war) to achieve new victories. Edessa was captured by him even before the death of Phocas. In 611 it was Antioch's turn. In 613 Damascus surrendered, Palestine was seized with confusion and horror. 1059 However, no one believed that Jerusalem could be threatened. Advancing along the Phoenician coast in the direction of Caesarea, the Persian army led with it two captive monks, who were asked every day about what would happen to Jerusalem, and every day they answered that the Lord would protect His Holy City. 1060 When the army reached Diospolis (Lydda), beyond which the road to Jerusalem ascends, the monk Anthony came to his teacher George and said that Abbot Dorotheos, who had fled to Arabia, wanted to take him, Anthony, with him. George answered that they had renounced the world on this earth and therefore must remain on it, no matter what awaited them: “The Lord, as a Merciful and Loving Father, can punish us for our sins, but He will not leave His Holy City, and will not forget the Promised Land until the end of the age, such is His promise.” Anthony did not follow the abbot, but together with other brothers he left the monastery and began to live in mountain caves. They were often exposed to danger either from the Jews or from the Saracens, but not one of them was harmed, for they were under the prayerful protection of the Elder, true to his word. 1061 When the Persians approached Jerusalem, they were ready to offer terms of surrender to the city authorities, but Patriarch Zechariah (who replaced Isaac in 609, when Isaac reportedly resigned as patriarch) 1062 categorically forbade accepting them, realizing that this could lead to massacres and the destruction of the Holy Places. The worldly authorities did not want to listen to the patriarch. Finding no support from them, Zacharias summoned Modest, abbot of the monastery of St. Theodosius, and sent him to Jericho to call on the imperial army to help. 1063 Finding that the city was already besieged, the army fled. Left alone, Modest chose a cliff in the middle of the valley as his refuge. The Persians walked around this cliff and climbed to its top, but did not notice the abbot, who after some time calmly reached Jericho. 1064 The Persian army besieged the city for three weeks. 1065 The opponents of the Romans, be they Saracens or Jews, heard about this and scoured the area in search of loot. Dorotheos Khozevit and Nicomedes, abbot of the monastery of St. Sava, along with most of the monks fled to Arabia. 1066 Some of the Chozevites took refuge in caves, others, and among them Saint George, went to the monastery of Kalamon. The Saracens combed the valleys and tried to find out from the old monks they captured where the monastic treasures were hidden; They killed a hundred-year-old Syrian monk and captured many monks. George behaved in such a way that they not only released him, but also gave him a basket of bread and a jug of water, saying that he could save himself wherever he wanted, after which George went to Jericho. 1067 Marauders broke into the Great Lavra of St. Sava a week before the fall of the city. The monks who did not want to leave the monastery (there were forty-four of them) were tortured for many days, trying to find out where the treasures were kept, after which they killed every single one. 1068 One and a half miles to the north, in the Heptastom (Seven Mouth) Lavra associated with the monastery of St. Sava, a disciple asked Elder John whether the Holy City would fall into the hands of the enemy. The elder told him about his dream, seen five days before. He found himself in front of Golgotha ​​and saw a multitude of clergy and people praying: “Kyrie, eleison.” The Mother of God asked the Son to have mercy on the people, but He rejected them. saying: “I do not hear them, for they have defiled My Sanctuary.” Repeating “Kyrie, eleison,” the people began to enter the Konetantin Church, and John entered there along with the clergy. He wanted to bow to the place where the Holy Cross of the Lord was found, but then he saw that dirt was flowing from there into the church. Noticing two venerable elders nearby, he asked them: “Aren't you afraid of God? After all, because of this dirt we cannot even pray! And where did this stench come from?” - “It is generated by the lawlessness of the local priesthood.” - “Could you clean it out so we can pray here again?” - he asked and heard in response: “Only fire can cleanse this place.” Having told about his vision, the elder burst into tears: “I, child, will be beheaded. I prayed to the Lord to postpone this sentence, but He revealed to me its inevitability, although, God knows, in my life I have not shed anyone’s blood.” Hearing the approach of the barbarians, the student fled; the same ones, having beheaded the elder, immediately left. The disciple carried him upstairs and buried him in the tomb of the holy fathers. 1069 Meanwhile, the two Phoenician monks continued to persist in their dubious optimism. On every tower and every fortification of the besieged city they saw angels armed with shields and fiery spears. However, three days before the fall of Jerusalem, an angel who appeared from heaven said to the angels guarding the city: “Leave this place, for this Holy City is being given over by the Lord into the hands of the enemy.” 1070 After the Persians entered the city, the massacre continued for three days.” 1071 Then those who fled from it began to be called upon to leave their refuges, promising to spare their lives.” 1072 Those who were skilled in one craft or another were gathered together to be taken to Persia. The rest were herded into a “concentration camp” near the Mamilla pool (cistern). Many of those who were here died from the crush, hunger and thirst, while others were ransomed by the Jews (who enjoyed the favor of the Persians), who offered Christians to make a choice between faith and life. 1073 “The old Patriarch Zacharias, who, together with the keeper of the Cross, was subjected to terrible torment by the barbarians, who demanded that they be shown the place where the Cross was hidden, 1074, and was taken in shackles to Zion to those who were supposed to accompany him. Zechariah came out of the gates of Jerusalem, like Adam from paradise, crossed the Kidron and ascended the Mount of Olives. While waiting for the convoy, Zacharias and his companions turned around and saw flames reaching the clouds; the Church of the Resurrection and Holy Zion, the Mother of all Churches, and many other churches were burning; 1075 they were created for three centuries, absorbing all the best and most skillful creations of human hands, for three centuries they were the limit of the aspirations of the entire Christian empire, and now they disappeared into smoke. The military convoy drove the prisoners to Voetok, and soon the city disappeared from sight, while Zechariah repeated and repeated the words of farewell, calling for peace on his hometown and on the shrines of the Faith.” 1076 They carried the captive Cross through the desert past the place from which the monastery of St. Euthymius opens up (and where Eudokia built her last monastery), past Khoziva, clinging to the steep slope of a deep gorge to the left of the road, after which they came out onto the plain near Jericho, crossed the Jordan and headed to Damascus. In Jericho, one of the monks was honored with a vision of the Mother of God, calling on the saints to follow the Cross with her.” 1077 On this road to slavery, their Faith on the Cross was manifested not only in repentant feelings, but also in the invulnerability of Easter. Among those who managed to survive in Jerusalem was someone named Thomas: he and those with him began to bury the dead wherever and as best they could in caves, coffins and graves.” 1078 In the church of St. Martyr George, which is outside the city, he found seven souls on the altar, in the courtyard of the ruler - twenty-eight souls, in the pool (cistern) two hundred and seventy-five souls, in front of the gates of Holy Zion - two thousand two hundred and seventy souls, and so on. The evidence we quote shows the number of victims in each place, the total number of which, according to one version, reached 66,509 souls (according to another - 33,877 souls). Armenian Sebeos” 1079 speaks of 57,000 dead and 35,000 prisoners. He also reports that the counting and burial of the dead was carried out by the Persians themselves, who sought to return the situation to more or less normalcy as soon as possible. Vekore refugees began to return to the city. Among them were those who managed to escape from Persian captivity, including the monk Savvait Strategi (Strateg), to whom we owe basic information about the events described here. 1080 Modest returned from Jericho, installed as locum tenens of the local church. 1081 Saint George, the Great Elder of Khoziva, also returned to Jerusalem. 1082 Hegumen Dorotheos and his monks settled in the Jericho hotel, where George's student Anthony became the cellarer. Unable to cope with the temptations associated with the fact that they were staying in Jericho, Anthony began to ask Dorotheus to return to the monastery and, having failed in this, secretly went to Jerusalem, seeking the advice of the Elder. The next day, as the Elder had predicted, two presbyters and a deacon, who went for Anthony, informed him that Dorotheos had decided to return with the brethren to the monastery. Anthony went there with them, 1083 and a few days later the Elder himself joined them. 1084 However, even he did not go to the distant cells, 1085 but remained in the cinnamonium. No one dared to live in the gorge alone, for after the Persian invasion it began to swarm with wild animals and unclean spirits. 1086 Much the same thing happened throughout the desert. In the Great Lavra (MapSaba), Abba Nicomedia fainted at the sight of the unburied remains of the murdered. Modest himself came down from Jerusalem to participate in their burial, which took place with all honors, and with difficulty was able to persuade the monks not to leave the monastery. However, after only two months, rumors of a new invasion of barbarians put them to flight and they moved to the empty monastery of Abba Anastasius, located two miles from Jerusalem. The monks spent two years here. Then, again at the suggestion of Modest, they returned to the Lavra. However, a significant part of them remained in the monastery of Anastasia, where the Savvaite Justin was the abbot for many years, following the Lavra rules in everything, which filled the hearts of the Savvaites with joy, seeing that the seeds sown by their holy father were shining like lamps in different lands. 1087 By the way, the monastery of St. Sava on the Roman Aventine, apparently, was founded before the end of the sixth century. 1088 Among those who returned to the Great Lavra under the new abbot Thomas, 1089 was the monk Antiochus. Eustathius, abbot of a monastery near Ancyra, who, like many others, had fled before the arrival of the Persians, turned to Antiochus with a request to give him a brief summary of the teaching contained in the Scriptures, which he could carry with him. 1090 The Reply of Antiochus provides us with information about the events in Marsaba and includes a collection of one hundred and thirty homilies known as the Pandect, which is essentially a collection of extracts from the Old and New Testaments, as well as from Ignatius of Antioch and other fathers, with a minimum of authorial notes, culminating 1091 in the complete formula of Chalcedon (despite the fact that the Antioch See was occupied by Jacobite Athanasius), anathema to a whole list of heretics and a call to seek the Kingdom of Heaven. Gibbon, in his caustic commentary, speaks of this work as notable, “if that which no one reads can be called “noticeable.” 1092 But, in any case, no one will call this work insignificant. The "Exomologesis" [έξομολόγησις] or confession, which Ming 1093 appends to this work, was probably written somewhat earlier, when the Holy Places were still desolate. Antiochus’s “Epistle to Eustathius” says that Modest, like the new Zerubbabel, has already restored them, and also brought the deserted abodes back to life. 1094 The Armenian Sebeos 1095 indicates that Khosroes himself ordered the restoration work, who did not intend to destroy the city. He also reports that Khosroes ordered the expulsion of the Jews from Jerusalem, which indirectly confirms the words of Strategy that it was they who were guilty of the arson. 1096 The expulsion of the Jews and their responsibility for the arson is also confirmed by Modest in his friendly letters (they are given in Sebeos) 1097 to the Armenian Patriarch Komitas, where he rejoices at the arrival of Armenian pilgrims, which again became possible thanks to the inclusion of both countries in Persia. Dogmatic issues are not addressed in any of the messages. In his remarkable works, Modest could expect support and help from another part of the Christian world. The Monk John the Merciful, who was in Alexandria, not only met and provided food for the refugees. He sent Ctesippus, abbot of Anaton, to Jerusalem to assess the damage and sent Modestus 1000 nomism, various supplies and a thousand workers from Egypt, without wanting his name to be heard anywhere. 1098 It is believed that he was the author of one of the laments about the Holy City that appeared at that time. We have already spoken about Exomologesis'& Antiochus. Another lament is included in the collection of “anacreontic” poems of Sophronius, 1099 the author of which shows a thorough acquaintance with quantitative classical metrics. Sophronius and Moschus were still with Pope John in Alexandria. However, soon the Persian army invaded Egypt. Even before the capture of Alexandria by the Persians, Pope John left for his native Cyprus, where he died (probably on November 11, 617). 1100 Moschus and Sophronius, who went with him, 1101 after his death moved first to Samos, 1102 and then, probably, to Rome. The brief and not very reliable Lives of Moschus 1103 report that he died in Rome and that his body was transported by Sophronius to Jerusalem and buried in the monastery of St. Theodosius, in the Cave of the Magi (when it became clear that it was impossible to fulfill the will of Moschus and bury him in Sinai). It is reported that this happened in the eighth indiction, and this means that Sophronius again settled in the monastery of St. Theodosius in 61920. 1104 However, it seems more likely that he was in the West for some time, and his return to Palestine in the eighth indiction was in 634 rather than at an earlier date. We'll come back to this later. Let us only note that many things fall into place if our Sophronius was exactly the same Sophronius under whose leadership after 626 the Monk Maximus, who lived in the African monastery of Eucratades, was located. 1105 Meanwhile, the captives arrived in Persia, and [one of the wives of King Khosroes], who was a Christian (Nestorian), wished that the patriarch and the Cross (it remained sealed) were in captivity in her palace, 1106 from where the patriarch wrote his letter to the Jerusalem church. 1107 However, next to the Honest Cross of the Lord, amazing and unexpected things happened. Magundat, the youngest son of a pagan priest, having learned that the captive Cross was the god of Christians, was inflamed with a desire to learn their teaching. 1108 Having learned that Christ, the Son of God, was crucified on this Cross, he left his native land, came to Hierapolis (Mabbug) and became an apprentice to a silversmith who was a Christian, from there he moved to another silversmith who lived in Jerusalem, who took him to Elijah, a presbyter of the Church of the Resurrection of Christ. Together with another convert (who later, while in Edessa, sealed his faith with martyrdom), he was baptized by a locum tenens with the name Anastasius. Having learned that Anastasius wanted to become a monk, Elijah took him to the monastery of Abba Anastasius, where he was received (in the tenth year of the reign of Heraclius 620–21) by Abbot Justin, who gave him a mentor who taught him the Greek language and understanding of the psalter; after which Anastasius was tonsured a monk. He spent seven years in this monastery, performing obediences in the kitchen and in the garden, and more than anything else he loved church services. He most often read the Lives of the Holy Martyrs, thereby revealing the desire that grew stronger in his heart. An unusual vision forced him to enter the sacristy during the night service and reveal himself to the abbot. The next morning, Anastasius partook of the Holy Mysteries and had breakfast with the brethren, after which, after sleeping a little, he left the monastery, taking nothing with him except his monastic clothes. First he went to the tomb of St. George in Lydda (Diospolis), then to Mount Gerizim and other holy places, after which he went to Caesarea and spent two days in the Church of the Mother of God. He then openly confessed his faith and was taken into custody. He had to wait three days for the arrival of the marzban, who decided to send him to the king. While the convoy was being prepared, which took five days, Anastasius was allowed to go to church for the Feast of the Exaltation of the Honest and Life-Giving Cross of the Lord. Hegumen Justin sent two monks to him, who were supposed to strengthen him, and one of them accompanied Anastasius and two other condemned Christians on the way to Persia. During this time, Anastasius twice sent messages to the abbot, asking for his prayers. He was imprisoned in the city of Bethsalia, six miles from the royal Dastgard (Dastagerd), and executed on January 22, 628. The monk who accompanied him, together with the son of the hotel owner, took the body to the tomb of St. Sergius, located a mile from this place, and buried him there. Ten days later, on the first of February, the army of Heraclius approached there. Back in March, as Anastasius predicted, Khosroes was killed on the orders of his son Siroi. 1109 Together with the army of Heraclius, the monk walked through all of Armenia and returned to his monastery with the martyr’s colobium. A year later, Razmiozdan, who captured Jerusalem, made peace with Heraclius and returned the Cross, which was transferred by Heraclius to Jerusalem in March 631. 1110 Zechariah died in captivity, Modest, by order of the emperor, was ordained Patriarch of Jerusalem in 1111, and Dorotheus, abbot of Khoziva, became the keeper of the Cross. 1112 However, one could not even dream of the former peace. It was already shocking that Heraclius arrived in Jerusalem together with Martina, his niece, whom he chose as his wife. 1113 Moreover, guided by political considerations, he wanted to compromise with the Monophysites. 1114 To top it all off, the empire was already faced with a new force coming from Arabia. 1115 Modest died just a few months after his undoubtedly deserved installation as patriarch. Continuing to care for the churches entrusted to him, he went on a certain mission to the emperor, but died (according to rumors, from poison) in Susus (Sozos), on the coast of Palestine, on December 17 of the same year. 1116 The appointment of his successor apparently took almost three years. No later than the beginning of 633, Sophronius moved from Africa to Alexandria, taking with him an extensive library, which indicated his intention to stay there for a long time. Maximus, in his letter to a certain Peter “The Famous,” who moved from Numidia to Egypt in the same year, writes about his “blessed mentor, father and teacher, Mr. Abba Sophronius” and reports on the abundance of books in Sophronius and about their lack in himself. 1117 Sophronius was shocked that Cyrus, Pope of Alexandria, in June of that year restored communion with the Monophysites on the basis of “united action (ενέργεια).” Convinced that all his attempts to convince Cyrus were in vain, in 1118 he went to Constantinople, hoping to enlist the support of Patriarch Sergius, without thinking that Sergius (who had occupied the patriarchal throne since 610) had himself for a long time been a supporter of the said compromise. 1119 In the end, Sophronius’s ardor had its effect, and Sergius turned to Pope Honorius with a message in which he urged him to refrain from considering the question of one or two actions, while informing him that Sophronius, who had failed to find a patristic justification for “two actions,” agreed with this. 1120 Sophronius returned to the Holy City and soon (probably at the beginning of the 8th indiction, in September 634, 1121 but, in any case, no later than the end of 634 1122) became the Patriarch of Jerusalem. He immediately sent his “Conciliar Epistle” 1123 with a complete statement of doctrine, including an extensive section on the “actions” of the Incarnate Word. The doctrine of "two actions" is expressed here quite clearly, although to our amazement the author manages to dispense with the use of the corresponding phrase. The concept of “only one action” is directly denied, and the “new godly action” that Dionysius the Areopagite speaks of is not understood by Sophronius as a single undifferentiated action. The “Conciliar Epistle” at our disposal is addressed to Sergius. It is marked by trust and humility so that, if necessary, the addressee is allowed to make the necessary corrections, while the author does not even seem to suspect that it may in any way confuse Sergius. Nevertheless, this document played a very definite role and very soon was duly appreciated by both parties. Perhaps it was he who allowed Maxim to finally realize the impossibility of a compromise allowing for “one action” or “one will” (although the latter is not discussed in the “Conciliar Epistle”), and thus became one of the milestones on the path of his many years of confession and martyrdom. 1124 Already in the “Conciliar Epistle” Sophronius writes about unforeseen raids by the Saracens. 1125 Because of them, by Christmas of the same year, travel to Bethlehem, which was only five miles away, had become impossible, and therefore Sophronius preached his Christmas sermon in Justinian's New Church (Nea). 1126 From then on, he no longer had the time or opportunity to participate in dogmatic disputes. Nevertheless, we read that Cyrus stalled to break the pact of silence, as Sophronius collected in two books six hundred patristic evidence proving the fidelity of the position defended by him, Sophronius. Realizing that he himself could not leave Jerusalem, Sophronius sent Stephen, Bishop of Dor, to the West, bringing him first to Golgotha ​​and obliging him to go to distant lands and get to Rome, defending the fullness of the faith. More than ten years passed, and at the Lateran Council of 649 1127 Stephen told how, despite the orders of the authorities to seize him and transport him in chains to Constantinople, he carried out the will of his mentor. The clouds, meanwhile, were quickly gathering. Damascus has fallen. Heraclius's army was defeated at the Battle of Yarmouk. Jerusalem was cut off from the world for many months, but help never came. Sophrony could not allow a new massacre. In February 638, he began to negotiate the terms of the surrender of the city, insisting that Caliph Omar himself should enter it, and not one of his military leaders. The terms of surrender were surprisingly generous. The imperial forces were allowed to leave the city. Christians kept their churches, for which they were now required to pay a tax. After twenty-four years of turmoil, peace again came to the Holy Land, but this peace was brought with them by the preachers of a new religion. And what about those whose kingdom is not of this world, those who built it here over three centuries? Did the fir-trees come true on them: “And the rain fell, and the rivers overflowed, and the winds blew, and rushed against that house, and it did not fall, because it was founded on stone”? Thirteen centuries have passed since then, and when we hear the ringing of the bell of Marsaba, echoing over the night desert, despite all the vicissitudes and imperfections of man, still seeking his Savior, it is clear to us the celebration of Easter can be heard in it. The elevated mountain system of Sinai stands as if apart from the rest of the world and, nevertheless, it is so close to Egypt and Palestine that it is impossible to talk about the monasticism of these countries without mentioning Sinai. It was here that Moses came from Egypt, it was here that God appeared to him first in the flame of the Burning Bush, and then in the cloud that overshadowed the top of the mountain. It was here, after a forty-day journey, that the prophet Elijah came from Bathsheba to hear the Voice of Cold Tonk over Mount Horeb, the Mountain of God. It was here that generation after generation the children of the Church came, keeping the same hope, but gaining a new consciousness. In the apse mosaic of Justinian's Church of the Burning Bush, Moses and Elijah are shown conversing with the Incarnate Lord; The Lord was transfigured before His three apostles. His Uncreated Light shines in pure hearts. A characteristic feature of Sinai is that its oldest known Christian monasticism came neither from Egypt nor from Palestine. Around the middle of the fourth century, the great Syrian ascetic Julian Saba appeared here, who built a church on the top of Mount Moses - Jebel Musa, which has since become the goal of many pilgrims. Both Ephraim and Theodoret testify to their visit to Sinai; 1128 the latter speaks of at least one other Syrian pilgrim who visited the mountain in the fourth century. This is Simeon the Old (Ancient). 1129 The picture painted by the Western pilgrim Etheria 1130 at the end of the century corresponds to purely Syrian monasticism: monasteria - the essence of hermit cells, located near Jebel Musa, on the top of which there was a small church and a cave where no one was allowed to spend the night (the church and cave of the prophet Elijah), at the foot of the mountain near the Burning Bush there was a church with an adjoining garden and with the source. However, even then, of course, there were not only Syrians among the ascetics. Long before the end of the century, as we have seen, the Palestinian Silvan (Siluan), who left the Skete, and his followers organized a hostel here, in which the former Sketes spent an indefinitely long time, after which they moved further north and moved to the Gaza region. 1131 His Sinaitic disciple Netras (Netr) became bishop of Paran, 1132 a region of the great valley oasis thirty miles from Sinai. Located on the coast of Raif, traditionally identified with the small pier of Tor, 1133 was an important center of monasticism from the beginning of the fifth century, when Amun of Raif began to maintain relations with Sisoy, who was then asceticizing on the Inner Mountain of St. Anthony and in Klysma. 1134 We know virtually nothing about Sinai and Raifa in the fifth century. Three of the first twelve disciples in the monastery of St. Euthymius came from Raif. 1135 Emperor Marcian after Chalcedon wrote to Macarius, bishop and archimandrite, and other venerable monks of Mount Sinai, 1136 warning them about Theodosius, a troublemaker in Jerusalem. The monk Zosima, who led a hermit's life in Raifa and Sinai, some time after Chalcedon came to Jerusalem and Bethel, and then, together with Peter the Iberian, settled on the coastal plain. 1137 In the Constantinople negotiations of 536, the monks of Sinai, the Faran Church and the Raifa Lavra had a single apocrisiary. 1138 Moschus tells 1139 about the miraculous appearance in Jerusalem on Easter 551 (or 552?) of George, abbot of Sinai, who died six months later at the same time as Peter, Patriarch of Jerusalem. Peter's letter to Photius, bishop of Parano, connected with this [miracle], testifies both to the obedience of the monks of Sinai to the bishop of Parano, and to the subordination of this diocese to the Patriarch of Jerusalem. We are told that George did not leave Sinai for about seventy years, which takes us back to about 480. One of George’s ambassadors to Patriarch Peter, Presbyter Zosima 1140, subsequently spent about two years with his disciple on Porphyry Mountain west of the Red Sea. Returning to Sinai, he and two other envoys were sent to Alexandria, where Pope Apollinaris (551–70) installed all three as bishops. Subsequently, Zosimas renounced the bishopric in Babylon of Egypt (present-day “Old Cairo”) and returned to Sinai, where he told John Moschus about the twenty years of his life after his consecration. Shortly before 564, another hermit, Sergius, 1141, together with his Armenian student, also named Sergius, went to the Ruva region near the Dead Sea; there he washed the feet of Gregory, abbot of Fara, foreseeing his patriarchate. Meanwhile, Justinian carried out in Sinai what Sava had asked him to do in the Judean desert; he surrounded the Burning Bush with a fortress wall ('Castrum'), 1142, the construction being reported to have been completed in the thirteenth year of his reign (5567), during the abbess of Dula. 1143 Inside the fortress walls there was the Church of the Mother of God (the Burning Bush was always perceived as its prototype); its remarkable apse mosaic of the Transfiguration, 1144, was probably created ten years later, in the 14th Indiction (5656), when Longinus was the abbot and Theodore the abbot's assistant (it depicts the faces of Longinus and his deacon John). Probably, soon after this, Longinus died, and Justin II, who ascended the royal throne after Justinian in November 565, recalled Gregory of Farsk from Palestine and appointed him abbot of Sinai, where he had to withstand a siege by nomadic tribes; however, before Gregory was transferred to the patriarchal see in Antioch in 570, in 1145 he managed to make peace with them. He remained at the see of Antioch for twenty-two years, until his death (593), having played a very noticeable role in the history of that time. The historian Evagrius, shortly after his death, speaks of him with undisguised admiration. Justinian built a fortress, but the documents at our disposal say nothing about the presence of troops in it, even at the time when Gregory and his monks were in a state of siege. In another fortress, located in the Faran oasis, in 1146 a military garrison undoubtedly existed. As for the fortress (Castrum), which protected the Burning Bush, it very soon turned into an ordinary fence of the communal center of mountain hermits, which became the focus of the Sinaite cycle of stories, added a century and a half later to the Gerontika collection. Like Jerusalem, Sinai has always (if such a possibility existed) been a place of pilgrimage that was multinational in nature. An anonymous pilgrim from Placentia, who visited the Holy Mountain in 570, speaks of three fathers who spoke Latin, Greek, Syriac, Coptic and Bessian, as well as many translators from one language to another. 1147 The same is evidenced by the monastery library, which contains Greek, Syrian (Edessa and Palestine), Georgian and Arabic manuscripts. From Moschus and Anastasius (who lived a little later), as well as from a number of other sources, we know that among the Sinai monks there were Byzantines, Cappadocians, Isaurians, Cilicians, Armenians and Iberians (Georgians). The Iliotes (Aeliotes) Lavra, in which Moschus spent ten years (584–94?), may have been a Jerusalem (Aelia) monastic colony in Sinai. 1148 In his letter, 1149 dated September 1, 600 and addressed to John, abbot of Sinai, Saint Gregory of Rome congratulates John on his peaceful reign and reports that “our son Simplicius” informed him of the lack of necessary things in the hospital for the elderly, founded in Sinai by a certain Isaurian, as a result of which Gregory finds it necessary to send there fifteen capes, thirty 'rachanaé (ράχνη, ράκανα approx. transl.) and fifteen beds. Of course, we would like to identify the named abbot John with the great ascetic writer John Climacus, who was also the abbot of Mount Sinai. However, as we will see later, such an identification would most likely be erroneous. Unlike pilgrims like John Moschus, whose writings can generally be considered historically reliable, Sinai itself was faithful to the spirit of the times in the sixth century. His two main contributions to the treasury of hagiographic literature, the narrative “Ammonia” about the venerable fathers killed in Sinai and Raifa, 1150 and the tales of the Nile 1151, distorted the overall picture for a long time, since the descriptions presented in them were perceived as strictly historical. The first monument, called a Greek translation of a Coptic document discovered in an Egyptian monastic cell, immediately raises certain doubts. Its atmosphere undoubtedly corresponds to the sixth century - the monks of Sinai are hidden behind the fortress walls and in the tower, the name of Abbot Dula also coincides with the name of the abbot, during whose reign the fortress walls were apparently built (5567). The episode about the time of the patriarchate of Peter of Alexandria, forced to hide from persecution, we assume that we are talking about Peter II (37380), a clear anachronism. As for the Nile, with whose name Legends are usually associated, he cannot in any way be identified with the Nile of Ancyra, who lived at the beginning of the fifth century, especially since we simply do not know any other evidence of his connection with Sinai. 1152 The value of both of these documents lies in the fact that they present a picture of the life and views of the monks who were surrounded by the “barbarian world”; in all other respects they should be treated rather as artistic fiction. The same, in part, applies to John Moschus and Sophronius in a narrative that is very important for the history of the development of night worship; it tells about their visit to the Nile and two monks on the Holy Mountain and about the all-night vigil they served there. 1153 However, it is also reported here that this story was told “to us” (that is, to the authors of this work, approx. Per.) by two wanderers, and was not written down by them. All other documents say that spending the night on the summit was not allowed; the appearance of the name Neil suggests that this story could have been fabricated by the Puritan monastic party, which was trying to find justification for its negative attitude towards equipping a long service based exclusively on Scripture with singing and hymns. On the other hand, the statute presented here undoubtedly dates back to an early time and is fully consistent with the spirit of the Sinai. The early origin of the Ammonian narrative is also evidenced by its translation into Syrupalestine, preserved on a palimpsest dating from about the seventh century. Saint Gregory was not mistaken in considering Sinai in 600 to be a peaceful haven. However, already in the next decade, the routes connecting this monastery with Raif and Palestine fell into the hands of the “barbarians.” 1154 Apparently, movement along them again became relatively safe only after the Arab conquest. However, the appearance of the “barbarians” had virtually no effect on the life of the local desert dwellers. A vivid picture of life in seventh-century Sinai is presented in a collection of forty stories attributed to Anastasius the Sinai (published by No). 1155 Other Sinai stories, still unpublished, may also come from the same source. If all the named narratives really belong to one collection, it follows that they were written no earlier than the second half of the century, that is, after the Arab conquest. 1156 However, their atmosphere is largely retrospective, and therefore it seems to us that we are still in the Christian empire. They are generated by a special spirit of the highlands, different from the spirit of Palestine (although people live on the peaks there too) and Egypt. One of the first stories 1157 tells how on one Pentecost, during the service at the Holy Summit of the Divine Liturgy, after the presbyter during the anaphora proclaimed “The Song of Victory...”, the surrounding mountains responded: “Holy, Holy, Holy...”, and these words, intelligible only to those with ears, sounded for at least half an hour. Another story 1158 tells how, during the August drought, a thirsty herd of wild goats rushed together to the highest peak and, turning their eyes to the sky, began to bleat, calling on God, “... who gives their food to cattle, and calls to Him with chick corvids,” after which it began to rain in that place. In a number of stories 1159 we are talking about a certain John Savvait, who told how once, 1160 while he was in the wild desert, he asked a guest about a brother with a bad reputation, but having heard that this brother was using the same bad reputation, the ascetic called him a fool and immediately, unknown how, transported to Golgotha, he saw the Lord crucified on the Cross between two thieves. John wanted to approach Him, but then he heard the Lord ordering His Angels to cast him away: “For he is the Antichrist, who condemned his brother before I judged him.” John's robe was pinched by the slammed door, he was ejected and immediately woke up. “The mantle is the Cover of God that protects me,” he told his guest, but I, brother, have lost it.” After that, he spent seven years in the desert, not eating bread, not entering shelter, not seeing people, until he saw how the Lord commanded the mantle to be returned to him. One day Abba Martyrius brought his twenty-year-old disciple John to the Holy Mountain and there (this was the custom) tonsured him as a monk. Going down, they met abbot Anastasius, who did not know the young man, but predicted that he would become abbot of Sinai. 1161 After this they went to John Savvait, who lived in the Goudda desert, 1162 located at a distance of fifteen miles. John also did not know the young man, but he washed his feet, telling his disciple that he had washed the feet of the abbot of Sinai. Forty years later, this prophecy was fulfilled. Probably a year after the death of the younger John in 1163, the author of these stories praises him as “our new Moses” and tells other stories about him. 1164 There is no doubt that this is really John the “scholastic”, who wrote, at the request of John, Abbot of Raifa, “The Ladder of the Divine Ascent” 1165 (as a result of which John received the nickname Climacus), which all Orthodox monks should read during Great Lent. The appearance in “Luga” of a chapter with sayings (advices) of John of Cilicia, abbot of Raifa (he also appears in the “Alphabetical Patericon”), 1166 allows us to make the assumption that the Monk John Climacus lived somewhat earlier and could have been a correspondent of Saint Gregory. On the other hand, we cannot be sure that the named chapter was actually included in the “Meadow” or that John of Cilicia was really the “addressee” of the “Ladder”. In any case, we have the right to identify the Climacus with John, who is spoken of in the stories we are considering, since the “Ladder” itself contains several additional stories about John Savvait (about his Asia Minor origin and about his stay in MarSaba before arriving at Sinai), 1167 and also sets out the teaching of George of Arselaite, an elder with whom John of Raifa informs us of his acquaintance. 1168 George of Arselaitsky is given a prominent place in the narratives of Anastasius, who describes in particular his death. 1169 Writers of this generation probably foresee the end of an era. They seem to be trying to summarize the teaching they inherited from previous centuries. Before proceeding to expound his teaching intended for monastics, John Climacus speaks of the universality of God the Creator: “God is the life and salvation of all who are endowed with free will, the faithful and the unfaithful, the righteous and the unrighteous, the pious and the ungodly, the dispassionate and the passionate, the monks and the worldly, the wise and the simple, the healthy and the infirm, the young and the old; since everyone without exception takes advantage of the outpouring of light, the radiance of the sun and the changes in the air; there is no partiality with God." 1170 Elsewhere he writes that marriage does not prevent salvation, 1171 although a married person cannot achieve the same as a monk. 1172 He says to the married: “Do whatever good you can do; do not reproach anyone, do not steal, do not lie to anyone, do not be proud of anyone, do not have hatred for anyone, do not leave church meetings, be merciful to those in need, do not seduce anyone, do not touch someone else’s part, be satisfied with the dues of your wives. If you do this, you will not be far from the Kingdom of Heaven.” 1173 Elsewhere he writes that purity is not a monopoly of those who have never been married and cites St. Peter [“Some say that after experiencing carnal sin it is impossible to be called clean; and I, refuting their opinion, say that it is possible and convenient for anyone who wants to graft a wild olive into a good one. And if the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven were entrusted to a virgin in body, then perhaps his opinion would have validity. But may he who had a mother-in-law, but was pure and carried the keys of the Kingdom, put to shame those who think in this way” 15.66]. 1174 Further we read, 1175 that while vices and passions are not inherent in us by nature, virtues, including Faith, Hope and Love, are embedded in us by the Creator Himself and are visible even in animals. Prayer is classified as one of those things that transcend our nature, but Love, which is naturally inherent in us, surpasses prayer. After the first four Degrees of the Ladder - renunciation of the world, impartiality, wandering and obedience, we ascend to repentance; and here, at this level, we are presented with a terrible story about the monastic Dungeon 1176 or prison called “Metanoia” (among the Tavennisiots of Kanop this concept had a completely different meaning). It can be assumed that the writer tried to warn those who were not ready for this from ascending to this level. I knew a young Russian (he had now become an archimandrite) who, having reached this stage, decided that “The Ladder” was not for him. What is also noteworthy is how little this ascetic work says about dogmas that seem to be taken for granted. Only once did I come across a truly dogmatic – and at the same time very important – statement; I mean “The Degree of Memory of Death,” where it says the following: “Christ fears death, but does not tremble, so as to clearly show the properties of the Two Natures,” 1177 - a reference to Gethsemane, the language of which brings to mind St. Maximus. The words quoted here remind us that this generation stood for Two Wills and Two Actions and that Theodore, Bishop of Parano (under whose jurisdiction Sinai was), was a supporter of heretical compromise. In another passage, special emphasis is placed on the relationship between correct faith and correct ascetic practice: what John considers Evagrius’s mistake regarding fasting (eating one bread, which is also mentioned in Cassian), seems to him to be a consequence of Evagrius’ distortion of the doctrine. 1178 And finally, the thirtieth Degree brings us to the One who is at its summit. 1179 “Then She (Agape) is this Queen [it seems to me that it would be more correct to say “He” (Lord) - approx. author], as if appearing to me from heaven, and as if speaking in the ear of my soul, she said: until you, My lover, are freed from this plump flesh, you cannot know My beauty, what it is. Let the ladder […] teach you to compose a spiritual ladder of virtues, at the top of which I establish myself, just as My great secret place says: Now remain faith, hope, love, these three: greater than these are loves.” Written, we assume, in the midst of the upheavals characteristic of that time, this book nevertheless serves as a confirmation of the words of St. Gregory, who considered Sinai a peaceful haven. Rising above the flood waters, like the Ark on Ararat, the Holy Mountain is outside of political cataclysms and remains itself. However, Sinai does not close its gates. The pilgrimage is interrupted for a short time; we read that soon after the Arab conquest eight hundred Armenian pilgrims came here. 1180 Natives of various countries continue to seek salvation here. In our stories 1181 it is said that the elders remembered the appearance in the monastery around 620 of a young man who did not reveal either his name or his origin and died here about two years later, after which they began to say that this young man was the son of Emperor Mauritius and was saved during the murder of Phocas of the imperial family by a nanny who sacrificed her own son for this. Having learned about this over the years, the young man went to Sinai, making a return sacrifice. According to one of the sources, in 1182, after the defeat at Yarmouk, the Roman military leader Vagan, whose disobedience was one of the reasons for the defeat, not daring to appear before Heraclius, fled to Sinai and took the name Anastasius there; It is also said that at least one of the creations attributed by us to Anastasius Sinait, a homily imbued with deep repentant feelings on the Sixth Psalm 1183, belonged to him. In order to understand how many authors are hidden behind this name (which, among other things, may be accompanied by the title of Patriarch of Antioch), it is necessary to undertake a special study. It seems quite likely that Anastasius I of Antioch (55970 and 5939) was a monk in Sinai, and possibly in Palestine. We have already noted that Anastasius was the abbot of Sinai forty years before the abbot of John Climacus. However, the writings that interest us most are those from the time after the Arab conquest. This applies to both collections published by But, even if, as he believes, they have different authorship. One of the writers may be the author of the Όδηγός (Viae Dux - P. G 89, 35-310), an exposition of faith dating from 1184 most likely in the sixth or seventh year of the ministry of the Monophysite Pope John III of Alexandria (683), which, however, is contradicted by the narrative of the debates in Alexandria, which took place in the presence of the imperial prefect in 1185 - that is, thus, until 642. Judging by the text, its author was a presbyter and monk in Sinai and took an active part in disputes with the Monophysites not only in Alexandria, but also in other parts of Egypt at a time when the language of Two Energies and Two Wills had already been worked out, and the teachings of Islam had gained sufficient fame. Like Sophronius and Maximus, he shows extraordinary learning, firmness in defending the Chalcedonian faith, as well as often mercilessness in relation to heresy and, from time to time, an endearing restraint in disputes. So, for example, 1186 he calls on us to rely on pre-Chalcedonian authorities in disputes with the Monophysites, and to begin disputes with the “Arabs” by anathematizing the one who speaks of the existence of two Gods, who believes that God begat the Son bodily, and the one who considers any creature in heaven or on earth to be God. The core of the large collection of Questions and Answers 1187 may also have been written by the same author and undoubtedly dates back to the same seventh century, although the collection under consideration was subsequently significantly expanded. We cannot help but dwell here on one of the 1188 stories cited in it as belonging to the ancient tradition, about how a certain lawyer (scholasticus) constantly cursed Plato, until one day he himself appeared to him in a dream vision and said: “Listen, would you stop cursing me, because by doing this you are harming yourself. Of course, I was a sinful man, but when the Lord descended into hell, truly I was the first to believe in Him.” There are also sad testimonies. In the last chapter 1189 we talked about the apostate monk from Sinai who preached Judaism. According to John of Nikiou, another apostate monk became one of the first Islamic persecutors of the Church. 1190 However, the apostasy of individual monks could not disrupt the general flow of monastic life on the Holy Mountain. The monastery continued to attract people from all over the Christian world and was surrounded by the Christian population living on the peninsula - both local Semites and foreigners sent by Justinian to help the monastery. This caused certain concerns among the authorities, who decided to convert local tribes to Islam without touching the monastery itself. 1191 The inhabitants of Paran and the inhabitants of the surrounding lands gathered at the Holy Peak, however, in the end, they gave in to the demands of the opposing side that outnumbered them and renounced their faith. Only one ardent Christian kept it and decided to commit suicide by throwing himself down from the southern cliff. His wife grabbed him by the hem of his clothes, begging him not to leave her and the children to perish, but to take them with him or kill them. Yielding to her pleas, this Christian hacked them to death with his sword, after which he jumped off the cliff and remained alive. For many years he wandered through the mountains, clefts and caves of the earth, living with wild animals and not approaching human houses, cities and villages, until this hermit and man of God departed to the Heavenly City. Others doubted whether God accepted such sacrifices. And so, to assure those, sensing the approach of his death, he came to the monastery of the Burning Bush, where he offered his prayers and received Holy Communion together with the monks, after which he, completely exhausted, was laid in the hotel. The fathers who were present at his last hour witnessed how he greeted the holy fathers who had marked their lives with martyrdom, addressing them by name, as if to friends, how he hugged them and how joyfully he followed them, like one invited to a holiday. Who knows whether he saw the holy fathers themselves or, as the author believes, they were angels who took the form of lei, crowned with a victorious crown, in order to accompany him, who followed their paths and showed such love and faith that the righteous who walked before him did not know? If not Sophronius himself, then his teacher John Moschos was born even before the death of the Monk Cyriacus and had the opportunity to talk with the abbots of MarSaba, like Conon, who met with the monk. Kyriakos, when he was a young man, spent the entire time of Lent in the inner desert with Euthymius. Euthymius received baptism from Otrius of Melitino (to whom one of the messages of Basil the Great was addressed) at a time when both Macarii (one in the Skete, the other in the Cells), who knew the Monk Anthony and were born before the advent of church peace, were still alive. Thus, the period of time from the Conversion of Constantine to the Arab Conquest is covered by only four or, at most, five overlapping generations. At the beginning of this period, monasticism seemed to be something new, being a movement of the laity (that is, not clergy, but laymen, approx. trans.), recognizing only the Holy Scriptures and determined to renounce this world and lead an evangelical life alone or in community. Egypt was not alone in such endeavors - we meet with the same inspired determination in the space from Mesopotamia to the Celtic lands. The heart of this movement has always remained faithful to the Church, and it itself very soon subordinated itself to its charter, no matter what it subsequently cost it. However, shifting our attention from Egypt to Palestine, we begin to understand that the Holy Land helps the Church and Monasticism to maintain the true balance of the Historical Faith, which is much more easily upset in any other place. We must not forget about the multinational character (both giving and receiving) of the Church of the Holy Land, as a center of pilgrimage that binds together the entire Christian world. At the end of the period we are considering, monasticism has already become an institution with a rich tradition and literature and integrated into the church and civil structures of the Christian Οικουμένη. In the centuries of difficult trials that followed, when the Christian world seemed about to be crushed by Islam, the monasteries of Sinai and MarSaba, together with some other monasteries, continued to stand like unshakable rocks, affirmed by the inescapable desire for Perfection, to which Christians could turn their gaze in difficult times. And they survived. A story about how, over the next few centuries, these monasteries continued to have a decisive influence on the development of Eastern monasticism would take up an entire book. The typicon of the monastery of St. Sava formed the basis of the annual liturgical cycle; the rules, reprinted to this day in liturgical books, are often directly related to the practice adopted in the great monasteries of Judea. The Savvaite Saint Andrew of Crete in his “Great Canon” creates a new form of church poetry, adopted in the next generation by two Savvaites, the Venerable John of Damascus and Cosmas of Maiyum, on whose writings, included in the Octoechos and Triodion, the Byzantine hymnody is largely built, which in its main features became complete in the next (ninth) century thanks to the works Studites, who were significantly influenced by another Savvaite - Saint Theophan the “Inscribed”, who suffered in Constantinople for the veneration of icons... For what if not an icon testified to the Incarnation, and was not Jerusalem itself such an icon? In both periods of iconoclasm, the Savvaites defended the fullness of the Faith: St. John of Damascus opposed the Isaurian emperors, three envoys from the monastery of St. Sava in Constantinople, Michael Sincellus and two “Inscribed” brothers, Theodore and Theophanes, Leo the Armenian and the Amorites. We must not forget that independence from Constantinople made it possible to preserve in Sinai icons dating back to both the sixth century and later times, which is a unique case, since the fortress walls of the Sinai monastery made it much less vulnerable than Mar Saba, which again and again fell victim to Bedouin raids. Intellectual life in the monasteries did not fade away at all, and at this time it is enough to recall the author of the “Source of Knowledge”, St. John of Damascus, who received in other countries the misleading nickname “St. Thomas Aquinas of the Eastern Church.” First of all, it was in these multinational monasteries that books were translated from and into different languages ​​(including, of course, Arabic). It was in MarSaba that the ascetic works of the “Nestorian” Bishop Isaac of Nineveh (Syrin), later recognized as a great saint of the Orthodox Church, were translated from Syriac into Greek and included in the Orthodox tradition. The document, which cannot be more or less precisely dated, speaks of a time in the history of the monastery of MarSaba, when the Iberians, Syrians and Franks served the Liturgy of the Catechumens in their churches, and then gathered in the Greek church for the Liturgy of the Faithful. The most important for us are those lives of ascetics and those stories about martyrs, sometimes purely historical, sometimes mixed with tradition, which depict before us the spiritual life of the monasteries changing from century to century and, nevertheless, always remaining unchanged. One cannot help but get the impression that every new surge of monastic life within the empire originated precisely in Judea; Athos and the Kyiv Caves grew spiritually, not only inspired by the antiquity of Egyptian and Jewish monasticism, but also seeing its living example before them and maintaining close relations with Sinai and Marsaba. It seems appropriate to me to conclude this story with the memory of another Saint Sava, the great Serbian Archbishop, who, around 1230, went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and returned to his homeland with the pastoral staff of Sava the Sanctified. To the Khil Andar monastery that he built on Mount Athos, he brought from the MarSaba monastery the icon of the Mother of God “Three-Handed”, to which, according to legend, Saint John of Damascus attached a silver image of a hand in memory of his miraculous healing. Monasticism has a great variety of manifestations, full of life and depth. However, only one single thread can give our story its true meaning: the search for holiness and the following of our Lord Jesus Christ in the hermit’s cell, on the abbot’s chair, in the lowest monastic obediences. This imperfect narrative makes some sense only if, along the way, we are reminded of the eternal Beatitudes of the Gospel: Blessed are the poor in spirit, for to them is the Kingdom of Heaven. Blessed are the mourners, for they will be comforted. Blessed are the meek, for they will inherit the earth. Blessed is he who hungers and thirsts for righteousness, for they shall be satisfied. Blessed, merciful, for there will be mercy. Blessed are those who are pure in heart, for they will see God. Blessed are the peacemakers, for these shall be called the sons of God. Blessed is the expulsion of truth for the sake of them, for those are the Kingdom of Heaven. Blessed are you when they revile you and condemn you and say all sorts of evil things about you lying, for my sake. Rejoice and be glad, for your reward is abundant in Heaven... Remember me, Lord, when you come into Your Kingdom! I. Sources and research Aetheria. Etherie, Journal de Voyage, ed. N. Petre, S. S. 21. Ammonas. Epistulae, etc. syriae, ed. Kmosko, R. O. X. 6; Grace, ed. Nau, Amnionitis. Account of the Martyrs of Sinai and Rhaithou, ed. Combefis, Illustrium Christi Martyrum lecti triumphi, Paris, 1660, pp. 88122; The Forty Martyrs of the Sinai Desert, ed. Mrs. Lewis, Florae Semiticae IX (1912) Palestine Syriac version and English translation. Anastasius Persa. Acta Martyris Anastasii Persae, ed. Usener, Bonn, 1894; see also P. G. 92,16801729. Anastasius Sinaita. P. G. 89 Όδηγός (Viae Dux), 35310; Quaestiones et Responsiones, 311824; Homilia in Psalmum Sextum, 107784; Recits, ed. Nau, O. S. II (1902), pp. 5889; III (1903), pp. 5690. Antiochus Sabaita. Pandect, etc., P. G. 89, 14211856. Antonius Magnus. Seven Letters Latin version, P. G. 40, 9771000; Georgian version with fragments of the Coptic original, ed. Garitte, S.S.S.O., Scr. Ib. t. 5 (Latin, t. 6); Syriac version (first message only), ed. Nau, R. O. S. 14 (1909), pp. 28297. Vita Antonii see Athanasius. See also Antonius Magnus Eremita, Studio Anselmiana 38, ed. Steidle, Rome, 1956 (anniversary symposium; see bibliography on page 1314). Antonius Chozibita. A. V. 7 (1888) Vita S. Georgii Chozibitae, pp. 97144, 33659; Miracula V. V. Mariae in Choziba, pp. 36070. Apophthegmata Patrum. For studying Apophthegmata we can recommend the following publications: W. Bousset, Apophthegmata, Tübingen, 1923 and J.S. Guy, S. J., Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apophthegmata Patrum (Subsidia hagiographica, No. 36), Brussels, 1962. a. Alphabetical Collection P. G. 65, 71440, supplemented by Guy, pp. 1936. b. Anonymous Collection (accompanying the Alphabetical Collection), part 1 but published by Nau (N 1392) in R. O. S. 1214, 1718 (19079:191213); the rest is covered in Guy, pp. 6474 N. (Guy) 393670 and pp. 957J 661765. c. Systematic Collection has not yet been published in Greek; Latin translation by Pelagius and John (PJ), P. L. 73, 8511052. Guy (pp. 12681) gives a more complete text of this collection, reconstructed from the Greek manuscripts. A fragmentary Coptecian (Saidian) version was prepared for publication by M. Chaine and published after his death by A. Guillaumont Le Manuscrit de la version copte en dialecte sahidique des 'Apophthegmata Patrum' Bibliotheque d'Etudes coptes, VI (Cairo, 1960), Institut francais d'Archeologie orientale. d. Syriac Systematic Collection 'AnänIshó, collection edited by Bedjan, A. M. S. VII, pp. 442 to the end, and Budge with variants in various editions, the most accessible of which is The Wit and Wisdom of the Christian Fathers of Egypt (O. U. P. 1934). Not directly related to the Greek "systematic" collection; the earlier (unpublished) collections on which it is based (eg MS. Add. 17, 176, dated 532) cannot be compared with any known Greek or Latin collections. At present, the Greek text of very many Apophthegmas can only be found in the “Ascetic Anthology” of Paul Evergetinus, διδασκαλιών τών αγίων και θεοφόρων Πατέρων, 3" 1 edition, Athens, 1900. Athanasius. Opera Omnia, P. G. 258; Vita Antonii, P. G. 26, 835976; tr. Meyer, A.C.W. 10 (1950); Epistula ad Amunem monachum, 26, 116976; Epistula ad Dracontium, 25, 52334; Festal Letters with preceding "Index" Index (Latin translation from Syriac with Greek fragments), 26, 13511444; Syriac version ed. Cureton, London, 1848; English tr. Burgess, Oxford (Library of the Fathers), 1854. Barsanuphius see Varsanuphius. Basil of Caesarea. Opera Omnia, ed. Gamier, Paris, 172130, reprinted 1839 (3 vols); P. G. 2932. Ascetica in Gamier, t. 2; tr. W. K. Lowther Clarke, The Ascetic Worb of St. Basil, S. P. C. K. 1925. Letters in Gamier, t. 3; text and translation (R. Deferrari) in Loeb edition (4 vols). See also W. K. L. Clarke, Si. Basil the Great, C. U. P., 1913. Bell, H. Idris. Jews and Christians in Egypt, British Museum, 1924 Melitian and other Greek and Coptic monastic papyri of the fourth century with translation. Cassian. Opera Omnia, P. L. 4950; ed. Petschenig, C.S.E.L. 13 and 17 (Vienna, 18868); Collations (Conferences) ed. and tr. Pichery, S. C. 42,54, 64; Institutes (Institutions cenobitiques) ed. and tr. Guy, S. C. 109. See also Owen Chadwick, John Cassian, C. U. P., 1950. S. Marsiii, Giovanni Cossiano edEvagrio Pontico, Studia Anselmiana 5, Rome, 1936. Chariton. Vita Charitonis, ed. Garitte, Bulletin de l'Institut historique beige de Rome, 1941, pp. 550. Christ (W.) and Paranikas (M.). Anthologia graeca Carminum Christianorum, Leipzig, 1871. Chrysippus. Encomium of St. Theodore, A. S. Nov. 4, 5572; St. Michael, ed. Sigalas, Έπετηρις Βυζαντινών Σπουδών, 1926, 8593; the Theotokos, P. O. XIX. 3 (1926), 33643; St. John Baptist, ed. Sigalas, Texte und Forschungen zur byzantinischneugriechischen Philologie, Nr. 20 (Athens, 1937) with a very detailed bibliography. Collectio Avellana Letters of Popes and Emperors, C.S.E.L. 35 (18958). Consultatio Zacchaei et Apollonii, ed. Morin, Florilegium Patristicum 39 (1935). Cosmas Indicopleustes. Christian Topography, P. G. 88, 51470, ed. Winstedt, C. U. P., 1909. Cyril of Scythopolis. Vitae SS. Euthymii, Sabae, etc., ed. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis, T. und U. 49. 2 (1939) critical review Stein, A. B. 62 (1944), pp. 16986; French translation of Festugiere in Les Moines d'Orient, III. 13 (Paris, 19613). Daniel of Scetis. Vie et recits de VAbbe Daniel le Scetiote, ed. Clugnet, Paris, 1901 (reprinted from R. O. C. 5: Greek, Coptic and Syriac). Dawes (E.). and Baynes (N.H.). Three Byzantine Saints (Oxford, Blackwell, 1948) translations of the lives of Daniel the Stylite, Theodore Sikeot and John the Merciful. Dionysius Areopagita (Pseudo). P. G. 34. La Hierarchie celeste, ed. Roques and Heil, tr. de Gandillac, S.C. 58 (1958). The Divine Names and The Mystical Theology, tr. S. E. Rolt, S. P. S. K., 1957 (1st ed. 1920). See also R. Roques, L'univers dionysien, Paris, 1954. Dorotheus of Gaza. P. G. 88, 16111842. Dorothee de Gaza, CEuvres spiri Tuelles, ed. and. tr. Regnault and de Preville, S.C. 92 (1963). Draguet, R. Les Peres du Desert, Paris, 1949 (French translations and Ephraim Syrus. Opera Omniá (Syriac, Greek, Latin), 6 vols., ed. Assemani, Rome, 1732 6. Hymni et Sermones, 4 vols., ed. Lamy, Malines, 18821902. Carmina Nisibena, ed. Bickell, Leipzig, 1866, etc. Epiphanius of Salamis. P. G. 413. G. C. S. 25, 31, 37 (ed. Holl), Berlin, 191533. Esaias of Scetis. Τοΰ οσίου πατρός ημών άββά Ήσαοΐυ λόγοι κθ', ed. Avgoustinos, Jerusalem, 1911. Latin version in P. G. 40, 11051206. L'Asceticon Copte de l'Abbe Isafe, fragments sahidiques, ed. and tr. A. Guillaumont, Cairo, 1956. Eunapius. Vitae Sophistarum (Philostratus and E.), ed. and tr. Wright, Loeb Classical Library, London, 1922. Eusebius of Caesarea. Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Schwartz (with Rufinus' Latin version and continuation, ed. Mommsen) 3 vols., G. C. S. 9, 19039: English translation and Notes, Lawlor and Oulton, S. P. C. K., 19278. Chronicle (Jeromes version and continuation), ed. Helm, G. C. S. 24 and 34. Eutychius of Alexandria. Annals (Latin from Arabic), P. G. Ill, 9071156. Evagrius Ponticus. Opera, P. G. 40, 121386. Works attributed to Neil, P. G. 79, 11391245. Opera syriace, ed. W. Frankenberg, Abh. der Kgl. Gesellsch. der Wissensch, zu Göttingen, Phil. Hist. Classe N.F. XIII. 2, Berlin, 1912. Les Six Centuries des 'Kephalaia Gnosticá d'Evagre le Pontique (two Syriac versions), ed. Guillaumont, R. O. XXVIII. 1 (1958). Nonnenspiegel und Mönchspiegel des E. P., ed. Gressmann, T. und U. 39. 4 (Leipzig, 1913). See also Muyldermans, A travers la tradition manuscrite dE. le P., Bibliotheque du Museon 3, Louvain 1932; Evagriana Syriaca, B. du M. 31, Louvain, 1952 and, in particular, Guillaumont, Les Kephalaia Gnostica d'Evagre le Pontique (Patristica Sorbonensia 5), Paris, 1962 (a very informative work, with a detailed bibliography). Evagrius Scholasticus. Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Bidez and Parmentier, London, 1898. Garitte, G. (ed.). Le Calendrier PalestinoGeorgien du Sinaiticus 34 (X e siècle) Subsidia Hagiographica 30, Brussels, 1958. Gerontius. Vita S. Melaniae Junioris: ed. Gorce, Vie de Ste. Melanie, S. C. 90, Paris, 1962. Geyer, P. Itinera Hierosolymitana, C. S. E. L. 39, Vienna, 1898. Gregory of Acragas Vita, P. G. 98, 549716. Gregory of Rome. Letters, ed. Ewald and Hartmann (2 vols.), 18919. Dialogues, ed. Moricca, Rome, 1924. Halkin, F. Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca (3rd edition, 3 vols.), Subsidia hagiographica 8a, Brussels, 1957. Hesychius of Jerusalem. Opera, I G. 93. See K. Jussen, Die dogmatischen Anschauungen des Η. von J. (2 vols), 1931 and 1934. Hierotheus. The Book of the Holy Hierotheus, ed. and tr. Marsh, Text and Translation Society, 1928. See also A. L. Frothingham, Stephen BarSudaili, the Syrian Mystic, Leyde, 1886. Historia Acephala. P. G. 26, 144350. Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, ed. E. Presuchen, Palladius und Rufinus (Glessen, 1897), pp. 197; A.J. Festugiere, Subsidia hagiographica 34, Brasseis, 1961. Latin version of Rufina L. 21, 387462. Jerome. P. L. 2230. Letters, P. L. 22; C. 5. E. L. 546, 59 Vienna, 191018. Lives of Monks, Pachomian translations, polemical writings, De Viris illustribus, etc., P. L. 23. De Viris illustribus, ed. Richardson, T. und U. 14. 1, Leipzig, 1896. Chronicle, ed. Helm, G. C. S. 24 and 34 (1913:1926). See F. Cavallera, Saint Jerome, sa vie et son aeuvre, Louvain, 1922. John Climacus. P. G. 88, 5961210; ed. Trevisan (in two volumes with Italian translation), Corona Patrum Salesiana, ser. gr., 9, Turin, 1941; English translation, The Ladder of Divine Ascent, L. Moore and M. Heppell, Faber&Faber, 1959. John the Almoner. Leontius von Neapolis, Leben des heiligen Johannes des barmherzigen, Erzbischofs von Alexandrien, ed. Gelzer, 1893; Une Vie inedite de S. Jean l'Aumonier, ed. Delehaye, A. B. 45 (1927); For English translation see Dawes and Baynes, v. supra. John Moschus. Pratum Spirituale, P. G. 87. 3, 28513116; P. L. 74, 119240; Th. Nissen, Unbekannte Erzählungen aus dem P. S., B. Z. 38 (1938), 35176; French translation Rouet de Journel, S. C. 12, Paris, 1946. John of Nikiu. Chronicle, tr. R. H. Charles, London, 1916, from Ethiopic version, ed. Zotenberg, Paris, 1883, reprinted 1935. John Rufus of Maiuma. Life of Peter the Iberian, ed. Raabe, Petrus der Iberer, Leipzig, 1895 (Syrian text and German translation); for a consolidated English version see D. M. Lang, Lives and Legends of the Georgian Saints, Allen & Unwin, 1956, pp. 5780. Plerophories, ed. Nau, P. O. VIII, 1, Paris, 1911. Narratio de obitu Theodosii Hierosolymorum et Romani monachi, ed. Brooks, C. S. C. O., Scr. Syr., ser. 3, t. 25, 1827. Justinian. Opera Dogmatica, P. G. 86. 1, 9451152. Kekelidze, K. lerusalimskij Kanonar' VII vjeka (Georgian version), Tiflis, 1912 (a reverse translation of the Georgian version presented in this publication into Greek, made by Archimandrite Callistus, began to be published in Νέα Σιων in 1914 (Year XI, torn. 14, pp. 3559, 202–41:31042), but its publication was interrupted by the war). Koikvlides, Kloopas M. ?? τοΰ αγίου Γερασίμου και Κυριάκου τοΰ άναχωρητοϋ, Jerusalem, 1902 (contains the text of the Vita Gerasimi, attributed to Cyril of Scythopolis, and others Lives). Leontius of Byzantium. Works attributed to L., P. G. 86. 12, 11552100. See S. Rees in U. T. S. 40 (1939), 34660 and 41 (1940), 26380. Leontius of Neapolis. Life of St. John the Almoner v. supra. VitaSimeonis Sali, P. G. 93, 16691748; ed. Ryden, Stockholm, 1963. Liberatus Diaconus. Breviarium, P. L. 68; Schwartz, A. S. II. 5, 98141. Macarius Aegyptius (Pseudo). P. G. 34; Macarii Anecdota, ed. Marriott, Harvard, 1918; Neue Homilien des Makarius Symeon. I: aus Typus III, ed. Klostermann and Berthold, T. und U. 72, Berlin, 1961; Die 50 geistlichen Homilien des Makarios, edd. Dorries, Klostermann and Kroeger, Patristisehe Texte und Studien, 4, Berlin, 1964. Marcus Diakonus. Vita S. Porphyrii Gazensis, edd. Gregoire and Kügener, Vie de Porphyre, Paris, 1930; Tr. Lat., P. G. 65, 121154; Georgian, ed. Peeters.A B. 1941.65216. Marcus Monachus (Eremita). P. G. 65, 9051140. We await the appearance of a very important critical edition prepared by Dr. Callistus Ware. Marius Mercator. P. L. 48; Schwartz, A. S. I. 5, 570. Maximus Confessor. P. G. 901. The Ascetic Life: the Four Centuries on Charity, tr. P. Sherwood, A.C.W. 21, 1955. See also Sherwood, An annotated DateList of the works of Maximus the Confessor, Rome, 1952; H. U. von Balthasar, Kosmische Liturgie (2nd ed.), Einsiedeln, 1961; Liturgie Cosmique (French translation based on the first edition), Paris, 1947; L. Thunberg, Microcosm and Mediator, Lund, 1965 (with a very detailed bibliography including recent work). Nilus of Ancyra. P. G. 79 (many of the works attributed to him belong to Evagrius of Pontus). Nilus of Sinai. Narrationes de caede monachorum in Monte Sinai (the historicity of these tales is very doubtful), P. G. 79, 589603. Pachomius, Theodore and Horsiesius. Oeuvres de S. Pachöme et de ses Disciples, ed. and tr. Lefort, C. 5. S. O., Scr. Copt., tt. 234, Louvain, 1956. Pachomiana Latina, ed. A. Boon, Louvain, 1932. 5. Pachomii Vitae graecae, ed. Halkin, Subsidia hagiographica 19, Brussels, 1932. S. Pachomii Vita bohairice scripta, ed. Lefort, C.S.C.O. Scr. Copt., ser. 3, t. 7, Paris, 1925; 5. P. Vitae sahidice scriptae, ed. Lefort, ibid., t. 8, Paris, 1933–4. Les Vies coptes de S. Pachöme et de ses premiers successeurs (French translation), ed. Lefort, Louvain, 1943 (some points of this edition have been critically reviewed by me bJ. E.H., V. 1 (1951), pp. 3877, Pachomian Sources reconsidered). Histoire de S. Pakhöme et de ses communautes, documents coptes et arabes inedits, publies et traduits par Ε. Amelineau, A. M. G. 17, Paris, 1889 (and still retains its significance for the Arabic Life, pp. 337711). Der Papyruscodex saec. VIVII der Phillippsbibliothek in Cheltenham, Koptische theologische Scriften, ed. W. E. Crum, Strassburg, 1915. See also P. Ladeuze, Etude sur le Cenobitisme Pachomien, Louvain, 1898. Palladius. Dialogus de Vita Chrysostomi, ed. ColemanNorton, C. U. P., 1928. Lausaic History, ed. Dom Cuthbert Butler, Texts and Studies 6, C. U. P. Vol. 1. Prolegomena, 1898; Vol. 2. Introduction and Text, 1904. Tr. Lowther Clarke, S.P.S.K., 1918. Paulinus of Nola. Ed. Härtel, S. S. E. L. 2930, Vienna, 1894. Paul of Elousa. Vita Theognii, A.B. 10, pp. 72118. Paulus Helladicus. Epistula Anecdota Byzantina, ed. V. Lindström, Up sala and Leipzig, 1902, pp. 1523. Philostorgius. Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Bidez, G. C. S. 21, Berlin, 1913. Prize de Jerusalem (Strategius). Georgian Version, ed. and tr. Garitte, La prise de Jerusalem par les Perses en 615, C.S.C.O., Sen Ib., 1112, 1960. Procopius of Caesarea. Wars; Secret History ;Buildings; ed. and. tr. Dewing and Downey, Loeb Classical Library (7 vols), 1914–40. Riti 11 us of Aquileia. Opera, P. L. 21. Historia Ecclesiastica, continuing Eusebius (bks. 1011), ed. Mommsen, G. C. S. 9, vol. II, pp. 9571040. See F. H. Murphy, Rufinus of Aquileia (345411), His Life and Works, Catholic University of America, Studies in Mediaeval History, New Series, Vol. VI, Washington, D.C., 1945. Historia Monachorum in Aegypto (Latin version), P. L. 21, 387 Sarapion of Thmuis. Epistula ad Monachos, P. G. 40, 92542; Letter on the Death of St. Anthony, ed. Draguet, Le Museon 64 (1951), pp. 125. Sebeos. History of Heraclius, Armenian text and Russian translation, ed. Patkanian, St. Petersburgh, 1879; French translation, ed. Macler, Paris, 1904. Severus of Antioch. The Sixth Book of the Select Letters of Sevens, ed. and tr. Brooks, Text and Translation Society, 1904; A Collection of Letters of Severus of Antioch, ed. and tr. Brooks, P. O. XII. 2; Lives, P. O. I; for homilies and other works see R.O., O.S., R.O.S., S.S.S.O., etc. See J. Lebon, Le Monophysisme severien, Louvain, 1909. Severus of Ashmunein. History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, ed. Evetts, P. 0.1.99214, 381518; V. 125; X. 357552. Socrates. H. E., ed. Hussey (3 vols.), Oxford, 1853; P. G. 67, 29872. Sophronius of Jerusalem. P. G. 87. 3, 31474104; Christmas Sermon (A.D. 534), ed. graece Usener, Kleine Schrifte IV (1913), pp. 16277; DePraesentatione Domini, Bonner UniversitätsProgramm, 3rd. Aug., 1889; On the Baptist, ed. PapadopoulosKeramevs, Ανάλεκτα Ίεροσολυμιτικής Σταχυολογίας, 5 (1898), pp. 15168. Sozomen. N. E., ed. Hussey (3 vols.), Oxford, 1860; P. G. 67, 8441630. Sulpicius Severus. Ed. Helm, C.S.E.L. 1, Vienna, 1866. Theodoret. N. E., ed. Gaisford, Oxford, 1854; ed. Parmentier, G.C.S. 19, 1911. Historia Religiosa, P. G. 82.12831496. Letters, ed. Azema, 5. C. 40, 98, 111, Paris, 195465 (147 of 232 surviving messages; edition Theodorus Lector. N. E., P. G. 86, 165228. Theodore of Petra. Vita Theodosii Coenobiarchae, ed. Usener, Der heilige Theodosius, Leipzig (Teubner), 1890; for a French translation see Festugiere, Les Moines d'Orient, III. 3 (Paris, 1963), pp. 85160. Varsanuphius and John. Βίβλος Βαρσανουφίου ksy Ιωάννου, ed. Nikodemos, Venice, 1816; S. Schoinas, Volos, 1960. Waddell, Helen. The Desert Fathers, translated from the Latin with an intraduction by H. W., London, 1931. Wensinck, A. J. Legends of Eastern Saints: I. Archelides, Leyden, 1911; II. Hilaria daughter of Zeno, Leyden, 1913. Zacharias Rhetor. Vita Esaiae, ed. Brooks, C. S. C. O., Scr. Syr. 3, t. 25, 116. Vita Severi, ed. Kugener, P. O. II, 1115. Chronicle, ed. Land, Anecdota Syriaca, 3, 2340; tr. Hamilton and Brooks, The Syriac Chronicle known as that of Zachariah of Mitylene, London, 1899. Zosimas, Abba. Τοΰ οσίου πατρός ημών άββά Ζωσιμά κεφάλαια πάνυ ωφέλιμα, ed. Avgoustinos, Jerusalem, 1913; less complete version in P. G. 78, 16801701. Abel, F.M. Geographie de la Palestine (2 vols.), Paris, 1933 and 1938. Cauwenbergh, P. van. Etude sur les moines d'Egypte depuis le Concile de Chalcedoine jusqu 'ä Íinvasion arabe, Paris and Louvain, 18691914. Couret, A. La Palestine sous les Empereurs grecs, 326636, Grenoble. De Cossen, A. Mareotis, London, 1935. De Vaux, R. L'Archeologie et les Manuscrits de la Mer Morte. O.U.P., 1961. Diekamp, F. Die Origenistischen Streitigkeiten im sechsten Jahrhundert, Münster, 1899. Doresse. J. Les livres secrets desgnostiques d'Egypte, Paris, 1958. Evelyn White, H. G. The Monasteries of the Wadín Natrnü; Part II, 777e History of the Monasteries of Nitria and Scetis; Part III, The Architecture and Archaeology; New York, 19323. Favale, A. Teofilo d'Alessandria (345 p.412), Turin, 1958. Festugiere, A.J. Antioche paienne et chretienne, Paris, 1959. Les Moines d'Orient, I. Culture ou Saintete, Paris, 1961. II. Lives of Hypatius and of Daniel the Stylite, Paris, 1962. III. Cyril of Scythopolis' Lives, Paris, 19623. IV. Historia Monachorum and Vita Prima of Pachomius, 1965. All named lives in French translation with notes. Genier, R. Vie de Saint Euthyme le Grand (377473), Paris, 1909. Hardy, E. R. (Jr.). Christian Egypt: Church and People, O. U. P., 1962. The Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt, New York, 1931. Hausherr, I. Les legons d'un contemplatif. Le traite de l'oraison d'Evagre le Pontique, Paris, 1960. Heussi, K. Der Ursprung des Mönchtums, Tübingen, 1936. Holl, K. Enthusiasmus und Bussgewalt beim griechischen Mönchtum, Leip zig, 1898. Gesammelte Aufsätze, 1928. Jones, A. N. M. The Later Roman Empire, 284602, Blackwell, 1964. Koch, H. Quellen zur Geschichte der Askese und des Mönchtums in der alten Kirche, Tübingen, 1931. Mazzarini. Aspetti soziali del IVsecolo. 1951. Monneret de Villard, U. Les Couvents pres de Sohag, Paris, 1925. // Monastero di S. Simeone presso Aswan, 1927. Rostovtzeff, M. Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, Oxford, 1926. Schiwietz, S. Das morgenländische Mönchtum, Bd. 1, Mainz, 1904; Bd. 2, 1913; Bd. 3.1939. Seeck, O. Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, Berlin, 18951913. Smith, G. Adam. The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, London, 1935 (26th edition). Soteriou, G and M. Icones du Mont Sinai (2 vols.), Athens, 19568. Stein, E. Histoire du BasEmpire: I. 284476 (in German), Vienna, 1928; 2nd edition (in French), Paris, 1959; II. 476565 (in French), Paris, 1949. Vincent (L.H.) and Abel (F.M.). Jerusalem Nouvelle, Paris, 191426. The book “The Desert a City” was written by Doctor of Divinity, priest of the Church of England, Father Dervas James Chitty (1901-1971).' This remarkable work, published in 1966, is a slightly revised lecture course given by the author in 1959–60. at Birkbeck College, and, in the words of the author, is no more than an introductory sketch of the history of the first three centuries of Egyptian and Palestinian monasticism (referring the reader to more serious studies and original works indicated in the notes), which could provide future researchers with a kind of starting point or guide. This long-standing classic work on the history of ancient Christian monasticism, in which the richness of the material and the rigor of its presentation are combined with an unusual liveliness of presentation, has not lost its significance to this day. Father Dervas Chitti was occupied with many scientific problems. Thus, among other things, he prepared for publication such works as Barsanuphius and John. Questions and Answers / Crit. ed., transl. Chitty D. J. / Patrologia Orientalis, 31(3), Paris, FirminDidot, 1966; The Letters of Saint Anthony the Great / translated by Derwas Chitty, Oxford, SLG Press, 1975 (epistles of St. Anthony); The letters of Ammonas, successor ofSaint Antony/trans 1 Father Derwas James Chitty (Rev. Derwas James Chitty) was born on July 2, 1901. He studied at Winchester College, after which he graduated from New College (Oxford), receiving a Master of Arts degree. From 1931 to 1968 he served as parish priest in Upton (Berkshire, now Oxfordshire until 1974). In 1968, after leaving the service, he and his family moved from Upton to the town of Llangwnadl on the Llevn peninsula. Umeå 19 (Levoala 1971. lated by Derwas J. Chitty; rev. and with an introduction. by Sebastian Brock, Oxford, SLG Press, 1983 (epistles of Ammon, successor of St. Anthony). The nature and breadth of his scientific interests can be evidenced by articles published in the quarterly bulletin of PEF (Palestine Exploration Fund), in JEH (The Journal of Ecclesiastical History), in Studia Patristica, etc.: “Α Note on the Chronology of Pachomian Foundations.* Studia Patristica, \Y. II, Berlin, 1957, pp. 379385; "Notes, mainly Lexical on the Sources for the Life of Pachomius." Studia Patristica V, Berlin, 1962, pp. 266269; "Pachomian Sources once more." Studia Patristica X, (Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur). Berlin 1970, pp. 5464; "Two Monasteries in the Wilderness of Judaea", PEF, 1928, (July): 134152; "Excavation at the Monastery of St. Euthymius", PEF, 1930, 62:4347; "The Monastery of Saint Euthemius", PEF, 1932, 64:188203 Marcoff, Michael, and D. J. Chitty, "Noteson Monastic Research in the Judaean Wilderness", 19289. Palestine Exploration Fund "Pachomian Sources Reconsidered*, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 6 (1954), etc. It should be noted that Father Dervas Chitti took an active part in the work of the Commonwealth of St. Albania and Rev. Sergius, designed to promote the establishment of unity between Orthodoxy and Anglicanism (see his report Orthodoxy and the Conversion of England: A paper read at the Conference of the Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Sergius on 31 51 July, 1947/By the Rev. Derwas J. Chitty. London: The Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Seigius, [1947?] in this regard, it is appropriate to recall his other report: The Spirit of Orthodox Christianity. A paper read before the Egyptian Fellowship of Unity. 8 Nov. 1929/Reprinted 1987 by the Russian Orthodox Cathedral, Ennismore Gardens, London). The translation of quotations given by the author from the works of the holy fathers and other sources is given according to Russian translations (if any exist or correspond to the English text): Saint Athanasius the Great. Tt. I–IV. M., 1994; Life of Pachomius G, (see Khosroev A.L. Pachomius the Great (From the early history of cenobitic monasticism in Egypt). NestorHistory. St. Petersburg, 2004; Epistle of Bishop Ammon on the way of life and partly on the life of Pachomius and Theodore, trans. Sidorova A.I. (see “At the origins of the culture of holiness (Monuments of ancient church ascetic and monastic writing)” translations, interstitial articles, comments by A.I. Sidorov); Venerable John Cassian the Roman. Scriptures. Holy Trinity Sergeev Lavra, RFM, 1993; Palladius, Bishop of Elenopol. "Lavsaik, or the story of the life of the holy and blessed fathers". Donskoy Monastery, M., 1992; Socrates Scholasticus. Church history. M., 1996; Sozomen Ermiy. Church history. St. Petersburg, 1851; St. Ignatius Brianchaninov. Fatherland (Selected sayings of holy monks and stories from their lives, collected by Bishop Ignatius). Donskoy Monastery. M., 1992; Kirill Skifopolsky. Lives; Life of Peter Iver, ascetic and bishop of Mayum of the 5th century // Orthodox Palestinian collection. T. 16, v. 2, St. Petersburg, 1896 (see www.vostlit.info); Reverend Fathers Barsanuphius the Great and John. A guide to spiritual life, in answers to questions from students. Donskoy Monastery, M., 1993; John Mosch. Spiritual meadow. M., 1991; Antiochus Strateg. Captivity of Jerusalem. St. Petersburg, 1909 (see http: // palomnic.org); Sebeos. The History of Emperor Iraklos (work of Bishop Sebeos, a writer of the 7th century). M. 1862 (see www.vostlit.info); Venerable John, abbot of Mount Sinai. Ladder. Holy Trinity NovoGolutvin Convent, M., 1992. Eusebius. N. E. VII, 32, 31. Usually the martyrdom of Peter, Archbishop of Alexandria, is dated to the year 311. However, Lawlor and Oulton (Lawlor and Oulton. Vol. II. pp. 2645) give a number of serious arguments in favor of the fact that we should speak here specifically about 312. The earlier date refers to the beginning rather than the end of the last wave of Maximin’s persecutions, as a result of which the epithet of the Hieromartyr Peter “the end (seal) of martyrs” in this case loses its meaning. The story which, according to Telfer Anal. Boll. LXVII, 11730, became the basis of the Passio S. Petri, suggests that his execution was a separate act at a time when Christians were already rejoicing at the end of the persecution, and does not inspire much confidence. Athanasius, Vita Antonii, p. 49 (P.G. 26.913B916A). Vita Prima Pachomii (=G'), p.5 (Halkin, S. Pachomii Vitae Graecae, p. 4) [hereinafter see A.L. Khosroev, Pachomius the Great. St. Petersburg, 2004, p. 187288]. V.A. ss. 6971 (941d944d). Ibid, p. 31 (in MS. Athen, 1015; cf. Vita Altera, p. 27); With. 94 (p. 63:1418); Epistula Ammonis, p. 12 (p. 103. 234). At V.A. With. 82 Athanasius refers to Anthony’s vision, in which he saw mules desecrating the altar, as a foreshadowing of “what the Arians are now foolishly doing, like cattle.” Thus, we are most likely talking about 356–361, when Athanasius was hiding in Egypt under Constantius. Porphyry, Vita Plotini, p. 1. Epiphanius, c. Haeres, LXVII, 1 (70910). Augustine, De Natura Boni. I; De Civitate Dei, XII, iii; Enchiridion ad Laurentium, IV, 1215; Opus imperfectum contra Julianum, III, 206. I am indebted to Mr. Gerald Bonner for these references. Ibid., pp. 1643 (868A908D). Ibid., p. 46. ​​Most likely, this was the last wave of persecution. The texts with which Idris Bell worked (N. Idris Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt) indicate that many supporters of Meletius of Lycopolis lived in the neighborhood of Anthony. G (Alphabetical Apophthegmata, P.G. LXV). Anthony 10. Evagrius Ponticus, Practica adAnatolium, 92 (P. G. XL, 1249c) [Works of Abba Evagrius. Ascetic and theological treatises. Per., will enter. article and comment. A. I. Sidorova. "Martis", 1994. P. 110]. Jerome, Vita Pauli, (P. L. 23:1730). Dionys. Alex, Ep. ad Fab., ar. Eus. N. E. VI, 42. See Rostovtzev, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, especially pp. 5789 (n. 50 to p. 274) and p. 599 (n. 15 to p. 357). The practice of wearing chains was at first limited to Syria (see Theodoret, Hist. Rel, passim). Individual cases of its use are also recorded in Egypt (see Annales du Uusee Guimet, XXX, 35 about the discovery of the remains of Serapion), where, however, it never took root (see Historia Monachorum, p. 8.59). In Palestine, as far as I know, this practice was unknown. Lefort, Vies Copies de S. Pachöme, p. 54.5 (S3), 80.6 (B°). V.P.G1 c. 4. The Lives say that Pachomius was called up to serve in the army of Constantine, although Egypt came under the control of Constantine after the final defeat of Licinius, that is, in 324. Pachomius could only be drafted into the army of Maximin, who fought with Licinius in 312313, which explains the brevity of his military service. The author of the first Life (the Vita Prima is the basis of all the Lives of the monk) obviously wanted to hide the fact that Pachomius was in the service of the persecutor of Christians, Maximinus. V.P.G' s. 5.0 Finds made in Henoboskion see – Doresse, Les livres secrets des gnostiques d'Egypte. Paris. Librairie Plön, 1958. Vies Copies, pp. 83 (B0 p. 8) and 247 (S5 p. 51). Grützmacher, Pachomius und das älteste Klösterleben, 1896. pp. 39–43; Revillout in Revue Egyptologique, 1.1880. p. 160. Wrong link: Wed. Amelineau, A. M. G. XVII, p. xcix, 'son bapteme force. Ep. Am. c. 12 (Halkin, p. 103); see G c. 102. Vies Copies, p. 83(B°c. 8). Bell, Jews and Christians, papyri 1920.11 and 1922. 5 and 11. Ibid, 1913. 2, 9,10,15; 1914. 20, 23. Ibid, 1913. 2, 9, 1315; 1914.16, 21; 1917.12, 21, 24. Ibid, 1914, 1917, 1918,1919 (Greek); 1921,1922 (Coptic). For the first time on page 61 (Halkin, p. 41. 27). V.P.G'cc. 6 (4.30), 60 (41.7). Hist. Laus. With. 8; Hist. Mop. With. 22 (ed. Festugiere); V.A.s. 60; Socr. N. E. IV, 23. P. Peeters, who gave a critical assessment of Evelyn White's book in A. V. LI (1933). pp. 152–7, writes (p. 156): “Ses discussions topographiques importent presque toujours la conviction,” but says nothing about their extreme importance. De Labriolle in the chapter “Les debuts du monachisme” (Fliehe et Martin, Histoire de l'Eglise, vol. III. 1936) shows (p. 302. paragraph 10) familiarity with this review, but not with the book itself, although he cites it in his bibliography, repeating the previous mistake: “1e desert de Scete, entre les montagnes de Nitrie et le Nil." In 1945, Murphy (Ruflnus of Aquileia, p. 58) again writes: “The Valley of Nitria lies almost due south of Alexandria, at a distance of some sixty miles...”. Here and in other similar places he refers to some passages from Evelyn White's book, but not to the indicated chapter, with which, apparently, he was not familiar. In 1949, Draguet in (Les Peres du Desert, p. xvii. n. 2) cites White’s indicated conclusion, without entering into a dispute with Butler (Lausaic History, II. 189). Fortunately, Butler also gives his assessment of White's book (Downside Review, vol. LI, no. 145, Jan. 1933) and considers his identification of Nitria and Scete to be correct and definitive. See also: A. de Cosson, Mareotis (1935) and E. R. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 1952. pp. 73.8990. N. L. cc. 7 (24.2425.5) and 26 (81.1617); N. M. (ed. Fest.) cc. 23.13, 26.1113; N. M. (Lat.) p. 21; Cassian, Coll. VI. 1. Guy J.C. Le Center monastique de Seite dans la literature du V siècle, O.C.P. XXX, fasc. 1 (1964). Apoth. G. Anoub 1, Mac. Aeg. 13, etc. For soda deposits and the history of their development, see Prince Omar Toussoun, Etude sur le Wadi Natroun (Alexandria, 1931), pp. 815. Pap. Lond. II. 231 (Wilcken, Chrestom. Pap. 322). British Museum MS. Add. 12, 170, f. 9", in a "Syriac" collection (apparently translated from Greek) of stories told by Abba Isaiah, which became the source of many apothegms in published collections. G Agathon 12 is a shortened version of the same story. Jerome, Vita Hilarionis (P. L. 23:2954). Vita Charitonis, ed. Garitte, c. 13, pp. 26. 14. Isn’t this Qumran? This name could well be a corruption of “Kalamon” (“reed thickets”), see Milik, R. B. 60 (Oct. 1953), p. 538, paragraph 8. However, according to the descriptions of the Qumran “monastery” and caves, they were empty immediately after the suppression of the Jewish uprising, after which Christian monks could only settle in one of the buildings of the AinFesk complex. See de Vaux, R.B. 60 (Jan. 1953), pp. 83108; 65 (July 1958), pp. 4058; 66 (April 1959). pp. 2534 and PI. VII; etc. V.R.S. 2 (2.101); Wed V.A.s. 7 (853 sun). Theodore of Petra, V. Theodosii p. 4; Paul of Elousa, V. Theognii (Anal. Boll. X) c. 5 (p. 82, 1.7). The character of some ruins suggests their late (medieval) origin; the Russian abbot Daniel (the time of his visit to the Holy Land was 11067), apparently, describes a functioning monastery with two churches (one of which contained the founder’s coffin) and a burial cave in which rested the miraculously preserved bodies of seven hundred monks (R.R.T.S. 6, p. 48), including the Monk Cyriacus (see p. vii). In the time of John of Würzburg (ca. 1160–70), the bodies may have already been transferred to Jerusalem (R. R. T. S. 14, p. 55, although the record of their transfer may be a later gloss). The extraordinary preservation of the bodies gave rise to a legend, widespread among medieval Western pilgrims, that all these monks died simultaneously from grief for the deceased Venerable Chariton. It is reported in the fourteenth century by Ludolph of Suchern (ed. Deyds, Stuttgart, 1851, c. xxxvii, p. 71). See Sir John de Mandeville (c. xix). Ed. E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis (T. und U. Bd. 49. 2). See below chap. vvii. “The Life of John the Hesychast” was written before his death. V. Char., p. 21, r. 31.5. Cyr. Scyth., V. Euthymii, cc. 68. H. L. c. 21; cp. Ruf. N. E. II. 8; H.M. c. 15; V.P.G' c. 120; Ep. Am. c. 29. N. L. s. 35; Wed N. M. s. 1 (in Greek and Rufinian versions). V.A.s. 15; Ant. Er. IV (ed. Garitte). Er. IV. 567. “Etenim ex una sunt illi omnes cognoscibili essentia; et ex fuga eorum a Deo multa diversitas facta est inter eos propter varietatem operationis eorum; propter hoc etiam omnia haec nomina imposita sunt eis propter unamquamque operationem eorum; propter hoc quidam ex eis vocati sunt archangeli..." (Garitg's translation from Georgian). Bell, Jews and Christians, pap. 1913. Cm. Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze II (1928), pp. 2927; Heussi, Ursprung des Mönchtums, pp. 12931. I have lost another link. Cass. Coll. XVIII. 5 (Piamun of Diolcus). V.P.G" cc. 334.42, etc. Pachomiana Latina (ed. Boon), pp. 374.15568. V. P. Paral. XIII (p. 32). V.P.G1 cc. 42 (26.14) and 81 (54.21 and 25); Pack Lot., Praecepta 84: cp. Cyr. Scyth, V. Euthymii, c. 43 (ed. Schwartz, p. 64.17). V.P.G cc. 28 (18.1316), 40 (24.245); Praecepta 502. V.P.G'cc. 70 (48.10), 88 (59.15, 17:23), 131 (83.16), 136 (86.28, 87. 6:11). 144(90.27), 147(93.16:17); Paral. IX (c. 17, p. 140:1213); Praecepta 3.91, 100, 132. wEp. Am. cc. 10(101.32), 14(104.12:15), 22(111.9). V.P.G1 c. 144 (90.27); Praec. 28, 43, 91, 135; Praec. et Inst. 6, 8; Ep. Am. cc. 10 (101.31), 20 (109.11). Paral. VII, cc. 1516 (138.19,139. ​​4:8); Praec. 41, 80. V.P.G1 cc. 89 (60. 12:18), 121 (78.27); Praec. 116, 117. V.P.G1 cc. 18 (18.1012), 84 (57.48); Paral. VIII, c. 16 (140.23); Praec. 40,42,43,45, 53, 54; P. etJud. 5. V.P.G1 cc. 28, 589, 945, 110, 121; Ep. Am. cc. 19, 26; Jerome, Praef. ad. Reg. cc. 2 and 6; Praec. 13,15, 19, 24, 26, 312, 38,49, 59, 656, 81, 83, 85,99,137; Praec. et Inst. 17; Liber Orsiesii cc. 15, 18, etc. Paralipomena and Cassian do not report anything about the structure of houses, and although Palladius seems to talk about this when talking about the various occupations of the inhabitants of the Panopolis monastery, elsewhere in the same chapter he paints a completely different picture - τη αύλη, και τρεΐς κατά κέλλαν μενέτωσαν. However, the decisive evidence here is the evidence of the Vita Prima, Jerome and the Rule. V.P.G1 ss. 28 (19.45), 58 (40.1416), PO (72.1); Praec. 19, 20, 115, 122; Pr. et Inst. 1415; Pr. et Leges 5. V.P.G1 cc. 59 (40.22), 110 (72.23); Praec. 38,41,65,70; Pr. et L. 15; Lib. Ors. c. 26. V.P.G cc. 59 (40.20), 69 (47.10), 74 (50.2), 105 (68.37), 144 (91.1); Ep. Am. cc. 24 (112.35), 26 (114.24); Paral. I, p. 1 (123.6:10), IV, p. 7 (130. 25, 131. 10:17), EX, p. 27 (154:15), XII, p. 29 (156. 26), XV, p. 34 (159.11); Praef. ad Reg. c. 4 (6.7); Praec. 3,19,43,789,81,89,107,112,114,126; Pr. etL. 2. H. L. c. 32 (89. 5 – τρεις κατά κέλλαν μενέτωσαν). U. Monneret de Villard, // Monastero di San Simeone presse Aswan, 1927. V.P.G'cc. 14 (9. 1926), 79 (53. 21; in p. 144, p. 91. 1 καθισμάτιον may have a different meaning); Paral. XII, p. 2930 (156.27:38); Praec. 87, 88; N. L. s. 32 (89. 7: θρόνους οίκοδομητοϋς ύπτιωτέρους). V.P. G1 ss. 28, 54. 59, 95, 110, 1212, 134, 147; Ep. Am. Cc. 7.19; Praef. ad Reg. cc. 2 and 6; Praec. 1, 1516, 1921, 267, 301, 38, 402, 47, 534, 589, 6970, 79, 812. 84, 96, 101, 1046, 115, 133, 137; Pr. et Inst. V.P.G cc. 28, 84,95,121; Ep. Am. cc. 7, 19; Praef. ad Reg. c. 6. V.P.G cc. 28.86.145; Praef. ad Reg. c. 2; Praec. 1213,15,27,64,66, K Ä G' cc. 28, 54, 59, 61, 74, 78, 81, 110; Praef. ad Reg. cc. 2, 68; Praec. 49, 51, 535, 58, 81, 107, 111, 11819, 143; Pr. et Inst. 5, 10, 11,13,17; Pr. et lud. \3;Pr.etL. 4, 14; Ep. Pach. I–IV, VI; Ep. Theod. (106.7). Οικονόμος Pbou supervised the entire community, but unlike Pachomius, Orsisius or, say, Theodore, was not its head; V.P.G ss. 83, 114, 122, 124, 134, 138; Praef. ad Reg. With. 7. V.P.G'cc. 28 (18.3:29), 54 (37.3), 134 (84.22), 149 (94.24); N. L. s. 32 (94. 2: Aphthonius). Draguet (Le Museon, 57 (1944), p. 126; 58 (1945), pp. 412) denies the existence of the position of assistant rector in the Tavennisi community. However, the evidence of V. P. G1 and Palladium is confirmed by the Liber Orsiesii, to which four successive sections are addressed. Especially when it comes to cutting reeds (θρύα θρυαλλίς possibly Plantago crassifolia, a genus of plantain - approx. lane), used for twisting ropes and weaving mats - V. P. G1 ss. 23, 51, 71, T6, Er.At.s. 19; Paral. V. s. 9 (133.8:11). Usually these plants were cut on the Nile Islands. For agricultural work in general, see Praec. 24, 5865, 80; for grain cultivation see V.P.G1 p. 106 (70.1); about growing Praec fruit. 76–7, about collecting wood for construction and crafts Er. Am. With. 22, about collecting firewood ibid, p. 27, about shepherding – Praec. 108; about shearing goats Er. Pack. VIII. V.P.G ss. 32 (MS. Athen. 1015 or V. P. G2c. 29), 103,11617,139, 146 (92. 23: εις τό όρος οπού οί τάφοι των αδελφών ώς άπό μιλίων τριών), 149; Parai. III, p. 6 (130. 10); Praec. 1279. The coffins at the foot of the eastern slope of Jebel al Tarif (higher up, halfway up the cliff, are the tombs of the Sixth Dynasty) are separated from Pbow by a distance of five miles, but their dating and specificity are quite consistent with the description given in the Lives. Gnostic papyri were found in one of these coffins, which in itself is an extremely important find (Doresse, Les livressecrets, pp. 149–51). Was there another burial site somewhat east and closer to Pbow? V.P. Gcc. 28 (18.1719), 59 (40.2641.1), 109 and 113; Er. Am. ss. 2 and 29; Paral. IX, p. 213; Praec. 46, 56, 118, 142. Ibid, p. 32 (MS. Athen. 1015). Er. Am. With. 2 (97. 2798. 1: Βαΰ, έν τω άνω Διοσπολίτη νόμω τυγχάνοντι). V.P.G from 29 and the Coptic Lives call him Serapion. However, Athanasius, in his message sent from Rome to Serapion of Thmuis, which follows Er. Fest. XI (“Eleventh Feast Epistle”), says (P.G. 26, 1413c) that “in Tentira [became] Andronicus instead of his father Saprion.” Saprion is mentioned among other Egyptian bishops who went to Tire in 335; G2, which is also followed by the Latin text of Dionysius Exigius, calls him Aprion, which is obviously a corruption of the original “Saprion”. Ibid, p. 83; Vies Copies, S5, p. 52 these chapters of the Coptic Lives contain a lot of valuable information. Athanasius, Er. Fest. XIX (347) gives (P. G. 26:14308) the names of all the bishops appointed after his expulsion in 339. From here we learn that “... in Pano[polis], since Artemidorus, due to old age and weakness of strength, asked for this, Arius was appointed under him.” In 335 Artemidorus was in Tire. Several bishops named Arius were present in 343 at Sardis. V.P.G1 s. 81; V. S. S5c. 54. K L G'c. 82; KS. B0 s. 55. V.P.G' s. 80; V. C. B0 s. 56. V.P.G1 p. 83; V. N. V ° N. 57.0 The position occupied by Petronius in Tesmin is stated only in the Coptic text. This is confirmed by V.P.G'c. 114(75.9). V.P.G1 ss. 114 and 117; see my article in Studia Patristica II, pp. 379 ff, "A Note on the Chronology of the Pachomian Foundations." V.P.G' c. 134 (84.278); Wed H. L. c. 33. V.P.S c. 112, where their names Philo and Movit (Mowi Mouis) are indicated. The appointment of Philo to Thebes instead of another Philo is stated in the letter of Athanasius to Serapion (P. G. 26, 1413c). The name Masis given in Er. Fest. XIX (1430c) to Ammonius' successor in Latopol (Laton) is probably a corrupted Movit characteristic of the Syriac language. Both of these names, Philo and Movit, are included both in the list of persons who signed the decisions of the Sardinian Council, and in the number of those who were sent into exile in 356. Athanasius, in his letter to Dracontius, speaks of Mobitus in Thebaid (Μουΐτοΰ έν τη άνω Θηβαί'δι) and Paul in Latopolis as examples of monks who became bishops. The Coptic account of the Synod of Latopol, preserved in Amelino's Arabic version (pp. 5915), differs from the Greek version and appears less reliable. V.P.G pp. 36. 19, 54. I, 66. 32, 74. 1, 81. 4. Other similar places 11.21, 16.15, 17.2, 23.17, 25.9, 77. 32, 78. 28 do not look so definite, but the plural form κοινόβια is never used in G1. Ibid, pp. 13.17, 37.6, 54.17, 60.12, 81.1, 7, 84.21, 86.7. Praef. ad. Reg. With. 1 (p. 4. 3 and 9); Er. Theod. (105.15); Lib. Ors. pp. 116. 16, 18, 125. 11,142. 23. In “Lavsaik” only Pachomius is called an archimandrite (however, this term is used once in relation to another person p. 63. 21). This word is not found either in G1 or in early Greek-language sources or Coptic documents (except the Lives) related to the Pachomius monastery; the only exceptions are the later titles (see Lefort, Oeuvres de S. Pachome etdeses Disciples, C. S. C. O, scr. Copt, torn. 23–24). This concept probably came from Syria, where the monastic monastery was often called the word μάνδρα “corral.” It appears in 375 in the inscription of a letter to Epiphanius from Acacius and Paul, μοναστηριών, the region of Chalkis and Beroa (of course, Akaki later became the bishop of Beroa), where he (Epiphanius) is invited to compose the Panarion. However, the concept of “archimandrite” has never received a final explanation. N. L. s. 32 (94.1) Palladius does not give the name of the monastery, but the fact that we are talking about Pbou is beyond doubt. N.L. 10s. cit. (94. 5–6): Palladius, who visited the monastery near Panopolis, provides interesting information about both it and the nunnery, located on the opposite bank of the Nile (cf. V. R. C p. 134, p. 84. 278). V.P.G1 ss. 78 (52.2653.1), 83, 122, 148 (93.245); Praef. ad Reg. ss. 78 (the number 50,000 given by Jerome, of course, should be divided by ten); Er. Pach. V and VII; Er. Theod. V.P.G1 s. 113 (δύο δε ήσαν μόνα όλου τοΰ κοινοβίου). V. With S5 ss. 53, 54 tells that these boats were donated by a noble resident of Kus (Apollonopolis) and Arius, Bishop of Panopolis. However, the monastery very early acquired its own small boat cf. V.P.G ss. 601, 71. V.P.G1 ss. 109,113,120; Er. Am. ss. 2 and 29. V.P.S. 146 (92.1314). Wed. Praec. 11819. V.P.G1 ss. 28 (19.35), 77 (52.2), PO (72.1), 131 (82.356), 145 (92.2); Praec. 202.138; Praec. et Inst. 15; Pr. et L. 12. H. L. c. 32 (88.1089. 6 and 95.612). Jerome, Praef. ad Reg. c. 5 (7. 5–13) writes the following: “Aliis diebus comedunt qui volunt post meridiem... Omnes pariter comedunt.” This daily meal is confirmed by Praec. 103 (Coptic text preserved): “Ad meridiem, quando fratres convocantur ad cibum.” The midday strikes called the brethren first to the refectory, and not to service at Synaxis. Therefore in Praec. 91, 100 and 102 it is assumed that after work or some other activity the brethren could go both to “Synaxis” and to the refectory; see Praec. 36: "qui percutit et ad vescendum congregat fratres." In G' c. 52 we find Pachomius having recovered from his illness, when κρούσαντος τοΰ οικονόμου φαγεΐν, having girded himself and gone in good health to the fraternal τράπεζα and eating food there. In the village 69 (46.8–11) even more clearly: μή μείνης εως όψέ, άλλά άπελθών φάγε ώς πέντε κλάσματα, καί τό διδόμενον αύτοΐς έψητόν γεΰσαι. Consequently, this meal could be ημέρας or όψέ. Jerome's "Omnes pariter comedunt", if it means that all the brethren ate together, is incorrect, ημέρας, no doubt, means "in the day", as in Praec. 103. But what does όψέ mean? We find the same word in p. 55, when Pachomius arrives at Monkhosis (Mouchonsis) and όψέ τη ώρα τοΰ γεύσασθαι ήτοίμασαν; and in the village 84 (57. 10), where Tithoes μή άπελθών όψέ εις τήν τράπεζαν φαγεΐν. This second meeting apparently took place after the service in the “Synaxis”, after which the brethren could go either to the cells or to the refectory “Dimissa collecta singuli egredientes usque ad cellulas suas vel usque ad vescendi locum”. Accordingly, in G1 s. 40 guests εύχήν εις πρέποντα και ήσυχον τόπον οντες έσθίειν και άναπαύεσθαι. At this time (pp. 967) Pachomius, visiting Tavennisi, addressed the brethren with a word, after which, hastening to return to Pbou, άπήλθεν μή γευσάμενος. Β Paralipomena IV, p. 7 The Origenist monks, remaining with Pachomius until the ninth hour, refuse to eat the food offered to them, εύξάμενοι δέ και συνταξάμενοι άπήλθον; in IX, p. 17 talks about how Pachomius comes to prayer with the brethren, then, when the prayer ends and εξελθόντων αυτών έπί τό γεύσασθαι, he remains in the “Synaxis” and continues the prayers άπό ώρας δεκάτης εως ού κρούσωσιν τοις άδελφοΐς τήν νυκτερινήν λειτουργίαν - that is, until the clock. Thus, the Rule and early Greek sources confirm the presence of at least two communal meals: one in the afternoon, the other after the service in Synaxis around the ninth hour. V.P.G s. 28 (18.89); Praef. ad Reg. With. 5 (7.113). The fact that the evening teaching was delivered after the meal is also stated in V. P. G1 p. 77 = V. C. B0 s. 69 (Theodore must deliver the sermon in the usual place (Florentine MS does not say this) see Ambrosian, Athenian, Vita Tertia and Coptic). See also V. C. B0 p. 29 and V.R.S p. 71 (48.235). However, in V.P.G1 s. 97 (65.19) Pachomius, after the sermon and the concluding prayer, leaves without taking part in the meal. Er. Am. ss. 2–7.0 that the usual place of sermons was not “Synaxis” at all, is evidenced by the corresponding phrases, for example. V.P.G1 s. 77 (52.2): Paral. I. s. 1 (122. 12): εις ώρισμένον τόπον της μονής. So, if we are talking about Pachomius, we cite only Greek sources, you can refer to V. P. G ss. 479, 567, 63, 75, 967, 102; Password IX, pp. 1920, XVII, pp. 3741. For Theodore V. R. G1 ss. 131, 135, 1402; Er. Am. ss. 23, 28. For Orsisia V. P. G1 ss. 118, 126. See V.P.G1 p. 99 (66.37). Paral. XVII. It should be noted that the Greek of this homily is closer not to the language of the Paralipomena themselves, but to the language of the Vita Prima. Lefort, Oeuvres de S. Pachöme et de ses Disciples (C.S.S.O. 15960, scr. Copt., 234), pp. 1–24; also several other fragments of Pachomius pp. 2430, Theodora pp. 3762, Orsisia pp. 6682. V.P.G s. 58 (40.1014); Praec. 28. V.P.G 10C. cit. (40.14); Pr. et Inst. 14; Pr. et L. 10. V.P.G 10c. cit. (40.1518); Praec. 122. V.P.G' c. 61 (41.35); Paral. IX, c. 17 (140.17); Praec. 3, 5, 9; Pr. Et L. 2. V.P.G1 cc. 6061 (41.1516:356), 88 (59.21), 101 (67.22); Paral. IX, c. 17 (140. 17), p. 19 (143. 1314), XII, p. 29 (156. 28), XVI, p. 35 (160. 1314); Praec. 24. Paral. IX, c. 19 (143.14), X, p. 26 (154.8) and possibly IV, p. 7 (130.19) indicate morning teachings after the night service. Wed. Praec. 19. Praec. 379; VP G' s. 111. P.Gl c. 99 (66.336); Praef. ad Reg. c. 9 (8.199.5). Palladium (N. L. p. 32,90.491.6) probably misunderstood what he heard. V.P.G1 cc. 945 and 147 (93.19); see also Ep. Am. With. 7, which says that about twenty monks lived in this house. V.P.G1 s. 99; V. C. B0 s. 196 (r. 216. 1626); S3b, p. 341.816; S21 r. 389.278. See Ladeuze, S. P., pp. 32ff, Lefort, V. C. S. P. XlXII, Halkin, S. P. KG, p. 90. Χάρισμα διακρίσεως πνευμάτων, V. Α. 876Β, 900Α, 965Β: δοθεϊσαν χάριν εις τήν διάκρισιν των πνευμάτων, V. Α. 908d: “cor scientiae et spiritum discretionis”, Ep. Ant. IV. 29 (cf. I. 66). διάκρισις πνεύματος, V. R. S 34. 5, 51. 17, 22, 58. 24, 64. 30, 73. 22 (δ. πνεύματος αγίου); διακρίνω 6. 18, 8. 6, 35. 16, 58. 24, 64. 2, 73. 18: έάν μή ακρότατος διακριτικός εύρεθή 85. 19. Τί πλεΐον τοΰ εχειν πνεύμα άγιον; V.P.G1 85.2. mEp.Ant. II. 7, 27, 29; VI. 31. Ibid., II. 27, VI. 30, VII.9. If we do not consider the baptismal formula given in Vita Prima (1.13), God the Holy Spirit is mentioned there only three times (31.17, 50.14,88.10), although the corresponding adjective is not given. In other cases, when there is an adjective, there is usually no article (33.7, 73.22, 85:2), as a result of which the corresponding passages should be translated as “holy spirit”; if it (the article) is present, we are still most likely talking about a special holy spirit resting on a person, but not about God the Holy Spirit (42.3, 69.6, 76.32). 58.245 speaks of “the ability to discern spirits, to distinguish the spirits of evil from the [Spirit] of the Holy”; and, as an example, in 48.79 there is a story of two monks who received: one the spirit of obedience and command, the other the spirit of unbelief. Er. Ant. II. 27, III. 35, IV. 16.108, V. 34, 39.45, VI. 16,26, 29, 30, 37, 43, VII. 9. Likewise, in the Coptic Catechism of Pachomius the name of Jesus is used separately six times, in the Catechism of Theodore once, and in the Catechism of Orsisius twice. V.A. ss. 315 (88993); V.P.G' s. 3 (3.311). Ibid, p. 120. The Coptic account of this journey and conversation (K C. S5 pp. 119–23) differs significantly from the Greek. However, despite a number of interesting details, it is clearly of a secondary nature and appears historically unreliable where it diverges from the Greek version. Ruf. Ya. E. XI. 7; Socr. N. E. IV. 25; Soz. N. E. III. 15; I.L.s. 4 (20.612). G Ant. 34. Ammon also visited Antony and apparently did so several times G Am. Nitr, 1; V.A. With. 60 (where the distance from Nitria to Mount Antonia, probably the Inner Mountain, is estimated at thirteen days' journey). I.L.s. 10 and Butlers Note 18. If Pambo died at the age of seventy during Melania's stay in Nitria, that is, in 374, it follows that he was born in 304. I.L.s. 12. Benjamin died at the age of eighty after the arrival of Palladius in Cellium and before the installation of Dioscorus as bishop of Damanhur, that is, about 391, as a result of which we can consider 311 as the year of his birth. Apothegma (G Benj. 2) speaks of him as a priest of the Cells. I.L.s. 18; Y. M. (Gr.) s. 23, (Lat.) p. 29. He died at the age of one hundred years in 393, sixty years after baptism (I. L. 58.34). I.L.s. 46. ​​He died fifteen years before the arrival of Palladius, that is, about 375. His return to his first cell occurs in the year 338. Y. M. (Lat.) s. 22; I. L. ss. 7 (25.89), 18 (47.224), 38 (120.78). Verba Seniorum, P. J. XIV. 16 (= Nau 293). I.L.s. 7; Ya. M. (Gr.) p. 20, (Lat.) p. 21. Pall. D.V.C.c. 17(106. 25:27). V.P.G' ss. 6 (4.29), 79 (53.18); Praec. 45, 54. The sick were allowed to drink wine here (Pg. 45), although this custom was not always accepted (To P. G1 53.18). Outside Kinovia, complete abstinence from drinking wine, even in the Skete, was considered as an individual ascetic practice. However, in K A. s. 7 (853e) complete abstinence is taken for granted. Pimen's words ό οίνος όλως ούκ εστι των μοναχών (G Roet. 19) sound in a response praising a certain monk for not drinking wine. Xois's words (G Xois 1) that wine harms a monk who lives according to God were said in response to the question of whether the third cup is not superfluous, and probably relate to Sisoes, who twice (G Sisoes 2:8) was forced to resolve the same problem and both times gave the same answer in the sense that the third cup would not be superfluous if Satan did not exist. In Sisoes 8 the occasion is a προσφορά in the monastery of St. Anthony, at which a “cnidion” of wine is served. Other stories about Skete (P. J. IV. 53 = Nau 144) and Cells (N 60; P. J. IV. 54 = N 148) talk about drinking wine on holidays. Macarius of Egypt (G Mac. Aeg. 10) did not refuse the wine offered to him, but for each cup he drank he did not drink water for the whole day. Paphnutius (G Paph. 2) usually abstained from wine, but after drinking a cup under the threat of the sword of an elder of robbers, he converted him to Christ. When Xanthius (G Hap. 2), who moved from Skete to Terenuf, was offered a cup of wine, the demon began to offend him, calling Xanthius a wine drinker, after which the monk calmly drank the wine and thereby drove out this demon. The prohibition against drinking wine by young monks (MS. Beglin Phil. 1724, 216 b = N (Guy) 592–45, last story in Evergetinos III. 42) leads to demons entering old monks and offering them wine. Joseph of Panefis treated his guests to wine, while he and his disciples drank a mixture of sea and fresh water (G Eulogius). Er. Am. With. 19 (108.1). See also V.P.G p. 134 (84.30) women's monasteries were occupied by ώμόλινα νήθειν εις τους λεβίτωνας. Ep. Am. c. 32(118. 1416). I L.c. 46 (134.1314); Ep. Am. c. 32 (118.37 119.4). I'm L.cc. 10, 12.46; An. 10c. cit. P. G. XXV, 52334. The dating of this message (3534) is determined by the reference (532d), announcing the departure of Serapion and Ammonius to other lands (cf. Soz. Η. Ε. IV. 9; Festal Index, P. G. XXVI. 135c; and Hist. Aceph. 3, P. G. XXVI. 1443 BC). Ibid., 532A. However, Athanasius, speaking of Movitus in Upper Thebaid and Paul in Latopolis, could have confused the dioceses. According to the holiday messages, Movit was the bishop of Latopolis, and Philo of Thebes. See above, note 57. Ath. Apol. de Fuga 7; Hist. Ar. 72; Ep. Am. c. 32; Jerome V.H.U. c. 30. G Am. Nitr. 1. Wed. with a question to which the Monk John Climacus does not answer: why are there not as many lamps among the inhabitants of the holy Tavennisiot monastery as among the inhabitants of the Skete? P.G. 88.1105s. Ibid. (47.24, 56.15). See also p. 20 (63.13), where Macarius tells Paul of Thermia that for sixty years now he has been performing “one hundred prescribed prayers.” He was baptized sixty years before his death N. L. s. 18 (58.34). Sozomen, N. E. III. 14.3, writes that he became a priest later than his Egyptian namesake, that is, after 340. Ibid. (52.153.13). At the beginning of the next century in Syria, Saint Simeon the Stylite, who at that time was still quite a young man, provoked a similar reaction from the brethren with his excessive asceticism. Wed. with history published by Draguet (Le Museon 70, pp. 267306) from MS. V&t. 2091, ff. 9G10G, where it is included in N. L. s. 7 and may Draguet forgive me seems no more (but no less) reliable than the rest of the review in Lavsaika. See also the story in V. S. S1 pp. 35 (and S3 pp. 669). G Mac. Aeg. 7; Joh. Col. 6, 35; Esaias 5; Isaac Cell. 4, 7; Pior 1; P. J. XIV. 14. G Mac. Aeg. 39. 162GOlympius 1. See Evelyn White, History of the Monasteries of Nitria and of Scetis, p. VII. Evelyn White, History, p. VII. V.P.G' c. 120; Greg. Naz. Or. XXI, cc. 279; Festal Index A. D. 346. This happened forty-eight years before Palladius visited him, which most likely occurred in 394 N.L. 35 (105.16). Jerome, Chronicle (ed. Helm), p. 240 (A.D. 356) P.L. 27, 687. This date is confirmed in a letter written in 356 by Serapion of Temuis to the disciples of Anthony, preserved in Syriac and Armenian and published by Draguet (see Le Museon 64 (1951), pp. 125). 7 February 356: Ath. Αρ. de F. 24;Ap. adConst. 25; Hist. Ar. 48.81; Ep. Am. c. 31; Hist. Acep. 5; Festal Index (A.D. 356). Ath. Ap. de F. 7; Hist. Ar. 72; Jer. V. HU. 30; Ep. Am. c. 32. H. L. c. 63; Festal Index for A.D. 360. V.P. G1 cc. 1378;KC. B0 c. 185, S5 p. 165. mAmm. Marc.XXII\\;A.S. Boll. Oct. VIII, pp. 85688;G.C.S. 21 (Philostorgius), pp. 15175; Theod. H.E. III. 18. V.P. Gc. 137; V.C. B0 c. 185. Festal Index for A.D. 363. The decree against the bishop was delivered to the city on October 24, 362; the holiday message was sent from Memphis. V.P. G1 ss. 1434; Wed V.C. B0 ss. 2004. Ibid., p. 146(92.2293.12). Ibid, p. 149 (95.711) [See A. L. Khosroev, Pachomius the Great. St. Petersburg, 2004, p. 286]. Jerome, Chronicle (ed. Helm.), p. 240 (A.D. 357); P.L. 27.689. H. L. s. 1 (16.68); Socr. N. E. IV. 23. G Mac. Aeg. 33. The question of the origin of Deir Baramus (Deirel Baramus) is seriously considered in Evelyn White, History, p. VII. 3 (pp. 98107). See Studio Anselmiana 38 (Antonius Magnus Eremita), Garitte, Le Texte grec et les version anciennes (especially pp. 56), and Chr. Mohrmann, Note sur la version latine la plus ancienne (pp. 35–44). Sulpicius Sevems, Vita Martini c. 6 indicates that Martin established a monasterium in Milan even before the return of Ilarius. Eusebius of Verkel, who became a bishop in 345, established monastic order in his house even before the expulsion (355) Ambrose, Ep. LXIV. 66.9 The monastic movement was criticized from the very beginning. See Consultationes Zacchaeiet Apollonii, P. L. 20.10711166; ed. Morin, Florilegium Patristicum, fasc. 39 (1935). Jer. Ep. 3; Rufinus, Ap. adAnast. II. 12. H. L. c. 46 (134.13) [101]. Ibid., p. 18 (57.413) [19]. Socr. N. E. IV. 22; Soz. N. E. VI. 19; Theod. N. E. IV. 2022. H. L. c. 46; Paulinus, Ep. 29.11 [101]. Ruf. N. Ε II. 6; Socr. N. E. IV. 36; Soz. N. Ε VI. 38; Theod. N. Ε IV. 23 Ruf. N. E. II. 3; Socr. N. E. IV. 22 and 24; Soz. N. E. VI. 20. Jer. Chron. (ed. Helm), p. 248 (P.L. 27:697); Oros. Hist. adv.Pag. VII. 33 (PL. 31:1145). S. Mazzarino, Aspetti SocialidelIVSecolo (1951), p. 429, no. 92 holds that the law referred to here dates back to 376 and should not be associated with the dates given above. Thursday Er. 4.2; N. L. s. 46. WITH. /. IV. 24, XII. 33. In the first passage quoted, the author directly addresses the monks (μονάζοντες). Scientists concluded from this that the audience of St. Cyril was not limited to catechumens alone and that the baptized were also present here. However, the Coptic Lives of Pachomius indicate that at that time the monk could also be a catechumen of the Constitutional Court. V°ss.81, 193. N. L. s. 44; Wed Ruf. N. E. II. 28. P. G. 40, 1272–1274l (in fact, these chapters represent chapter 614 of his “Active Words”). Cassian swaps sadness (tristitiä) and anger. See Guillaumont, Les 'Kephalaia Gnosticá d'Evagre le Pontique (1962) and the extensive bibliography presented there (pp. 33947). Jer. Er. 108 (cf. also Ep. 46, Apol. c. Ruf. III. 22). Butler, Lausaic History, II, App. V.ii. Ibid, p. 38 (122.15) [72]; see Butler, App. V. ii, etc. See Butler, L. N. vol. I, pp. 198203; App. I and vol. II, n. 37, which challenges Preuschen's theory as presented in his work Palladius und Ruflnus. Butler (vol. I, p. 277) puts forward this assumption in an attempt to explain Sozomen, Η. E. VI. 29. 2. However, he adds that Sozomen “affirms that the author of what was written was Timothy, bishop of Alexandria; here he is clearly mistaken, for Timothy died in 385.” Perhaps Butler only used the Latin translation of Sozomen? In the Greek text, Timothy is not called “bishop of Alexandria,” but rather, these words can refer to both the archdeacon and the bishop. See M. JuUien, A la recherche de la grotte de !'Abbe Jean, Etudes 88 (1901), pp. 20518; see also Peeters (A.B. 54,1936, pp. 368 ff.) and Telfer (J.T.S. 38, 1937, pp. 37983). N. L. s. 36(107.1) [67]. For the dating of events before Jerome's arrival here, see Dom Pichery, Introduction to Cassian (Sources Chretiennes 42, pp. 9–13). For Poemenium, see Schiwietz II, 153. For the proximity to the Cave of the Nativity, see Cass. Inst. IV. 31. Inst. IV. 3031; Coll. XX. 1. Coll. XI. 2, 3; XX. 2. Collations XIXVII and XIXXXIV refer to Panefis. Coll. XVIII refers to Diolkos. Coll. XX. 12. Coll. 1X refer to Skete. Coll. VI. 1. It says here that Abba Theodore lived in Kelia. S. Marsili, 'Giovanni Cassiano ed Evagrio Ponticó, Studio Anselmiana 5, Rome, 1936. The two Lives, one belonging to Theodore the Studite, the other anonymous (ed. Pereteli), are compilations based mainly on apothegms from the alphabetical collection (P. G. 65). However, both these and other stories given by Barsanuphius and in some other sources were probably borrowed from some now lost ancient Life. Cyril of Scythopolis in Vita Euthymii writes about Arsenius as a model for Euthymius and mentions that Arsenius was once the mentor of Arcadius and Honorius (V. E. p. 21). G Arsenius 38. About Moses, see the apothegms under his name (it should be remembered that Moses is not alone) and the story in N. L. p. 19 [21]. Etherie, Journal de Voyage, ed. N. Petre, Sources Chretiennes 21 (Paris, 1948). G Ars. 36 and Rom. 1 (two versions of the same story?) Coptic version of Η. L. Amelineau, De Hist. Laus., p. 115. Er. 50 (Frankenberg, p. 599). However, this evidence is quite controversial, since the addresses have not been preserved: “I thank the Lord and your Holiness that you include me among your flock. However, for me, filled with all sorts of unworthiness, it is more beneficial to remain in the desert outside your pious flock.” Amelineau, op. cit. p. 118. N. L.c.W [12]; Socr. N. E. IV. 23; Soz. N. E. VI. 30; Wed Theophilus in Jer. Er. 92. Dioscorus was still a Nitrian presbyter when (391?) he led Palladius and Evagrius to Benjamin N. L. p. 12 [13]. By the time of the Council of Constantinople in 394, the appearance of a group from Olivet N. M. (Lat.) XXIII. 2nd writing by Bishop Ammon of the letter to Theophilus about the Tabennisiots Er. Am. With. 32 (119.4) - he has already become the bishop of Damanhur. Socr. N. E. VI. 2; Soz. N. E. VIII. 2. Jer. Ep. 82; In Joh. c. 37 (P.L. 23:390). Pall. D.V.S. c. 6 (35.11); Socr. N. E. V. 15, VI. 9; Soz. N. E. VIII. 3. Ruf. N. E. XI. 21, 23. 30; Socr. N. E. V. 16; Soz. N. E. VII. 15; Theod. N. E. V. 22. Rauschen, Jahrbücher, 3013; Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs... t. V, p. 534. G Bessarion 4. See also G Epiph. 2. Zoega, Catalogus 265, Nr. 160; see A. Favale, Teofllo dAlessandria, p. 70, also P. Barisou, Aegyptus 18 (1938) p. 66. Reg. Pach., Praefatio Hieronymi, p. 1. Eunapius, Vitae Sophistarum VI. 11.8. Der Papyruscodex saec. VI VII der Philippsbibliothek in Cheltenham,ed. Crum, Strasburg. 1915, S. 41 (translation pp. 656). De Oratione c. 108 is based on Ep. Am. c. 19. Epiph. c. Haer. LXX (Audiani), cc. 28. H.M. c. 8.55 (68.4950). Jer. Er. 51 (Epiphanius). Jer. Apoi. III. 24 (P.L. 23:475). N. L. s. 46 (136.78) [101]. Socr. Ya. E. VI. 7; Soz. Ya f. VIII. 11; Cass. Coll. Χ. 24. Socr. I. £VI. 9; Soz. I. £ VIII. 12. Pall. D.V.S. c. 6 (35.1436.5); Soz. 10c. cit. D.V.S.s. 6 (36.537.15); Soz, 10c. cit.; Jer. Ep. 92 (Theophilus). Soz. loc. cit.; D.V.S. c. 6 (37. 1538. 8) somewhat differently Jer. (Theophilus), loc. cit. D.V.S. c. 7 (38.939.24); Jer. (Theoph.), loc. cit. Perhaps the emperors wrote rescripts against Origen Jer. Apol. With. Ruf. I. 12; Anastas. Pap. Epist. I 5 (PL. XX. 72). D.V.C.cc. 78 (40.743.18); Soz. Ya. E. VIII. 13 I L.c. 35 (105.811). It is not directly stated that it was John who appointed him bishop. However, beyond any doubt, he gives him a responsible position at the Council of Constantinople 400 D. V.C.c. 14(87.11). Socr. Ya. E. VI. 11 and 17; Soz. Ya. E. VIII. 6 and 19; Pall. D.V.S.s. 15 (92.710). Pall. D.V.S.s. 3 (19.9); Soz. Ya. E. VIII. 26.8. Socr. Ya. E. VI. 10, 12, 14; Soz. Ya. E. VIII. 15. D.V.S.s. 17 (105.914); Soz. Ya. E. VIII. 17.5 (Socrates Socr. I. £ VI. 17 is not so well informed). Soz. I. £. VIII. 17.6; D.V.C.loc. cit. (105.69); I. £ s. 11 (34.1316). Soz. loc. cit. 45; about the cathedral "under the Oak" see Photius, Bibl. 59. Soz. I. £ VIII. 13; Socr. I. £VI. 9. Ibid. Palladius speaks here of two Isaacs. Presbyter Kelly may have been a student of Kronius. The Apophthegmata (G Isaac 5) says that he survived the destruction of Scete in 408. O.V.S.s. 3 (19.9); Soz. Ya. E. VIII. 26 (Message of Pope Innocent to the clergy and people of Constantinople). The Edict of Arcadius of August 29, 404 ordered John's supporters to return to their countries. D. To S. s. 3 (19.3); Chiys. Er. 148; Innocent, Er. 7 (= Soz. VIII. 26). D. To S. s. 4 (23.8; 24.1019). I.L.s. 35 (105.12). Chrysostom, Er. 113 writes that he is in hiding. D.V.S.s. 20 (126. 1820); I. L. Prol. (10.5). See also Butler, W. T. S. XXII, po. 86, r. 141. I. L. ss. 58–60. In the last chapter he writes of himself as an "exiled bishop." We can assume that this recording was made during Palladius’s stay at the Pachomian monastery in Panopolis (p. 32), where he became friends with Afphonius, assistant abbot of Fau. For the timing of the Dialogue, see ColemanNorton's Introduction, pp. lxvlxix. The supposed date of the “Dialogue” is July 408 or several months later. Chrysostom had already died (September 14, 407), and Heraclides of Ephesus spent four years in prison. In Antioch in 413 (JaffeWattenbach 305, 306, letter of Innocent); soon after this in Constantinople (Cyril, Ep. 75 epistle of Atticus of Constantinople, to which Cyril responds with an angry epistle Ep. 76); probably even in Alexandria around 418. I.L.s. 11 (34.1316; the text is questionable) [12]. Cass. de Inc. ss. 26 and 27. See Evelyn White, History, pp. 15161. G Moses 9; P.J. 1*5 (Nau 361). G Moses 10. However, Palladium Ya. L. s. 19 (62. 1315) writes that he died at the age of 75, without saying anything about his death itself or about the attack of the barbarians. Augustine, Er. Ill (Nov.? A.D. 409). Philostorgius (J. E. XI, 8) writes that under Arcadia the Mazices “devastated Libya and a large part of Egypt.” G Arsenius 21. Of course, Evelyn White (History, p. 162) is mistaken in connecting this apothegm with the second sacking of Scete (about 435), which happened twenty-five years after the sacking of Rome. Jer. Er. 108.34; Praef. In. Reg. Pach. With. 1. Pall. N. L. s. 54 (148.1) [103]; Wed Augustine, Epp. 1246. Melania, along with her people, left Rome and moved to Sicily (where Rufinus died) even before the invasion of Alaric. From there she went straight to Jerusalem, although the people accompanying her went to Africa. Vita Melaniae Junioris (Anal. Boll. 22: Sources Chretiennes90), p. I; N. L. s. 61 (155. 16156. 3) [104]. To M./ss. 1011, 15.1920; N. L.loc. cit. (p. 156). cc. 506. The reason for this was the marriage of Valentinian and Eudoxia. V. Petr. Ib. p. 29 erroneously dates this visit to coincide with their marriage to 425 (that is, twelve years earlier). The author of Vita Melaniae was directly involved in the events described, as a result of which we can accept his testimony. Jer. Epp. 143, 151, 153, 154. On the death of John, see message - Z0simus, Ep. 2aˆ4/psa/?cm (Coll. Avellana 46), dated September 21, 417, which speaks of John’s illness and a letter received from his predecessor Prailius. Augustine, de Gestis Pelagii 66 (P. L. 44:358). Jerome, Epp. 1357 (Innocent I), 1389. Aug. de G. Pel. 625; c. Julianum I. 19 (P. L. 44:6524); Jer. Epp. 138, 143; Marius Mercator, Comm. s. sweat. Caelestii III. 45 (P.L. 48:1001). Jer. Ep. 133. 3 'earn cujus nomen nigredinis testatur perfidiae tenebras'. Ruf. Pml. ad Urs. in Horn. Orig. in Num. (P.G. 12:586). Cm. Jer. Ep. 143 (Augustin) 'Sancti filii communes, Albina Pinianus et Melania, plurimum vos salutant'. Cm. Cavallera, S. Jerome, II. 56–63. Paral. IX. c. 17 (141. 13) ών τάς αρχάς ήμεΐς οί γράψαντες διήλθομεν. P. J. X. 114 (Nau 228); in G Mac. Aeg. 25 Macarius is already telling Pimen about the decline. G Poemen 166. Wed. G Joh. Col. 14; G Ischyrion; P.J. 1*5 (Nau 361); V. P. Paral. IX. c. 18(143.110). Paral. IX. c. 17 (140. 21) – τόν μέλλοντα πλατυσμόν γενέσθαι των μοναστηριών. This was already felt under Theodore V.P.G' ss. 127 and 140. For later times, see E. R. Hardy, Jr., The Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt, pp. 467 and Ρ Cairo 67286, 67347; Ρ Lond. 995, 996, 1152. Ep.Ant. 1.3541 =G Ant. 22. Ath. Ep. ad. Amunem Monachum (P. G. 26:116976). See also his article 'L'Exhortation au Renoncement attribuee ä Saint Basilé,' in Or. Chr. Per. XXI, 34, especially, pp. 3879. Represented by fragmentary S10 (Vies Coptes, pp. 21–39), which are largely supplemented by Amelino's Arabic text. Of course, Lefort is of the opposite opinion, and I have not yet been able to convince Father Gribomon. See Vies Coptes, Introduction, pp. lxxiiiilxxv and my article 'Pachomian Sources Reconsidered' in /. E. Η., Vol. V no. 1, especially pp. 6870. D.V.S.s. 6 (36.637.9). Plerophories XXXIV (R.O. VIII. 1). See Butler, 'Palladiana IG' in J. T. S. 22 (1921), pp. 22238, especially, p. 233. Draguet (Le Museon 57, p. 56) is probably not familiar with this article. See Bousset, Apophthegmata (Tübingen, 1923); J.S. Guy, 'Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apophthegmata Patrum' (Subsidia Hagiographica 36, ​​Brussels, 1962). Coptic Life of John Kolov, written in the seventh century by Bishop Zechariah of Sakh, A. M. G. XXV, pp. 316 ff; The Life of Psoi, attributed to John Kolov himself, is preserved in Greek (Life of Paesius, ed. Pomialovsky), Syriac (Α. Μ. S. III. 572620 - Life of Mar Bishoi) and Arabic (unpublished) in Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds arabe, No. 4796, ff. 119 sqq. Evelyn White (History, pp. 11115) mentions but does not use the Syriac version. A. M. G. XXV, b. 390 ff. Life of Bishoi (Arabic), f. 153; (Syriac) p. 604. This follows from the “Arab Life” (loc. cit.). The Syriac (p. 605) speaks only of 'Maris' (= Upper Thebaid); however, one of the stories about this period of his life says that he sends a student to an old man living near Antinoe (p. 611.1. 2), which indicates his (Antinoe's) closeness. Prince Omar Toussoun, 'Cellia et ses Couvents', Memoires de la Societe Royale d'Archeologie d'Alexandrie, Thoth. VII. 1 (1935). Evelyn White (History, pp. 1657,227,231, etc) claims that these towers allegedly existed already in the middle of the fifth century. However, the evidence on which he relies is quite late and unconvincing - the Coptic Synaxarion (Tobh 29) the life of the forty-nine martyrs of Scete (before Chalcedon) and the Syriac version of the legend of Hilaria, which talks about the construction of towers by order of Zeno. The construction of towers under Justinian is evidenced by the North of Ashmunein, Hist. Patr. (ed. Evetts, p. 193). Evelyn White, History, pp. 3279. G Poemen 75, 87,125; Anthony 3. G Poemen 183; perhaps Anoub 1. G Mac. Aeg. 25 (it is assumed that Macarius is already in his declining years). G Poemen 44; Isid. 5 and also the story that follows Isid in some manuscripts. 6 and presented in the Syriac text (Bedjan 425); G Zacharias 4 and 5 also talk about Pimen, and we are talking about the times of Isidore. G Poemen 46, 74, 101; Joh. Col. 13. G Poemen 61 tells how Joseph was surprised when he heard that Pimen called the young Agathon “Abba Agathon.” This corresponds to Rufinus's account of his meeting with Poemen and Joseph. Roethen 41 and 55 contain two stories about Alonius, to whom Agathon turns with questions (Alonius 4). However, Poemen 67 and N (Guy) 495 (= MS. Wake 67, f. 113r; MS. Berol. Phill. 124, 189 a) speak of a visit to Poemen by Agathon's disciple Abraham. The same Abraham appears in the Syriac collection of the works of Abba Isaiah, where he tells Isaiah stories about Agathon. In one of these stories (a very much distorted version of it is contained in G Agathon 1) Agathon is spoken of as a young monk from Thebaid, which corresponds to Poemen 61. All other stories speak of Scete. However, in G Agathon 28 and 29 Agathon is again on the Nile, apparently somewhere near Trogan (Tgoe), even before Arsenius arrived there (434?), which indicates that Agathon also left Scete after its first devastation. G Poemen 166, Zacharias 5, Moses 12. G Moses 1418 (in the best manuscripts); P. J. IV. 17; Syriac (Bedjan) 121*–7*. In G Poemen 180, the names of the two brothers are not actually given, but they can be established by reference to other sources. G Poemen 2 tells about Pimen asking Amon about Paisiy. This may indicate that there was only one Pimen. If he was born around 345, he might have achieved fame by 375 and might have lived into the forties of the fifth century. Berol. 1624, 176a (also in Evergetinos, II.6); N (Guy) 448. V. Petr. Ib. (ed. Raabe), pp. 857 (Syr.). Marc de Diacre, Vie de Porphyre eveque de Gaza, ed. H. Gregoire and M.A. Kugener, Paris, 1938. In my opinion, the publishers raised much greater doubts about the authenticity of this Life than they themselves expected. See also P. Peeters, La Vie Georgienne de S. Porphyre de Gaza in A. V. 59 (1941), pp. 65100 (text, pp. 101216). G Sisoes 28 – Sisoes says that he was seventy-two years old, and this points to the year 429 as the terminus a quo. See also G Sisoes 79,15, 18, 25. Sisoes 48 states that he visited the "Outer Mountain" of Pispir at least once. G Sisoes 21, 26, 50; Tithoes 5; Pistus. See also Sisoes 3. G Sisoes 17 and 26 – Amon of Raif. The second text says that Ammon visited Sisoe in Clysma, that is, as we can assume, no earlier than 429. Perhaps it is Ammon who asks questions of Pimen in G Att. Nitr. 2 in any case, this is not Ammon of Nitria. See Devreesse, 'Le Christianisme dans la peninsule sinaitiqué in Revue Biblique XLDi. 2 (April 1940), pp. 20523 in particular, p. 210 and p. 217 where objections are given to the identification of Raif with Thor. However, the story of Ammon about Raif is in one respect more consistent with the Torah: the plain extends far to the south, but the distance from the sea to the mountain wall is twelve miles. hin. Aeth. ss. 15. The church she found on the top of the mountain, in our opinion, was the church that is believed to have been built by the Syrian ascetic Julian Saba at the time when he stayed on this mountain, that is, around the year 360 (Ephraim, Hymn. XXde Jul. Saba in Lamy III, 91016; Theod. Hist. Ret. II, 1316 sun). Another Syrian hermit, who was separated from this ascetic by no more than one generation, Simeon the Ancient from Mount Aman, visited Sinai and prayed for a week on this peak (I. R. VI. 1361A1364 C). Mother Theodorit knew him. G Marc. 1; see also Marc. 2 and 3; Marc. 4 tells about the departure to Sinai. In G Silvanus 11, Moses asks Silvanus a question that corresponds to the time when they lived in Skete. G Silvanus 5; see also Silv. 4 and 8. Ed. Nau in R. O. VIII, p. 1789 from MS. Coislin. 127, f. 136. The same story is contained in MS. Wake 67, f. 95 (94)v; N (Guy) 403. Ed. Nau in R. O. VIII, p. 180 from MS. Par. 1596, f. 649; Evergetinos 11.11 (374c375b); MS. Cromwell 18, περί κατανύξεως (cf. P. J. III), p. 25; V. M. Add. 28825 (Ascetic Anthology of Nicodemus Rhacendytus) c. 103 (ff. 445); Sin. 448, 726. MS. Par. 1596, ff. 6479; Everg. II. 11 (371; not noticed by Busse as being under the heading Παλλαδίου); Nie. Rhac. With. 104 (ff. 45–6); Christ and ParanikasXXDi*; Sin. 448, 758. Nie. Rhac. c. 105 (ff. 46 sqq.); Pitra, Jur. Eccl. Gr. Hist, et Mop. II, p. 220; Chr. and P. XXX*; Sophronius and John (Moschus) talk about the Nile. Soz. I am E. VI. 32, IX. 17. The last passage tells how Zechariah, a very learned man, used a non-canonical Hebrew book to explain why a child in royal robes was buried at the feet of the prophet Zechariah. N (Guy) 50911 (cf. Berol. 1624,191с 193а; Wake 67, f. 118; Armenian 10*171); three stories about Zeno are told in the first person (the narrator tells what Zeno's student told him about). In the Armenian version they follow extracts from Isaiah, as a result of which we can assume that this narrator could well be Isaiah himself. G Zeno 1, 3,6, 8. G Zeno 5 tells of his stay in the Skete, which most likely takes us back to the period before 380. Plerophories VIII call him methkarkänä (gyrovagus, that is, “loitering” (“circling”) monk approx.). See also Pleroph. L.H., V. Petr. Ib., p. 47. V. Petr. Ib. p. 50; Pleroph. VIII. Vita Esaiae by Zacharias Rhetor, ed. Brooks, S. S. S. O. Sen Syri. III. 25, 1/16(1/10). Op. cit. p. 4 The monastery is not named here by its own name, but in the Syriac monument Isaiah is spoken of specifically as Isaiah Skitekom, which is confirmed in the corresponding stories. In Pleroph. XII states that in 431 he was still in Egypt. p. 9; V. Petr. Ib. p. 102. V. Es. pp. 910; V. Petr. Ib. p. 102. V. Es. p. 9.1. 24; Pleroph. XLVIII (101.13). G Poemen 183; probably also G Anoub 1; John, whom we are talking about here, came from Syria and did not know Coptic. G Theodore of Enaton (196v197d), Lucius (253vs), Longinus (256s257v); many other stories about Longinus from the unpublished manuscripts of Guy VII's Systematic Collection. 13; XV. 113, 114; XVI. 7; XVIII. 11, 12; XIX. 7, 9; in the "Anonymous Collection" N (Guy) 55861. See also N (Guy) 541 (Eulogius) and 585. The memory of Longinus in the Arabic (Jacobite) Synaxar (R.O. XI, pp. 764 ff.) falls on January 27, it says that he and Lucian (Lucius?) the elder were Cilician monks who left their homeland after Lucian was elected abbot. After living for some time in Syria, Longinus came to Enaton, where he became abbot, after which Lucian joined him. A more detailed account of Anaton can be found in P. Van Cauwenbergh, Etude sur les moines d'Egypte, pp. 6472. The Arabic Synaxarion (P. O. XI, 766 ff.) tells how the news that came from Chalcedon was received here. Severus was exiled here in 518, and here his disputes with another exile, Julian of Halicarnassus, began. Justinian's letter contra Monophysitas (A. D. 54046: P. G. 86. i, 110346) is addressed to the monks of Aenaton. Later (in the same sixth century) the Monophysite patriarchs, who refused to enter Alexandria, chose Anaton as their residence - see Severus of Ashmunein, History of the Patriarchs (ed. Evetts), pp. 206, 210. Its monasteries were sacked by the Persians in 617 - ibid. r. 221. I do not repeat here the well-known story about the unrest of the monks who supported St. Cyril and opposed the prefect Orestes, and about the murder of Hypatia Socr. N. E. VII. 1415. Chronicle of Zacharias of Mitylene, IV. 1; V. P. Ib. pp. 645. L'Asceticon copte de l'abbe Isafe, fragments sahidiques edites et traduits par Antoine Guillaumont publications de l'Institut francais d'Archeologie Orientale, Bibliotheque d'etudes coptes tome V, Cairo, 1956. This small meeting begins like this: “My brothers, everything I saw and heard from the holy fathers, I tell you, without hiding anything and without adding anything.” What follows are stories very close to those we find in G Anoub 1; Paphnutius 3; Cronius 1 (Cronius is not named); Atoip (“Nitrian”) 2; Peter Pionita 2; Agathon 1, 2, (1112), 23, 24, 29", 3, 8, 9, 10, 16 (much more complete); additional material about Agathon, not so clearly presented in the Alphabetical Collection; Pistus. All material related to Agathon is presented as a story from Agathon's disciple Abraham to Abba Isaiah. The compiler of the Alphabetical Collection, having found the first story about Agathon, immediately following the words of Peter the disciple Lot, spoken to Isaiah (who in the Syriac monument asks questions in the first person), decided that these words were spoken by Peter to his brother. Accordingly, G Agathoh 1 begins with the words: “Abba Peter [the disciple] of Abba Lot said...” Oratio 27 (P.G. 40:11937). In the margins of MS. Cromwell 14 contains a lot of additional material. R.O. XI. 4, pp. 458–71. All additional material from Cromwell 14 is also included here, but in a different order and in a slightly different version. It should be noted that the material common to all Greek manuscripts is given in the same sequence for both Isaiah and Ammon; the materials contained in the Cromwell 14 fields are in different places and in different orders here and at Ammon. Ed. Gamier, vol. II, 76775 (535A540D). Or. 25. A number of passages in this epistle have correspondences in the Macarius corpus. However, this similarity does not extend to literal citation and cannot be a sufficient basis for us to make these works dependent on each other. See Villecourt, Note sur une Lettre de l'abbe Isáie α l'abbe Pierre, R. O. C. 22 (19201), pp. 546. Or. 28. The Greek manuscripts usually give a short version of this work. A more extensive version survives in Syriac and partly in Coptic fragments, in additions to the margins of Cromwell 14 and in excerpts in the Alphabetical Apophthegmata. Recently Mr. Timothy Ware has identified a complete Greek version, many times larger than the normal Greek text, attributed in an eleventh century manuscript to Mark the Monk Atheniensis 549, pp. 43363. Eg. in Qalb Loze. See Lassus, Sanctuaireschretiennes de Syrie, p. 279, pi. xlvi. Or.8.6(/׳. G. 40, 1133c). Pleroph. LXI, p. 119; Wed XXI, p. 45; XXVI, p. 65; LVI, p. Ill; LXXXVI, p. 140. V. P. Ib. p. 56; cp. Pleroph. LXXVIII, p. 135. A similar story, proving the reality of the “Chalcedonian Eucharist,” is in the Greek collection (Paris gr. 1596) and published in L. O. VIII. pp. 1745. R.O. VIII. r. 164 (also from Paris gr. 1596). Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Euthymii, p. 2. He was part of the delegation sent for Nestorius (Schwartz, Act. Cone. Eph. III. 17:21), and reported on how its mission ended (II. 9.17; III. 18. 5). See also II. 4. 38, 20. 1, 34. 29, 59; VII. 85.38. ss. 30 (49.18) and 37 (56.5). For his writings see Sigalas, Des Chrysippos von Jerusalem Enkomion auf den hl. Johannes den Taufer – Texte und Forschlingen zur byzantinischneugriechischen Philologie, Nr. 20 (1937). Sigalas gives the text of the Praise (Encomium) to John the Baptist, talks about his other “Praises” (the Most Holy Theotokos, Archangel Michael) and gives a very detailed bibliography. On the influence of Hesychius of Jerusalem on him, see Martin, R. N. E. 1939, pp. 5460. See K. Jüssen, Die dogmatischen Anschauungen des Hesychius von Jerusalem (1931 and 1934); articles by S. Martin, R. Η. E. 1935, pp. 3569 and R. Η. E. 1939, pp. 5460. For the fact that he died after Chalcedon, see Pleroph. X. V. E. With. 16 (17.3) – μήπω τοΰ έπταμηνιαίου κληρωθέντος χρόνου. According to the Narratio de obitu Theodosii Hierosolymorum et Romani monachi (ed. Brooks, C.S.C.O., scr. Syr., sen tertia, XXV), p. 27, the memory of Passarion and Romanus falls on November 25 (Teshrin II), that is, it is celebrated six days earlier than the memory of Peter of Alexandria. However, in the PalestinoGeorgian Calendar (ed. Garitte, Brussels, 1958) the memory of Peter falls on November 25, and Passarion on November 21. The above-mentioned calendar connects the celebration of the memory of Passarion with πτωχεΐον. See also Narr, de ob. Theod., 10c. cit. and V. Petr. Ib., p. 35. To Petr. Ib., ibid.;cp. Pal. Georg. Calendar for November 3. For the first time, Savva was received in Jerusalem here (To Sabae, p. 6). ss. 49, 56. See also V. Petr. Ib. pp. 2730. V. M. J. s. 49 (34.246); V. Petr. Ib. p. 31. V. E. ss. 27 (42.1214), 43 (62.20), 45 (67.15). p. 32. Peter was only twenty years old (see p. 33). Pleroph. XLII; V. Petr. Ib. p. 50.42 V.M.J.cc. 578; V. Petr. Ib. p. 33. V.E.c. 20 (33.28), but see Act. Cone. t. II. 3, p. 444, 17 ff. V.E.c. 27 (41. 12:16) cp. Act. Cone. t. II. 6, p. 14. Zach. Mit. Chr. III. 3. Wed. Pleroph. XX (42.15) and XXV (58.1259.3); V. Petr. Ib. p. 52.19. Zach. Mit. loc. cit.; V.E.c. 27 (41.2242.1); G Gelasius 4. Zach. Mit. loc. cit.; Pleroph. X (24.417), XXV (61.914), LVI (111.13113.4); V. Petr. Ib. p. 52.913. Evagr. N. E. II. 5; Zach. Mit. loc. cit. V.E.c. 27 (42.15); G Gelasius 4 (149CD); V. Petr. Ib. p. 52.1353.4; Pleroph. XXV (61.1462.9); Evagr. N. E. II. 5 (52.157). V. Petr. Ib. pp. 536; Zach. Mit. Chr. III. 4; Evagr. loc. cit. (52.1719). Pleroph. XXV. The decisive role of Romanus in the rise of Theodosius, without a doubt, was the basis for his expulsion from Antioch. J. Mosch, p. 107; Vita Divi Hieronymi. Medieval Roman pilgrims had heard nothing of Gerasim; even when the initial consonant is softened, the named names differ significantly from each other. The story about his system is presented in p. 35 Vita Euthymii "Augustan" edition (Jerusalem, 1913), based on Sinai MS. 524. It is also incorporated into the “composite” Life of Gerasim, attributed to Cyril of Scythopolis, published by Cleopas Koikilides και άγιου Γερασίμου - Jerusalern, 1902), the Syriac version of which is kept in the British Museum - MS. Add. 12174 (ff. 244 ff.). See also A. Gregoire, 'La Vie anonyme de S. Gerasimé in Β. Z. 23 (1914), pp. 11935. Evagr. N. E. II. 5 (52.217); Zach. Mit. Chr. III. 56; Pleroph. X. (2224); V.E.c. 30 (47.10). Deob. Theod. 21.46; V. Petr. Ib. 57. 1720. Deob. Th. 2HL9; Pleroph.XXW (62.1112). Deob. Th. 21.1013; V. Petr. Ib. 57.1217. Zach. Mit. Chr. III. 7; V. Petr. Ib. 58.1. Deob. Th. pp. 213; Zach. Mit. Chr. III. 9 gives another version of his captivity. Pleroph. XXW (62.1063.5). Deob. Th. 26.1023; V.E. (49.12) erroneously dates the founding of the Tekoa monastery to this time. V. Petr. Ib. 648; Zach. Mit. Chr. IV. 12; Evagr. N. E. II. 8. V. Petr. Ib. 6970; Zach. Mit. Chr. IV. 39; Evagr. N. E. II. 911. V. Petr. Ib. 70.1922; Zach. Mit. Chr. IV. 10; Evagr. N. E. II. 11. Liberatus (P. L. 68), c. 16; Evagr. N. E. III. 11; cp. Zach. Mit. Chr. V.4. The unrecognized successor of Salofakiol as Patriarch of Chalcedon, John Thalaia, was also a Tabennisiot from Canopus (Zach. Mit. Chr. V. 6; Liberatus, p. 16; Severus, Hist. Patr. 183). Paul also came from there, installed as Patriarch of Chalcedon in 537 and deposed three years later (Liberatus, p. 23; Hist. Patr. 202). The chronicler Victor of Toppipa, who refused to condemn the Three Chapters, was sent here by Justinian around 560 with some other persons (P. L. 68, 961 ff.). See van Cauwenbergh, op. cit. pp. 1539. V. Petr. Ib. 64; Zach. Mit. Chr. IV. 1. V. E. ss. 27 (42.13.44.7) and 30 (49.8). Soup Scyth., V. Theogn. 241.18242.3; Paul. El., V. Th. (Anal. Boll. 10). V. Petr. Ib. 35; Deob. Theod. 27. V. Petr. Ib. 445; see Chabot, 'Pierre Pierre, in R. O. L. III, p. 309. V. Petr. Ib. 45; see Vincent and Abel, Jerusalem Nouvelle, fasc. Ill, pp. 51617. V. Sabae, c. 31 (116.67); V. Theod. p. 236.1113. V.E.c. 30 (49.202); V. and A. fasc. Ill, pp. 544 and 547. V. Petr. Ib. 35; V.S.c.6 (90.201). V. Cyriaci, p. 224.1315. V. Theod. (Cyr. Sc.) p. 236; (Theod. Petr.) c. 7. V. Th. (C.S.) p. 236.35; (Th. P.) c. 3. V. Th. (C.S.) p. 236.58. V. Th. (C.S.) p. 236.1417; (Th. P.) c. 7. V. Th. (C.S.) p. 236. 235. p. 237.26; V.E.c. 8 (16.1016); V. S. c. 29 (114.36). V. Th. (C.S.) p. 237.710; (Th. P.) c. 7; V. S. c. 29 (114.68). V. S. c. 14 (97. 19–21) indicates that Theodosius had not yet founded his own monastery when Savva was given the location of his monastery in 478. A description of the antiquities of the monastery of St. Theodosius is given in the work of E. Weigand, 'Das Theodosiosklöster', published in V. Z. 23 (1914), pp. 167216. The birthplace of Saint Sava Mutalaska is usually identified with modern Talas. V. S. ss. 12. With. 9. Should we resist the temptation to see here an indication of a regimental (military) priesthood? Each part (numerus) had its own priest and deacon Soz. N. £1.8. Senator in Greek papyri is transliterated as σινάτωρ. See Jones, Later Roman Empire, p. xvii, pp. 6323 and paragraph 55. V. E. With. 33; see also V.S. ss. 11 (95.45) and 15 (98.1214), as well as V. Cyr. 224.10. s. 37. After Cosmas became Metropolitan of Scythopolis in 467, the place of guardian of the Holy Cross was taken by his brother Chrysippus, who served as guardian for twelve years, that is, until the death of Anastasius. With. 35 (53. 7–9). See Beauvery, 'La route romaine de Jerusalem ä Jerichó, Revue Biblique LXIV. 1 (1957), pp. 72101. V. E. With. 38; V.S.s. 11; V. Cyr. 225.1012. acr. V. 245 (P. G. 87. 3, 3756c). V.E.c. 38 (56.2957.11); V. S.c.U (94. 2095. 2). V. Cyr. 225.1317; V.Ger. (ed. Koikylides) c. 5 (p. 5). P.E.F. Quarterly Statement, Oct. 1932, pp. 2002; also Barrois in R. V. XXXIX. 2 (April 1930), pp. 2725. He is not mentioned in Dr. Cross Dictionary of the Christian Church. See in the Triodion on Cheese Saturday on “I cried to the Lord” (Κύριε έκέκραξα) stichera: “[Come, all the faithful, let us sing the venerable faces of the saints,] Anthony the Supreme, the bright Euthymius, and everyone, and all together...” (... πάντας όμοΰ...); Matins of Saturday, sedalen after the second verse: “Antonia kupno and Euphemia, all with all the other God-bearing fathers...” πασι τοις λοιποΐς θεοφόροις πατράσιν…); after the Third Song of the Sedal Canon: “Anthonia is meek and pure, Euphemia is great and wonderful...” καί θαυμαστόν..."). Zach. Mit. Chr. V. 12; Evagr. N. E. III. 34; Theod. Lect. 1.2832; V. Petr. Ib. 78.2379.10. Zach. Mit. Chr. V. 45; Evagr. N. E. III. 6 and 11; Theod. Lect. I. 301. Theod. Lect. I. 202, 301; Gesta de Nomine Acacii 12 (Thiel, Epp. R. />.,p.518). V.Petr. Ib. 79, 1015 Raabe does not see this in his translation, but in the final part of his note he is inclined to a similar opinion. Pleroph. XXII (47.67); V. Seven, R. O. II. 867, 2245. Zach. Mit. Chr. III. 2; Evagr. N. E. III. 5. K£.c.43 (62.1113); V.S.c. 15(98.1114). Kekelidze, Jerusalem Kanonar VII vieka, p. 118; Garitte, Le Calendrier PalestinoGeorgien, p. 266. Zach. Mit. Chr. V. 6; V.E.c. 45 Kirill's assertion that Roman left Tekoa at this time is refuted by De ob. Theod. Zach. Mit. Chr. V. 6; Schwartz (Kyrillos von Skythopolis, p. 368) back-translates this passage into Greek. Zach. Mit. Chr. V. 5; Evagr. N. E. III. 11; for more complete information see Stein, Histoire du BasEmpire, II. 22, paragraph 1. P. E. F.Q.S., Oct. 1928, pp. 1758; Jan. 1930, pp. 437; Oct. 1932, pp. 188203. V. Petr. Ib. 812; Pleroph. XXII (48.47); V. Sev. 867 P. O. VIII, Introd. pp. 67; Pleroph. Tit. (1.5); V. Sev., 86. Zach. Mit.Chr. VI. 3; V. Es. 1415; V. Petr. Ib. 10311. V. Petr. Ib. 124. 4. This event is often dated to 488. Such dating is impossible for the following reasons. Spafarius Cosmas was sent to Alexandria in 487 and returned through Palestine in order to invite Peter and Isaiah to Constantinople. Peter was able to avoid the invitation by hiding in Phenicia. He spent the winter in Ortosia and celebrated Epiphany, Easter and Pentecost there (488 V. Petr. Ib. 106.10). Then he moved to Tripoli (Gisra), where he learned that he had been forgiven for refusing to appear in the capital, after which he again headed to Palestine. Having reached Caesarea, he stopped for four months at the monastery of Aphthoria, located twelve miles from it, where he celebrated Easter and Pentecost (489 V. Petr. Ib. 121. 3). After this, he went to Ashdod, but his friend, the tribune Elijah, after the Feast of the Holy Cross (Exaltation of the Cross) in the fall (123. 3 Teshriatha here means “autumn”, and not the months of October and November) arranged for him near Jamnia, where he learned about the death of Isaiah. 137. 11. 145. 1415 it is said that he died on the morning of Sunday, which fell on December 1, but in 489 this day actually fell on Friday. V. Petr. Ib. 143. 18144. 23. 143. 1218. John Rufus says nothing about his own becoming bishop of Mayum; V. Sev. 86 reports only that he was “ordained for the altar,” while Theodore was appointed rector. However, in the title “Plerophorium” he is called the Bishop of Mayum. S.S.S.O., Scr. Syr. ser. Tertia, XXV. 316; also a fragment of “The Life of Peter the Iberian”, 28. Patrologia Orientalis, II. 7115. Chronicle of Zachariah of Mitylene, text in Land, Anecdota Syriaca, III. 2340; translated by F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks, London (Methuen) 1899 (only books 3–6 are actually Zechariah's). At the negotiations in Constantinople in 533 Mansi VIII, 820с823D; Schwartz, Act. Cone. IV. 2, 16984. J. Stiglmayr in Scholastic, 1928, pp. 127, 16189; 1932, pp. 5267. See Lebon in R. Η. E. 1930, pp. 880915; 1932, pp. 296313. Honigmann, Pierre l'lberien et les ecrits du PseudoDenys ÍAreopagite in Memoires de l'Academie Royale de Belgique, Classe des Lettres et des Seiences morales et politiques, XLVII. 3, Brussels, 1952, pp. 67. See bibliography in Sources Chretiennes 58, Denys ÍAreopagite I, La Hierarchie celeste, introduction, p. xvii, nn. 1 and 2. For a more complete treatment of this topic and the corresponding bibliography, see R. Roques, 'Denys ÍAreopagite (le Pseudo)' in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite, III. S.S.S.O., Scr. Syr., ser. Tertia, XXV. 217. He was present at the Council of Constantinople in 536 and was part of the first commission sent for the absent Patriarch Anthimus, but his name does not appear either among the signatures of the acts of the council or on the documents that appeared after the fourth session - Mansi VIII, 878c, 926c, 927A, 934vs. References in G. Adam Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land (ed. 1935), p. 507, no. 5. Cm. Abel, Geographie de la Palestine, II. 350. V. S. c. 27, p. 111.21–2. οίκονβιωτικόν μέγαν in the Schwartz edition. I prefer a less clear but no less reliable reading of βητικόν (it is confirmed by two not considered, as well as two manuscripts mentioned by Schwartz), which can be interpreted as “a house similar to the letter beta,” that is, 03. V. Th. (Th. R.) p. 25:693 brothers died before him ibid. With. 18, which says that up to a hundred tables were set per day. With. 61 (ed. Usener, 99. 22100. 5); V. Th. (S.S.) 238. 248. s. 40; V. Th. (S.S.) 237. 1023. To 5:00. With. 27 (111.26112.13). ss. 30 (115. 1426) and 65; V. Th. (S.S.) 239.112. V.S.s. 31 (115.28116.3). The Palestinian Georgian Calendar (ed. Garitte, pp. 80 and 286) confirms the dating given by Cyril, commemorating Sallust under July 24. With. 32 (117. 119); V. Johannis Hesychaslae 208. 267. V.S.s. 32(117.19118.5). 205.26–206. 35. Since this time the new cinnamonium was being built about a mile to the north, he, among other things, had to deliver food to the workers involved in the construction. With. 35(120. 13121.2; 122. 1218). V.J. N. 211. 1519. Cyril writes that AlMundir’s raids began after the fall of Amida, that is, after January 10, 503. V. J. N. 211.19212. 3; G Daniel 1. A. Cave Kinovia, to which he retired after Elijah did not ordain John V.S. 37; V. J. N. 208. 24. 508? V.S.s. 38 (511 see V. Abramii 245.6). V. Ahr. 245.2–19. The dates must correspond to the time of Sava's absence from Constantinople in the winter of 511512. 245. 208. The first consequence of this was that the epistle of Bishop Plato, Olympius, accepted monasticism on Jebel Muntar, where at one time he became a presbyter and assistant abbot. 247. 1222 and Arabic version (Anal. Boll. XXIV), p. 354 ff. Zach. Mit. Chr. VI. 2 and 4; Evagr. N. E. III. 22; see Stein II. 35. Evagr. N. E. III. 33 (132.415); V. Sev. p. 104. V. Sev. p. 109ff; see Stein II. 1701 and note. Jerusalem after Chalcedon, A. D. 451518' in The Christian East, \fol. II, New Series, no. 1, pp. 2232. a 55; Evagr. III. 33 (Letter to Alcison, p. 133. 79). V. S. c. 56 (148.1622); Zach. Mit. Chr. VII. 10; V. Sev. 11014; Evagr. H.EAW. 32. Cm. Stein II. 173 and note 1 (references). Evagr. N. E. III. 31 and 33. V.S.s. 56(149.27150.11). Ibid. (150.11152.5); V. Theod. (Th. R.)s. 36. V.S.s. 57; K 777. (Th. R.) ss. 323 s. 70 (171.269); V. Th. (S.S.) 239. 2630 cf. V. Th. (Th. R.) p. 56. V.S.s. 70(172. 1173.4). ss. 702. This date is controversial, since Kirill’s other synchronizations give results that differ by a year (up). Diekamp (Die origenistischen Streitigkeiten im sechsten Jahrhundert, pp. 1115) comes from a later date. Schwartz Schwartz (K. von St, pp. 34055) doubts the accuracy of indictions. However, Stein, reviewing Schwartz's edition in A.V. 62 (1944), pp. 17180, confirms the correctness of Diekamp's position, and I proceed precisely from this dating. ss. 72 (175.20176.2) and 74 (178.22179.7). M.S.S. Sin. 531 and 1906 published by Dmitrievsky Dimitrievsky, Works of the Kiev Spiritual Academy I (Kiev, 1890), pp. 17092 and Kurtz Kurtz, B. Z. 3 (1894), pp. 16970. Troparion of dismissal to St. Savva the Sanctified (December 5). V.S.s. 75 (180.26); regarding the date, which may be controversial, see ch. VI, paragraph 153. V.E. With. 49 (71.1120); V. J. N. 216. 817. V.E.s. 49 (71.207); V. J. N. 216.1015. A. L. Frothingham, Jr., Stephen BarSudaili the Syrian Mystic, Leyden, 1886. Ed. F. S. Marsh for Text and Translation Society, Williams & Norgate, 1927. Cm. Guillaumont, Evagre le Pontique, II. 4 (pp. 30232). c. 72 (176.720). Leontius appears as the apocrisiary of the Jewish (Palestinian) monks in conversations with the Monophysites in 532 (Act. Cone. IV. 2, p. 170. 5), and five more times in conversations that took place in May-June 536 (see Schwartz, K. von Sk., 38891). The question of whether he was a writer or one of the writers who bore the named name has not found a definitive solution. With. 84 (189. 10–14). “The Palestinian-Georgian Calendar” (The Palestinian Georgian Calendar 3rd Jan., p. 124) and Cyril’s rather vague phraseology suggest that Melitus died in January, after which he was succeeded by another Isaurian brother Theodulus, and when the latter died (this apparently happened in September), Gelasius took his place. If Cyril is not mistaken in saying that the reign of Melitus extended into the fifth year, therefore, he died in 537, and Gelasius assumed office in the autumn of the same year, as a result of which, according to the dating given by Cyril according to indiction (the beginning of the fifteenth indiction), only a year had passed. With. 85. Edict of Justinian against Origen, P. G. 86.1,94594. The date (542 or 543) is understandably controversial. V.E.s. 49; V.J.H.c. 20 (216. 20217. 13). For dating see Stein, A. V. 62, pp. 1724. V.S.s. 86(193.21194. 12). 15 (231. 2026); Wed V. E. ss. 19, 21, 22, 28. V.Cyr. 15 (231.27232.2). Ibid. (197.24198.6). See Stein, A. V. 62, pp. 1767 Ibid. (199.6200.3). See Stein, A. V. 62, pp. 1746; However, in this case, his arguments (555, not 554) do not seem so convincing, since the eight-month delay that preceded the expulsion of the Origenists from the New Lavra brings to mind the period of time between the end of the council and February 554. V. S. ss. 75 (181.318) and 82 (187.224); V. J. N. 217. 213. R.E.F.Q.S., July 1929, M. Markoff and D. J. Chitty, Monastic Research in the Judaean Wilderness, pp. 171–5. Ibid. pp. 1756. During our next visit to this place, Mr. Markov and I received photographs of the cell. See Garitte, Reminiscences de la Vie dAntoine dans Cyrille de Scythopolis Silloge bizantina in onore di Silvio G. Mercati (Rome 1957), pp. 11722. Tawafa is called the place of Serid's abode, for example, in MS. Par. gr. 1596, p. 609, published by Ho (Nau) in R. O. IV. p. 176. From what is said in this story, the place was across the river (apparently the Gaza River), which would presumably identify it with the place of Et Tut, which, according to Bartholomew's quarter-inch map of Palestine, is one and a half miles southwest of the river and half a mile from the sea. In the published text and in some later manuscripts it appears as Μηρωσάβης, on the basis of which we can assume that we are talking about the monastery of MarSaba. In earlier manuscripts B appears uncontroversial. QR 71; Wed Cassian, Coll. DC. 18. QR 120. Xaycxepp (Hausherr) gives this quotation in his article on 'Barsanuphé in the Dictionnaire de Spiritualite. Text in Orientalia Christiana, XXVI (1932), pp. 89123; Dorothee de Gaza (Sources Chretiennes 92), pp. 12243. English translation in The Christian East, Vol. II, New Series, no. 2, pp. 5764. QR 822 [831] (ώρα των πιστών, not χώρςι). QR 765 [772], 649 [656], 6537 [6604]. QR620 [626], 6724 [67981]. QR 574 [579] and foregoing narrative. V. Joh. El. c. 36 (69.21 and 75.13). Dorothee (SC92), pp. 146 (Instr. 1, tit.), 288 (§ 80 = P. G. 88, 1697״); J. Moschus, p. 166 (P.G. 87, 3033A). Published in part in P. G. 78 (16801701). The only complete edition was published in Jerusalem by Friar Augustine in 1913. P. G. 78, 1681dv [D0br., t.Z]. MS. Ottobonianus 373, f. 14r. See Halkin, Bibl. Hag. Gr., 1877 uy; Ehrhard, Überlieferung I. 149, 157, 237, 243. c. 53 repeats the story from Vita Sabae, p. 26; With. 99 story about Anfa V.S. p. 14. ss. 203, 211, 212, 216, 218, 219 (cf. Zos. pp. 6, 15, 12, 8, 13:14). ss. 126,192 (cp. Anast. Sin. 18:57). See Bousset,Apophthegmata,§5(pp. 13–15);Th.NissenBÄΖ 38,pp. 35176. Evagr. N. E. V. 6: he became abbot of Sinai by order of Justin and, therefore, not earlier than 566. Evelyn White, History, pp. 24956, 26878; Severus, Hist. Pair., p. Vie (et Recits) de l'abbe Daniel le Scetiote, ed. L. Clugnet (Bibliotheque hagiographique Orientale), Paris, 1901. V. et R. c. 3 (p. 12, I. 56): ό της Σκήτεως πρώτος, p. 5Β (19.27); ό πρεσβύτερος της Σ, p. 9 (30.1). V.S.s. 53 (145.8) and p. 54 (147.69). Legends of Eastern Saints, ed. A. J. Wensinck,\bl. II, The Legend of Hilaria Leyden, 1913. This is a tradition, the Coptic version of which probably dates back to the sixth century, valuablely represented in it by the description of Scete. With. 2 (4.6 = 7.9 = 8.18). ss. 5,6, 10. The last chapter ends with a detailed account of the dispute between the scetiots and the monks of Eighteen Mile over the body of Andronicus, which was resolved in favor of Eighteen Mile by Daniel, who threatened to remain there. With. 10 (50.823 = 54.2755.8; 51.25 = 56.8). Evelyn White, History, pp. 2325, where it is assumed that the paired monasteries were a consequence of the Monophysite schism between the Gaianites and Theodosians; however, the assumption I put forward also seems plausible if only paired monasteries existed before the sack of the Skete. This is quite possible, although the only (and rather conditional) evidence of what has been said can only be the Sira Monastery. M. ss. 123, 124; in the last chapter it is reported that the narrator Zosimus the Cilician became bishop of Babylon of Egypt no more than twelve years before his meeting with Moschus at Sinai, having been installed as bishop by Apollinaris, who was pope of Alexandria from 551 to 570. He subsequently left his episcopal ministry and returned to Sinai. Evagr. N. E. V. 16, VI. 24. Recits du moine Anastase (ed. Nau), p. lix, Oriens Christianus, t. 3, pp. 878. Sophronius, S.S. Cyri et Joannis Miracula, 70 (P. G. 87. 3, 3665AB; cp. 3421c). This becomes clear from the content of the previous work and is confirmed by the fact that he is called an “iatrosophist” in the title AnacreonticXXIII (3855d). The Sinai chapters of the Meadows use the first person plural pronoun; although the mentioned circumstance, of course, cannot be considered evidence of the presence of Sophronius, who was never mentioned there. However, one of the Sinai stories, which is very important for the history of the night worship and published by Pitra in Juriseccl. graec. historia etmonumenta, II. 220, begins with the words Διηγήσατο ήμΐν ό άββ&ς Ιωάννης κοα ό άββας Σωφρόνιος and tells about their visit (no doubt, we are talking here about our John Moschus and Sophronius) Abba Nilos on the top of Sinai together with two disciples. However, the historicity of this story raises certain doubts. Sophr., SS. S. et J. M. 70 (3665v; cf. 3421s); J.M. With. 92. Moschus mentions three archimandrites of the monastery of St. Theodosius: Leontius (p. 4), George or Gregory (pp. 924 and 109) and Strategy (p. 103). J. M. ss. 26.46, 157, 163. See A. M. Schneider in Römische Quartalschrift XXXIX (1931), p. 316 32. Miracula B. Mariae in Choziba, 5. J. M., p. 25 gives another less reliable version of the same story about the words of Anaphora, where we are talking about a certain nameless brother and John, and not about John’s last predecessor Zeno and his mentor Aian. See S. Vkilhe, Jean le Khozibite et Jean de Cesaree, in Echos d'Orient, 6 (1903), pp. 10713. V.S.s. 61. In Evagr. H.E. IV. 7 (157. 20158. 21) tells the story that happened to him in Caesarea and connected with Zosima. V. Theod, Syk. With. 24 (Dawes and Baynes, Three Byzantine Saints, p. 104). Ibid. c. 63 (Dawes and Baynes, p. 132) Anal. Boll., 7 (1888) also published in excerpts. See especially III. 14 and X (words of the saint). V.Greg. II. 52 (P. L. 75. 110A). Sophr. Anacreont. XXI (ibid. 382330). Couret, La Palestine sous les Empereurs grecs, p. 213; Abel, Revue Biblique, 34 (1925), pp. 5757. The evidence appears to be rather inconclusive. Prize de Jerusalem (ed. Garitte) IV C. S. C. O. Scr. Iber. 12, p. 7. Antiochus, Pandect 84 (P. G. 89, 1689D1692B). ss. 27–9, 314, 36–7, 39, 51, 57, 78–91. It seems that during this period the monasteries were quite closely connected with each other; Moreover, Moschus’s visit to Syria and Cilicia does not necessarily refer to the same journey. It is interesting to note that especially close connections existed between the monastery of St. Theodosius and the monastery of Theodosius on the border of Syria and Cilicia (near Ross), which we read about in Theodoret Hist. Ret. Χ (cf./.Mss. 807:90104). M. ss. 1467 here are the stories the travelers heard from Mina, the cinematographer of Anaton (Ennatus), who told them about Pope Eulogius of Alexandria (probably after his death in 607). However, Sophronius in Anacreontic XXI praises the removal (before Phocas) of the same Mina (called the steward of Aenaton) of the charge of harboring the son of Mauritius Theodosius. Thus we can assume that they came to Anaton before the fall of Phocas. V. Joh. El. (ed. Delehaye, Anal. Boll. 45) p. 4. V. Joh. El. (ed. Geizer) c. 32. Chron. Pasch. A.D. 609 (P.G. 92.977B): ' άντ' αύτοϋ Ζαχαρίας άπό πρεσβυτέρων καί σκευοφυλάκων της εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως.5 V. G. C. VII. 31; Antiochus, Ep. adEust. 1424 P. deJ. VI; this chapter is preserved in Greek in the manuscript collections of Apophthegm. It was published by Augustinos in Nea Sion, 1914, pp. 4278 MS. Sin. 448 (eleventh century). Sebeos s. XXIV (trad. Macler, pp. 68 ff.); P. de J. VIII. Ant., Ep. adE. 1424c1425c. See P. Styger, Die Malereien in der Basilika des hl. Sabas auf den Kl. Aventin in Rom (Römische Quartalschrifl 28 (1914) pp. 4996). The Life of St. Gregory of Acragantium (P. G. 98:549716) can be regarded as evidence that the monastery in Rome dates back to the time of St. Gregory of Rome. It was written by Leontius, the abbot of the monastery in which the cell of the hero of the Life, who returned from Constantinople to Rome, was located. Decline and Fall, c. 46, no. 73 (ed. Bury, \bl. V, p. 70). V. Joh. El. (ed. Delehaye) c. 9; (ed. Gelzer) c. 20. Anacr. XIV. In Ming (3800v) only the name is given. The text was published by Curé in Revue de !'Orient Chretien, 2 (1897), pp. 12564. V. Joh. El. (ed. Delehaye) cc. 13 and 15; (ed. Gelzer) ss. 446. U. M. ss. 108, 185; Sophron. Anacreont. XXII narrates the death of Mary, the narrator of the previous chapter, in the form of the lamentation of her son Paul the candidate. 7>. L. 74, 11922; Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 199 (P.G. 103:668). In “Luga” itself there is no direct evidence of a visit to Rome. George, who is spoken of in the Lives as the abbot of the monastery of St. Theodosius (at the return of Sophronius), is probably the same person as George, who is spoken of in the “Meadow” (pp. 924 and the desert city 109 in the last chapter he is spoken of as deceased); Most likely, Modest became abbot after him. It is likely that chapters related to Sophronius were included in his Life by mistake. The Lost Life of Saint John the Merciful was written by Moech and Sophronius. It is unlikely that they could have finished it in 619 if Moschus died at the same time. The name of the monastery Eucratades is given by Maximus in Ep. 12. John Moschus in the title “Luga” is called Eucrates, also in some manuscripts of Er. 8 Maximus is named in the title and Sophronius, see Delehaye in Anal. Boll. 45 (1927), p. 6; Devreesse in Rev. S.RAI (1937). But is it possible that Moschus died here in Africa and not in Rome? For the meeting of Sophronius with Moschus in Africa, see P. G. 91, 142d. The story I am retelling is in the Life of St. Anastasius the Persian, written by his contemporary and published by Usener Usener, Acta Μ. Anastasii Persae, Universitätschrift von Bonn, 1894. Usener also proves that the praise of the saint attributed to George of Pisidia (P. G. 92:16801729) is based on this Life and was actually written by Sophronius. See Brehier in Fliehe et Martin, Histoire de l'Eglise, Vol. V, c. iv, § 3. At the Battle of Muta in 629. Maximus, Er. 13 (P. G. 91, 533A). Maximus, Op. Theol. et. Pol. \2(P. G. 91:1423). Maximus, Dispute. Pyrrho (P. G. 91:332). Ibid., and also the letter of Sergius to Pope Honorius in Mansi, XI, 533-8. See the already mentioned Life of Moschus (pp. 143:144). He preached the Christmas sermon in Jerusalem that year, when Christmas coincided with Sunday (P. G. 87. 3:3201). Thus, this happened in 634. See von Balthasar, Liturgie Cosmique, pp. 367, 40; Preface by P. Sherwood to St. Maximus the Confessor (Ancient Christian Writers, 21), pp. 1011.1415. Ibid. 32013212 Latin translation. The Greek original was published by Usener in the Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, Frankfurt am Main, 1886, pp. 50116. Mansi X. 892902. Thirty-seven representatives of the Greek monasteries of Rome, Africa and Palestine signed the letter of protest against the monophilite compromise considered at this Council; among those who signed the letter were John, Abba and presbyter of the monastery of St. Sava near Jerusalem, and Theodore from another monastery of St. Sava, located in Africa ibid. 90310. St. Ephraim, Hymni de Juliano Saba, XIX and XX (ed. Lamy, Hymni et Sermones, III, 90714); Theodoret, Hist. Rel. II (P.G. 82, 1316BC). Hist. Rel. VI (1360D1364C). See above, p. IV, paragraph 85. Itinerarium Aetheriae 15 (Sources Chretiennes 21, pp. 97–119). See above, p. III, paragraph 57 and p. IV, paragraph 85. See above, p. IV, pp. 8690. G Netras (P. G. 65, 312A); above, p. IV, paragraph 89. V.E.s. 16 (ed. Schwartz, 26.10). Acta Cone. Oec. (ed. Schwartz) II. 1, p. 491. Mansi IX, 91 lc, Labbe V. 969D. cc. 125, 138, 139(2988:30014). Procopius, De Aediflciis, V. 8; Eutychius of Alexandria, P. G. Ill, 10712. Eutychius, 10c. cit. The inscription above the entrance to the monastery (C. I. G. IV, 8634) is not original and does not fully correspond to the dating, however, it is quite possible that we are dealing with an imperfect copy of the original. See Gregoire, Chronologie byzantine in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1909, p. 500; BeneSevic in Byzantion, 1924, p. 147. This mosaic is given in Soteriou, Icones du Mont Sinai, II (Text), PH. 6 and 7; see also pp. 45 and Benesevic, op. cit., pp. 14572. Anonymus Placentiae, c. 40 (ed. Geyer, Itinera Hierosolymitana, p. 186). Ibid., p. 37 (ed. Geyer, p. 184). Er. XI. 1; Wed Anastasius, Recits (ed. Nau) XXXIX. Ammonii monachi relatio de Sanctis Patribus barbarorum incursione in monte Sina et Raithu peremptis (ed. Combefis, Illustrium Christi martyrum lecti triumph!. Paris, 1660, pp. 88122); Palestinian Syrian version with English translation (added from the Greek version) Mrs. Lewis, 'The Forty Martyrs of the Sinai Desert', in Horae Semiticae, IX (1912). When writing this chapter, I used the article Mgr. Devreesse, 'Le Christianisme dans la peninsule sinaítique, des origines ä l'arrivee des Musulmans', – Revue Biblique, April 1940, pp. 20523. Ed. Pitra, Juris eccles. graec. historia et monumenta, 11, p. 220. V. Georg. Choz. c. VIH, 32 (Anal. Boll. VII, p. 131); cp. Anastasius, Recits, IX. Oriens Christianus, II (1902), pp. 5889; second collection of O. S. III attributed to Anastasius Sinait (1903), pp. 5690 is not directly related to Sinai and may have a different author, although it also dates from the mid-seventh century. In the village II speaks of Elijah's Peak "before it was desecrated by the present people." In the village XX describes the death of Stephen the Byzantine, who was a “chartularius” under the commander Maurian (653) - see Theophanes, P. G. 108. 70 A. M. 6145). The author's "Abba", who died two years before the writing of this work, was acquainted with Stephen (p. XXI). One of the old fathers recalls the appearance (620?) of the supposed son of the Emperor Mauritius (p. XXIX). ss. VI, XIV, XV, XVII; XXXII? With. XXXIV. If we identify this Anastasius with the one who became Patriarch of Antioch in 559, and proceed from the fact that the time of his abbess preceded the said enthronement, and did not fall during the period of expulsion from Antioch (57093), then Climacus could be identified with the correspondent of St. Gregory. However, there seems to be no other clear evidence in favor of this assumption in our Recits. With. VI. With any account of time, it is hardly possible to identify on a chronological basis the disciple (Stephen the Cappadocian) with the monk of the same name, about whom we read in the Meadow (Meadow, pp. 122:127) and who, already a presbyter, was sent to represent the abbot in Jerusalem (5512). With. XXXII. Here (if only we can trust these manuscripts) he is called Savvait, as a result of which we can come to the conclusion that we are not talking about Climacus at all. Most likely, this is not about John Savvait, who appears in other stories, unless these stories were written at different times. Apparently, this is not John, who in 649 was abbot of Marsaba and signed the message to the Lateran Council of 649. ss. V, VII, XXXIX (a story in which St. Gregory's interest in the Mountain is recalled: John, abbot of the Sinai monastery, tells the writer how several years earlier the Pope, having learned that there was no hospital in the monastery, sent money and messages there and built a hospital, the obedience of which was carried out either by John or by the writer; we do not have the feeling that this happened at the time when John, whom we are talking about here, had already become abbot). J. M. s. 115; G John the Eunuch 36 (P. G. 65, 233 ). Moschus adds two sayings, in one of which the elder says that he spent seventy-six years in one place. Isn't this the same John of Cilicia, who... 177 tells the story of a monk in the cell of Evagrius, perhaps dating back to the time when he himself was in Anaton? 1 160CD [30. 37]. The translation I propose of the first sentence is based on the text restored from the early Syriac version - Ή δέ, οΐμαι δέ λέγειν οϊκειότερον, ο δέ, ' έξ ούρανοΰ μο φανείσα… This text is confirmed by the Greek Moscow MS microfilm. Bibl. Syn. 145 (Vladimir 184). Anastasius, Recits p. XXXVI11. Eutychius of Alexandria, P. G. Ill, 1097 s. VIII, p. 154 Antiochus, Pandect, 84 (P. G. 89,1689D1692B). Anastasius, Recits XL1 (published by Nau as a supplement to the Anastasius collection, but nothing is said about the author). Eutychius believes that the conversion of the tribes living near the monastery to Islam occurred during the caliphate of AbdelMalik ibn Marwan (685–705) - P. G. Ill, 1072CD.