Once again to the question of the place of exile, death and burial of St. Maximus the Confessor and his companions

Contents I. Source data ΙΙ. Existing localizations of Schimare III. Localization of Skhimare and other fortresses mentioned in sources To this day, discussions continue regarding the burial place (as well as the associated places of exile and death) of St. Petersburg, exiled to Lazika. Maximus the Confessor, which sometimes acquire national-ecclesiastical overtones 2. The situation has now become paradoxical: modern historical and archaeological studies rely on textual research from a century ago, and even then not in full 3. In turn, these analyzes of texts do not have a sufficient manuscript basis (see below, I). Therefore, we will return to the review of various points of view later, but for now we will turn to those sources that provide information on the issue of interest to us, taking into account their latest publications 4. These sources can be divided into two groups. The first includes hagiographic texts (Greek, Latin and Georgian) of Byzantine origin, dedicated to the life of St. Maxima. The second includes texts of different genres that provide information about St. Maxim, but not dedicated specifically to him. Hagiographic texts dedicated to the life of St. Maxims, in turn, fall into two groups: eyewitness accounts and later biographies. 1. Among the testimonies of contemporaries is the Caucasian part of the life of St. Petersburg that interests us. The maxim is covered in two Greek sources: “Letter of Anastasius to Theodosius” (hereinafter referred to as PAF), written by Anastasius Apocrisiarius c. 665 and partially preserved only in Latin, and in the “Memoirs of Theodore Spudei” (hereinafter referred to as VFS), compiled c. 668 5 The fate of the saint is consistently presented only in the PAF: after the arrival of the exhausted Venerable Saint in Lazika. Maxim was immediately separated from his companions and carried on a stretcher to “the fortress of Schimarus, near the people called Alans 6,” where he was placed in custody (PAF 4). Here he died, and his tomb, over which a regular miracle in the form of night light took place, was also located in this fortress (PAF 5). And his disciples, Anastasius Diacona and Anastasius Apocrisiarius, the author of the PAF, were first exiled, respectively, to the fortresses of Scotorius and Bukol 7, and then, through Mucurisius (τὸ λεγόμενον Μουκουρίσιν), they were sent, respectively, to the “fortress Svania" and "Fakiria fortress" 8. Anastasius Deacon died either in the “fortress of Svania”, or on the way to it (PAF 4), and Anastasius Apocrisiarius was later transferred “to the lands of Apsilia and Misimania”, to the fortress of Fustu (PAF 6; castro Phustas; castro Phustensium). Finally, he was supposed to be transferred to that same Schimares (Schemareos castrum), but at this time the local princeps was overthrown in Lazika, and the new princeps (later it will be indicated that this is the patrician and master Gregory) Anastasia “was taken back (reduxit) from the path [leading] to the aforementioned fortress of Schimares” and placed in a certain place, which was located five miles from his estate (PAF 6–7). It should be noted that we are not talking about a monastery, but simply about a place “really suitable for monks 9.” Theodore Spudei, who visited Lazika shortly after the death of the saints, in his “Memoirs” does not touch upon the place of death of St. Maxim, but confirms the location of the tomb of St. Maximus in Schimare, telling about the miracle that took place at his tomb, with reference to the committee of the fortress of Schimare Mystriana. Theodore himself was unable to get there due to the difficulties of climbing, winter, and the “confusion of nations” that was then occurring in those parts 10. In addition, Theodore identifies the place of the third, Lazian exile of Anastasius Apocrisiarius, i.e. “a place truly suitable for monks” from PAF 7, with “the fortress of Fusumiy, located above the village of Mokhoi - the end of the climate of Apsilia, in the east of the Pontic Sea, at the very foot of the Caucasus Mountains, near the country of the Christ-loving Abasgians and the Alan people, about five miles from the village of Zichakhori, that is, the first house of Gregory, the truly Christ-loving patrician and master of this Laz country 11" 12, who is also mentioned, without name, in PAF 7 13. 2. Relationships between the later biographies of St. Maxims are the subject of scientific debate 14 . However, for the topic we are interested in, these relationships are not so important, since they do not contain fundamentally new information compared to eyewitness accounts. Part of these biographies are the synaxari (hereinafter referred to as SEC) 15, which speaks of the stay of St. Maxim in the Lazik exile is very brief and only adds, in comparison with PAF and VFS, that he was buried in the monastery of St. Arsenia 16. A separate problem is the mysterious “Memory of the transfer of the relics of St. Maximus the Confessor” under August 13 in the SEC, where the same text is placed as under January 21, without any story about the actual transfer of the relics on 17 (the origin of the memory of the saint on August 19 and 26 in some synaxarions is also unclear). Judging by the date - August 13, i.e. the day of the death of St. Maxim (according to PAF 6), the mention of “transfer of relics” is a mistake by the compiler of SEC ser. X century Other biographies, which are usually called Vitae (BHG 1236, 1236d, 1234, 1233m+n), take - abbreviated in various ways - the story of the Lazik exile of the monk from PAF 18. As in the synaxarions, in Vitae the burial place of St. Maximus is named the monastery of St. Arsenia in Lazika. A reworking of their material is the life of the saint, lost in Greek but preserved in Georgian, compiled by John Xiphilinus in the 11th century. 19 Thus, the only meaningful (that is, not caused by confusion or clerical error) innovation of the later hagiographical tradition regarding the Lazik exile of the saints is the mention of the burial of St. Maximus in the monastery of St. Arsenia. How could it appear here and why is it missing from the 7th century texts? The problem is complicated by the fact that in the Vitae, which more or less consistently reproduces the text of the PAF, the mention of the monastery of St. Arsenia is located precisely in the place where the PAF has not been preserved in Greek and is represented only by the Latin translation of Anastasius the Librarian, which is also not without errors (compare, for example, above, regarding the replacement of Laz with Alan). Let us consider the relationship between PAF and Vitae using the example of the textually closest to PAF life BHG 1233m+n. Igitur tertio decimo die praedicti Augusti mensis, praeteritae quintae indictionis, secundum divinum eius vaticinium, feria septima, praesentibus derelictis perrexit Τῇ οὖν τρικαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Αὐγούστου μη νὸς ἡμέρᾳ ἑβδόμῃ κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ πρόρρησιν εὐδοκίᾳ Θεοῦ μικρὸν νοσή- σας εἰς χεῖρας Θεοῦ τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ παρέδωκεν χαίρων καὶ ἀγαλλιώμενος καὶ ἐτάφη ἐν μοναστηρίῳ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀρσε- On the one hand, it is possible to assume that BHG 1233m+n preserved information omitted by the Latin translator of the PAF. This assumption is supported by the fact that, according to B. Rosen, Vitae and, more specifically, BHG 1233m+n do not depend on the synaxarion, which means that the mention of the monastery of St. Arseny must go back to their common ancient source, which could be the original text of PAF 20. On the other hand, although BHG 1233m+n is close to the Latin translation 21, it still reworks the text of the PAF: in the initial part of the story about the Lazik exile - insignificantly (in addition to numerous omissions, this is a double replacement of ἐμὲ with τὸν ταῦτα γράφοντα, as well as ἐτελεύτησεν – to παρέδωκε ... ψυχήν), and at the end – significantly (in addition to the newly introduced topos of “tradition of the soul”, the circumstances of death were changed: from praesentibus derelictis – to εὐδοκίᾳ Θεοῦ μικρὸν νοσήσας... χαίρων καὶ ἀγαλλιώμενος). In this context, the mention of burial in the monastery of St. Arsenia looks more like an insertion by the editor of the common source Vitae and SEC (his editing is also noticeable in the above discrepancies between PAF and BHG 1233m+n). In addition, the instructions for the burial of the remains of St. Maxim in the monastery is contradicted by historical circumstances. Firstly, it is completely unclear where the monastery came from in the high-mountain border fortress of Shimar, although no other monastic monastery is mentioned in this region at that time. Secondly, VFS 9 clearly indicates that the miracle of the lighting of lamps over the grave of the saint was observed by “the committee Mistrian, who, while on patrol with his soldiers, saw them not once or twice, but many times...” 22 - it is obvious that the grave of St. Maxima was located directly in the fortress, where the soldiers were on patrol 23, and not in a separate monastery. So, with a high degree of probability, the monastery of St. Arseny as the burial place of St. The maxim is an insertion of a later hagiographer, and does not go back to the lost Greek original reading of PAF 5. Another question is where did the name of the monastery come from? One might assume that this is the name of the monastery where the relics of St. Maxim after the beginning ΙΧ century, when they were still in Schimare (see below, Ι.4), but such a monastery was not recorded either in Constantinople or in the Byzantine province of that time. The relics of St. Maxima (right hand) is mentioned in Byzantine times only in one testimony of an English pilgrim. ΧΙΙ in. about the Constantinople Church of St. Euphemia at the Hippodrome, which, however, is not confirmed by the meticulous descriptor of the relics who was there ten years later - Anthony of Novgorod 24. As for the possibility of the existence of such a monastery in Lazika, where after the beginning. ΙΧ in. were the relics of the saint transferred, it should be remembered that after 787 (i.e. in the era of the creation of Vitae), the name Lazika passes in Byzantine writing from ancient Lazika-Egrisi to the territory near Trebizond 25, where there are no monuments associated with St. Arseny or St. Maximus the Confessor, also not attested. The only option remains the assumption of the emergence of such a monastery in Skhimare itself after the writing of the PAF and VFS, although the origin of such a dedication is unclear; in this case, this does not help us in any way in localizing Shimar. Thus, the question of the source of the insertion into the synaxarion and the life of St. Maximus mentions the monastery of St. Arsenia in Lazika remains open. The intermediate link was probably the revised text of the PAF, preserved in BHG 1233m+n. 3. A separate branch of the hagiographic tradition of St. Maxima - Georgian translation of his life 26. This translation does not contain any new information about the Lazik exile (except that Schimare is here called Himar, cf. below, I.4), but a number of interesting topographical details are contained in the scholia of the two manuscripts. Thus, the manuscript of the National Center of Manuscripts in Tbilisi, coll. A (formerly Tiflis Church and Archaeological Museum), No. 97 (XI century) mentions the Georgian names of fortresses from the PAF: for Skotoria - Kotori, and for Bukola - Bokele. In addition, she clarifies that the unnamed “Svania fortress” from PAF 4 is the Muri fortress. Manuscript of the National Center of Manuscripts in Tbilisi, coll. A (formerly Tiflis Church and Archaeological Museum), No. 222 (ΧΙΙ century; p. 440) contains in the margins, opposite the mention of the death of St. Maxim, a cinnabar note from the 19th century: “the relics of St. Maximus rest in the Muri fortress near Tsageri” (the words “in the Muri fortress,” written in Greek for some reason, are poorly preserved and are reconstructed by Archpriest K. Kekelidze presumably on the basis that there really was a Muri fortress near Tsageri) 27. If the reconstruction of prot. K. Kekelidze is correct, it turns out that the scholia of two Georgian manuscripts contradict each other: the first identifies Muri with the “fortress of Svania” (where Anastasius the Deacon was exiled, according to PAF 4), while the second - with the burial place of St. Maxima, i.e. with Schimar (according to PAF 5). At the same time, the clarification of the TTsAM 97 manuscript regarding the “Svania fortress” fits well into a number of its other updating clarifications, trying to identify the places mentioned in the life with the Georgian realities of the 1st century, while the scholia in the TTsAM 222 manuscript is located in isolation, either reflecting the veneration of the saint’s grave that developed in Muri, or, more likely, demonstrating an incorrect understanding of the more ancient gloss in TCAM 97, or - if the poorly preserved passage speaks not about Muri, but about Schimare (see above) - being a simple quotation from some Greek text. 4. Geographical details of the exile, death and burial of St. Maximus the Confessor was practically not reflected in sources not directly related to the saint. However, one text still provides important information on the topic of interest to us. Epiphanius Monk in “The Life of St. Andrew" describes the apostle's journey through the Caucasus as follows: "... we went down to Iberia and to Phasis, and a few days later to Susania... Then we came to the fortress of Himar, where today is the resting place of the long-suffering Maxim. Matthias remained in these countries with his disciples, performing many miracles. And Simon and Andrey went to Alanya and to the city of Fusta. And... we went to Avasgiya. Having come to Sevastopol the Great..." 28. It is obvious, however, that in fact Epiphanius is describing here the actual route of his own journey (which took place shortly after 815) or his informant 29: this is clearly indicated by the words “where is the resting place of the long-suffering Maximus today.” So, according to Epiphanius, Khimar (obviously identical to Skhimaru PAF, VFS and Vitae and Khimaru of the Georgian tradition) is on the way to Alanya from Susania: the latter is a distortion of the form “Suaniya”, i.e. Svaneti. Alania here refers to the territory of modern Kabardino-Balkaria and - even more likely - Karachay-Cherkessia, as indicated by the route of the apostle, who goes from Alania to Abasgia, namely to Sevastopol the Great (modern Sukhumi). Another important clarification contained in Epiphanius concerns Fusta - the fortress from where the road went to Schimarus, from which Anastasius Apocrisiarius was “retracted” (PAF 6). In PAF 5 Fusta is described as a distant fortress somewhere in Apsilia or Misimiana, i.e. it had to be somewhere in the river valley. Kodori and its tributaries. Indeed, Epiphanius mentions it between Alania and Abasgia: “And Simon and Andrew went to Alania and the city of Fusta. And, having performed many miracles and instructed many, they went to Abasgia. Arriving in Sevastopol the Great...” So, according to Epiphanius, Fusta, which he calls a city, was on the way from Western Alania (modern Karachay-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria) to Sevastopol the Great (modern Sukhumi), i.e. somewhere along the river. Kodori. Now we should summarize what we know about Schimare/Khimar, the place of death and resting place of St. Maxim, from eyewitness accounts, from later hagiographic (including translation) traditions and from Epiphanius the Monk: 1) Schimare is located near the Alans (PAF 4). 2) It is located near the “top of the Caucasus” (VFS 9). 3) He is subordinate to the authority of Patrik Lazika (PAF 6). 4) There is a road from it to Fustu, from which one could turn back to Fusumii (PAF 6, VFS 5). 5) It is on the way from Svaneti to Alania (Epiphanius the Monk. Life of Andrei. 32). 6) There was a monastery of St. Arseny (synaxarium and life of St. Maximus the Confessor). 7) It is identical to the Muri fortress (glossa of the TTsAM manuscript 222). As we saw above (I. 2), the mention of the monastery of St. Arsenia in Skhimare (No. 6) does not agree with historical realities, and the identification of Skhimare with the Muri fortress (No. 7) is given only by one poorly preserved Georgian gloss of the 19th century, which contradicts another Georgian gloss of the 19th century. The first five indications look reliable (the first four are generally contemporary with the events described) and do not contradict each other. So, the following authentic information about Skhimare is isolated from the sources: it was located near the Alans and the top of the Caucasus, on the way from Svaneti to Alania, was connected by a road with Fusumium and Fusta and was subject to the authority of the ruler of Lazika. ΙΙ. Existing localizations of Schimare Let's now see how the data from the sources agrees with the localization options for Skhimare proposed in the scientific literature. We know of five variants, found mainly by consonance. Let's consider them according to the degree of remoteness of the proposed localizations from the coordinates indicated in the sources. 1) M.G. Janashvili 30, K. Gan 31 and E.P. Alekseev 32 proposed to identify Shimar with Khumara and its fortress in Alanya, on the right bank of the river. Kuban (modern Karachay-Cherkessia, near the city of Karachaevsk). This assumption is refuted not only by the lack of data on Byzantine or Laz control over the North Caucasian Khumarin fortress, but also by the fact that PAF 4 (in the passage about Bukol) clearly notes what borders on the Alans and what is in their power, while Shimar is mentioned here as located only “near the Alans” 33. 2) A. Brilliantov 34, who brilliantly (at the level of science of his time) analyzed the information from sources about the place of exile of St. Maximus and his companions and their localizations that existed at that time, in turn, tried to identify Schimarus with the fortress of Uchimerium, mentioned by Procopius of Caesarea 35. However, in addition to the linguistic difficulties he recognized, the researcher himself also pointed out that the Uchimerium of Procopius was located near Kotais-Kutaisi 36 . To correct such a geographical stretch, Brilliantov tried to bring Ukhimeria closer to Muri in Lechkhumi, which localization is also untenable (see below, II. 3). In general, the entire second part of Brilliantov’s article 37 gives the impression of a kind of tour de force, an attempt to “more or less successfully” prove that it is possible to identify Schimarus with the Uchimerium of Procopius, which is far from Schimarus both in phonetic appearance and in location. However, this version found support, among other things, from the Caucasus specialist V.A. Kuznetsov 38, who, however, subsequently abandoned it (see below, II.5). 3) The most ancient is the attempt to localize Shimar in different places of Lechkhumi/Lower Svaneti. This localization exists in three versions. a) As we have already seen above (see I. 3), an attempt to correlate Skhimar with the Muri fortress was made already in the 12th century, however, it is likely that it is based on a false understanding of another scholium, identifying Muri with the nameless “Svania fortress”. This identification is supported by many Georgian researchers 39 . b) M.Ya. Chikovani 40 proposed to correlate Skhimaru with a certain fortress of Takveri in the middle reaches of the Rioni and Tskhenis-Tskali, however, Takveri is mentioned in PAF 4 under the name of Fakiria and is in no way connected with Schimar (below, III. 3, we will see that Takveri is a region, not a fortress). c) Finally, ep. Tsagersky and Lentekhi Stefan (Kalajishvili) 41 insists on identifying Skhimaru with Skemeri in Lentekhi 42 . All Lechkhumi localizations of Shimar contradict, however, the data of the sources: it is not at the “top of the Caucasus,” that is, near the Main Caucasian ridge; this is not “near the Alans,” since between Lechkhumi and Alania lies Upper Svaneti, where the Alans never lived; it is not on the way from Svaneti to Alanya. In addition, Fakiriya, precisely identified with Takveri-Lechkhumi, is designated in PAF 4 as being “near Iberia,” while Shimar is not. 4) The localization of Skhimar in Upper Svaneti was considered by A. Brilliantov 43 in connection with the presence there, on the left bank of the river. Inguri, in the society of Syupi/Svipi, toponym Tskhmari. However, the researcher rejects such an identification on the grounds that the above-mentioned place was located outside the boundaries of ancient Lazika itself. However, PAF 6 does not say that Schimarus was in Lazika, but only that the power of the patrician of Lazika extended to him, which also extended to territories that were not parts of Lazika proper: Apsilia and Misimienia. This localization also corresponds to the position of Skhimar both “near the Alans” and on the way from Svaneti to Alania (along one of the passes) - in this case, Skhimar should obviously be located higher upstream of the Inguri than the nameless “Svania fortress” (PAF 4), in connection with which there is no mention of the proximity of the Alans. 5) L. Muskhelishvili 44 drew attention to the toponym Sgimar along the river. Saken (in the territory of the modern Ochamchira region of Abkhazia), which then forms, together with the river. Gvandroy, b. Kodori. V.A. Kuznetsov, who initially supported the Ukhimera-Lechkhum localization of A. Brilliantov (see above, II. 2), subsequently 45 compared this toponym with a large fortress near Lake Saken, which Yu.N. Voronov dated it no later than the 9th–10th centuries 46 . The Upper Kodori localization is supported by the location of the fortress both near Alania and on the way from Svaneti to Alania (along the pass from the Enguri valley to the Kodori valley, which leads directly to the Saken river, and further through the Klukhor or Marukhinsky pass to Alania). It is also supported by the possibility of a literal understanding of the fact that from the via, “road” (PAF 6–7) from Fusta (located in Apsilia or Misimienia, i.e. in the Kodori valley, see above, I. 1) to Schimarus Anastasia was “taken back” to Zichakhory, precisely localized in Apsilia, i.e. somewhere in the Kodori valley or on the coast to Sukhumi (see above, I. 1) 47. So, a consideration of existing hypotheses for the localization of Schimare shows, firstly, that linguistic arguments are not decisive here, since in each of the regions under consideration a toponym with the stem (C)X/G/K-M-R is found. Secondly, the tradition of local veneration of the relics of St. Petersburg cannot be a decisive argument. Maxim, since the first mention of her (in Muri) dates back to a time separated by half a millennium from his death. Thus, it turns out that the only objective criterion for evaluating these hypotheses can only be their compliance with the geographical indications of ancient sources. According to this criterion, only the Upper Vaneti and Upper Kodori localizations of Skhimaru turn out to be consistent. However, there are two indirect objections to the first. Firstly, in this case, Epiphanius the Monk, crossing from Svaneti through Schimar to Alania, would have found himself on the territory of modern Kabardino-Balkaria, from where, in order to get on the path leading through Fusta (see below, III. 6) to Sevastopol the Great (modern Sukhumi), he would have to make a huge detour to the north, going around the city of Elbrus. However, you can get to the lands west of Elbrus, i.e., to the upper reaches of the Kuban, from Svaneti from the upper reaches of the river. Nenskra, a tributary of the river. Inguri (from there you can get to Alanya through the upper reaches of the Kodori River), but through very difficult passes that were little used in the Middle Ages. Secondly, Anastasius Apocrisiary was new to Svaneti, as he speaks of “the fortress of the so-called Svania” (PAF 4), without knowing its real name. But the main reason why we have to reject the localization of Skhimar in Svaneti is neither in the upper reaches of the Enguri nor on the river. Nenskra is not known to have a single Byzantine fortress 48 (and in Schimare, we recall, there was a regular garrison led by a comite). The “Svania fortress” mentioned in PAF 5 was probably located downstream of the river. Inguri (see below, III. 3). Thus, only the Upper Kodori localization of Shimar does not raise any objections: in this case, it really turns out to be located “near the Alans”; near the “top of the Caucasus”; on the territory ruled in the 7th century. Patricia Lazika; on the way from Svaneti to Alania, coming from the valley of the river. Inguri through the pass, along the river. Saken and Klych to the Klukhor Pass. However, the Saken localization of Shimar proposed by V. A. Kuznetsov is hampered by two circumstances. Firstly, the Svan toponym Sgimar could hardly have appeared on the river. Saken before the eviction of the Abkhaz-Muhajirs from there and the settlement of the Svans there, i.e., before the 1860s, and its transparent etymology “mineral springs” 49 makes it possible to identify Skhimaru with other similar toponyms. Secondly, the Saken fortress is completely different from other “Byzantine” fortresses in the region with their armored masonry on lime mortar and towers, but is a monument of an earlier time 50 50. Thus, it is unlikely that Shimar is identified specifically with the Saken fortress (on Lake Tol) - the only one on the river. Saken, which does not exclude the possibility of its localization in the upper reaches of the river. Kodori, which, we repeat, does not contradict any of the instructions of the PAF, VFS and Epiphanius the Monk. III. Localization of Skhimare and other fortresses mentioned in sources However, before looking for the exact location of Shimar in the upper reaches of the river. Kodori, let’s try to find out the localization of other toponyms from the VFS and PAF. 1) Located in Misimiania on the border with the Alans (PAF 4), the Bukol fortress (identical to Bukhloy Agafia of Myrinei 51), where Anastasius Apocrisiarius was originally sent, should be located in the settlement zone of the ancient Misimians, i.e. in the upper reaches of the river Kodori. Twice mentioned by sources (by Agafia and in PAF 4) the fact that this fortress was occupied by the Alans as a place for collecting tribute transported to Alania (by Agafia) speaks of its proximity to the pass over the Main Caucasus Range. The absence of fortresses along the river. Chkhalty, on the way to the Marukhinsky pass 52, forces you to look for it near the Klukhorsky pass along the river. Klych, where, indeed, next to the pass there is a Byzantine fortress - Klychskaya, with armored masonry on lime mortar, buttresses and towers with stone vaults 53. Its position perfectly corresponds to the localization of Bukol in PAF 4: “on the border with the Alans.” This expression (ἐν τοῖς μεθορίοις) also suggests that Bukol was closer to the Alans than Schimarus, whose location is simply said “near (πλησίον) the Alans.” 2) Mucurisia (Μουκουρίσιν) is obviously identical to Mochirisia (Μοχηρήσις) of Procopius of Caesarea and Muhirisia (Μουχειρίσις) of Agathias of Myrinea: if Procopius has this name for an entire region with a center in Kotais (modern Kutaisi), then Agafia 54 has this fortification in the valley of the river. Rioni. PAF 5 does not specify the character of Mukurisiya. 3) Fakiria (“near Iveria”), where Anastasia Apocrisiary was exiled, is traditionally identified with Takveri/Lechkhumi, and Svania is obviously Svaneti 55. However, the Georgian gloss of the 11th century. in the manuscript TTsAM 97 (see above, I. 3) identifies this fortress with the Muri fortress near Tsageri - in this case, both Anastasias should have set off from Mukurisiya together, up the Rioni to Muri and Takveri, respectively, but the fact of their separation in Mukurisiya speaks rather in favor of different paths: up the Inguri and Rioni, respectively. 4) In the definition given in VFS 5 of the Fusumiy fortress, the village of Mokhoi and the Zichakhoriy estate (see above, I. 1), only the neighborhood with the Alans, who were separated from Apsilia by Misimiana, raises questions. But given the high status of Zichakhory as the residence of the ruler of Lazika, one should still look for it in Apsilia, and not in distant Misimiana. Taking into account its clearly artificial Laz (i.e., alien to Apsilia) name (from Jikha-khora “house-fortress” 56), one should see in it a large fortress of Apsilia renamed by the Laz ruler. From Agathias 57 we know that the upper border of Apsilia was the fortress of Tibeli (Τιβέλεος), identical to Tsibile (Τζιβιλή) Procopius 58 and reliably identified with the Tsebeldin fortress 59. Consequently, Zikhakhory could not be located upstream of the Kodori and should be identified with one of the largest fortresses of Apsilia: Tsebeldinskaya, Gerzeulskaya or Shapkinskaya. This identification is confirmed by the position of Zikhahoriya, approximately 7.5 km from the Fusumiy fortress, located above the village of Mokhoi, i.e., judging by the lack of mention of villages in the mountainous part of the Kodori Gorge, above the coastal plain. If we identify Mokhoi with the ancient village of Mokvi 60, then the only candidate for the fortress above it will be the Achapar fortress of the 6th century, but 7.5 km from it there is no fortress - a candidate for identity with Zikhahoriy. The nearest large monuments, Pskalskaya and Tsebeldinskaya, are more than 20 km away from here. In addition, then Mohoy turns out to be, on the contrary, as far away from Abasgia as possible. Therefore, we have to abandon such a localization of Mohoy, which could be any ancient settlement on the plain, and concentrate on finding a couple of fortresses at a distance of approx. 7.5 km from each other, one of which is a major center (Zichakhoriy), and the other is located above the plain (Fusumii). Only two pairs of fortresses meet this condition: Tsebeldinskaya - Shapkinskaya and Tsebeldinskaya - Gerzeulskaya (the distance between the Shapkinskaya and Gerzeulskaya fortresses is much less, about 3 km). Indeed, it is logical that the residence of the Laz ruler turns out to be the largest center of Apsilia - Tsibilae/Tibele (obviously, here, in the house of Patrician Lazika, St. Anastasius Apocrisiarius was for some time during his second, Fustian imprisonment, see PAF 6). The role of Fusumiya, “truly suitable for monks,” is suitable for both the Shapka and Gerzeul fortresses, where there were churches 61 . In addition, the localization of Fusumiya in the Gerzeul or Shapka fortress ideally corresponds to the VFS 5 indication of the location of Mohoy “at the end of the climate of Apsilia... near the country of the Christ-loving Abasgians”: the latter began very close, behind the Kelasur wall 62. In the case of the Shapka fortress, you should also pay attention to its church - a unique martyrium church, rebuilt from some kind of square building, with a reliquary near the U-shaped altar barrier. This is probably where the famous “Tsebelda” slabs with narrative reliefs come from (possibly from the 7th–8th centuries; nearby there is also the Mramba Church with carved slabs of the altar barrier of the 7th–8th centuries) 63 . It is quite possible that this is the burial of Anastasius Apocrisiarius in Fusumiya, which VFS 5 talks about. 5) The description of the location of the Scotorius fortress “in Apsilia, near Abasgia” (PAF 4) is similar to the description of the location of the village of Mokhoi (VFS 5, see above, I.1). Her name is usually compared with the hydronym Kodori and she is localized somewhere in the middle reaches of the river. Kodori 64. On the bank of the river Kodori's best candidate for this role turns out to be the Byzantine Pskal fortress near Tsebelda 65. However, localization of Scotoria on the banks of the river is against. Kodori says PAF 4 indicates its proximity to Abasgia: as we saw above (I.1), described in the same way, i.e. as a neighbor to Abasgia, the Fusumiy fortress should have been located in the Gerzeul region. Accordingly, the same two large Byzantine fortresses here: Gerzeulskaya and Shapkinskaya, as well as smaller fortifications on the border with Abasgia: Lar, Bat and Akhista 66 can claim identity with Scotoria. 6) Fusta’s fortress should be located somewhere in the upper or middle reaches of the river. Kodori, since the Apostle Andrew passes through it from Alanya to Sevastopol the Great. The presence of the “Fusti” people 67 among Epiphanius, whose name is clearly derived from the name of the Fusta fortress 68, and the epithet “city” indicates the significance of this place. It is characteristic that in PAF 6 an unusual designation for a fortress by ethnonym is used twice – “fortress of the Fustians” (castrum Phustensium). PAF 6 also confirms the localization of Fusta on the river. Kodori: Fusta was located in “the regions of Apsilia and Misimiana.” This indication indicates the location of Fusta somewhere near the border of Apsilia and Misimiana, i.e. in the middle reaches of the river Kodori, since the PAF defines other fortresses either as being in Misiminia, near the Alans, or as being in Apsilia, near Abasgia. According to PAF 7, from the road from Fusta to the high mountain Schimarus, Anastasia was “taken back” to Fusumium, located above the coastal plain (see above). Given the negative characterization of Fusta in PAF 6 (in contrast to the positive assessment of Fusumiya, located above the plain), it was a difficult fortress to live in, i.e., apparently, a mountain fortress. Of the fortresses in the upper and middle reaches of the Kodori, there are not many contenders for the role of such a significant center as Fusta. The Chkhalta fortress (Chirks-Abaa), where the coin of Justinian I 69 was found, should obviously be identified with the famous Tsakhar/Iron (Sidiron) fortress in Misiminia, as indicated not only by the similarity of the name (Tsakhar/Chkhalta), but also by the fact that it is the only one that completely blocks the river. Kodori the road from the Alans to the sea, as mentioned by Theophan the Confessor (see above, note 64); a change in her name to Fusta, mentioned in both the 7th and 9th centuries, seems unlikely. The same applies to Tsibile/Tsebelda (see also above). Since during the river. Chkhalta and Saken there is not a single Byzantine fortress, and along the river. Klych is one, Klychskaya, with a high degree of probability identified with Bukhloy/Bukol (see above), then the circle of contenders for the role of Fusta narrows even more. In terms of consonance, the best of them is the Apushta tract in the strategically important lower reaches of the river. Amtkel, where the road from Alania to Sevastopol the Great deviated from the river. Kodori to the west. True, the fortress located in this tract, on the western slope of the town of Pshou, is too small and primitively (dry) built 70 to be a major center in the 7th–9th centuries, through which it was necessary to pass on the road from the Alans to Sevastopol the Great. But the neighboring fortress of Pal (with a double wall, a moat and a settlement), on the other slope of the same city of Pshou, which controlled the exit of the ancient road from the mountainous banks of Kodori to the plain 71, could well have been ancient Fusta, which could not be passed on the road from the Alans to the sea. This fortress is located right on the border of Apsilia and Misimiana, which began somewhere beyond Tsibila, near the Bagada rocks - the entrance to the gorge of the river. Kodori 72. Accordingly, the term fusts/fusts in the 7th–9th centuries. could refer to the population of the Amtkel and Machar valleys. 6) Now, finally, we can start localizing Schimare. The valleys of the river cannot claim the location of Shimar. Saken (see above), Chkhalta (due to the lack of fortresses) and Klych (the only Byzantine fortress here, Klychskaya, is most likely identified with Bukhloy / Bukol; that the latter was closer to the Alans than Skhimar, see above, regarding its localization). The middle and upper reaches of the river remain. Kodori (above Apushta/Fusta; the sending of Anastasia from Fusta to the high-mountainous Skhimare is described in PAF 6 as an atrocity), i.e. Dal Gorge, however, due to the proximity of Schimar to the Alans and the “top of the Caucasus” indicated in the sources, only the upper reaches of the Kodori can be considered. The fortress in Lata 73 is very small for a garrison led by a comite and dates back more likely to the 11th–14th centuries. The same applies to the fortress in Azhar 74. In addition, they are not suitable for the role of Shimar as a point on the way from Svaneti to Alania through the river gorge. Nenskra and the upper reaches of the river. Kodori: the traveler would have to deviate from the road and go down the river. Kodori. Theoretically, the Chkhalta fortress can be identified with Skhimare, but the latter was more likely to have been built in the 6th–8th centuries. name Tsahar/Iron (Sidir; see above, III.5). The fortress in Omarishar at the confluence of the river is more suitable for this role. Gvandra and Klych 75. Here there is masonry with lime mortar, and the remains of a church, where later (at the beginning of the 9th century) the relics of St. Maxima. It is suitable both in terms of its location on the way from Svaneti to Alania, and in its proximity to the “top of the Caucasus” (precisely because of the high altitude, Theodore Spudei could not get here in winter), and in its proximity to the “Alans” (the immediate proximity to the neighboring fortress of Bukol/Klychskaya, occupied by the latter, could displace Misimiana from the definition of Shimar). In this case, the “watch” carried out by the committee of Shimar also becomes clear: since the neighboring fortress of Bukol/Klychskaya passed to the Alans, then the fortress of Shimar/Omarisharskaya turned out to be the border of the Byzantine possessions in the Kodori valley. The absence of a toponym similar to Skhimare here is easily explained by the multiple changes of population in Dal. In the event that the toponym Skhimar nevertheless comes from the Svan sgimar, “mineral springs” (see. above), then it could have arisen here back in the era of the Misimiani (relatives of the Svans) living here due to the existence of these very mineral springs, known about 4 km from Omarishara 76. Thus, analysis of data from all sources and their comparison with archaeological materials gives us the opportunity to propose the following identifications of fortresses on the territory of ancient Apsilia and Misimiana (modern South Abkhazia), mentioned in connection with St. Maximus the Confessor and his companions. Skotoriy (the place of the first imprisonment of St. Anastasia Deacon) is one of the following fortresses: Gerzeulskaya, Lar, Bat, Akhista (in the area between the Kodori and Kelasuri rivers) or, less likely, Pskalskaya (on the left bank of the Kodori river). Bukol (Bukhloy by Agathius of Myrinei; place of the first imprisonment of St. Anastasia Apocrisiary) - Klych fortress (on the Klych river, near the Klukhorsky pass). Fusta (place of the second imprisonment of St. Anastasia Apocrisiaria) - Pal fortress (on the right bank of the Kodori River) or, less likely, Apushta (next door). Fusumiy (place of the third imprisonment, death and burial of St. Anastasia Apocrisiaria) - Shapkinskaya fortress (in the area between the Kodori and Kelasuri rivers). Zichakhory (probable place of residence of St. Anastasius Apocrisiary during the second imprisonment) - Tsebeldinskaya fortress (Tsibilae near Procopius of Caesarea, Tibelei near Agathius of Mirinea; on the right bank of the Kodori River). Shimar (Khimar at Epiphanius the Monk; place of imprisonment, death and burial of St. Maxim the Confessor) - Omarishar fortress (in the upper reaches of the Kodori river, at the confluence of the Gvandra and Klych rivers) or, less likely, the Chkhalta or Klych fortress (also in the upper reaches of the Kodori river). The author thanks D. Alekseev, G. I. Benevich, Sh. Gugushvili, A. G. Dunaev and D. S. Korobov for valuable advice. Their full review is currently being prepared for publication by G.I. Benevich. See also: Salnikov S. B. Maxim Confessor in the studies of Western and domestic patrolologists // Bulletin of Chelyabinsk University. Episode 10: Oriental Studies. Eurasianism. Geopolitics. 2003. No. 2. P. 104–114; Prince M. Maxim Confessor (580–662): Bibliography. Beograd, 2012. pp. 75–80. (Bibliography of Socialist Theology. Book 6). Thus, in the latest general work on the problems of localizing Byzantine fortresses from the “dossier” of St. Maxim (Voronov Yu. N. Ancient Apsilia. Sukhum, 1998; cited from reprint: Voronov Yu. N. Scientific works. Sukhum, 2010. T. 3. P. 141–464) there is no reference to the article fundamental for the Georgian tradition by K. S. Kekelidze (Information from Georgian sources about Maxim the Confessor // TKDA. 1912. No. 9. P. 1–41; No. 11. P. 451–486; reprinted in: Kekelidze K. S. Etudes on the history of ancient Georgian literature, Tbilisi, 1961. T. 7). For a detailed analysis, see: Brilliantov A.I. About the place of death and burial of St. Maximus the Confessor // ХВ. 1922. T. 6. Issue. 1. pp. 1–62. Our goal was to evaluate the sources from the point of view of the current state of research. Ed. in: Scripta saeculi VII, vitam Maximi Confessoris illustrantia, una cum latina interpretatione Anastasii Bibliothecarii iuxta posita / Ed. P. Allen, B. Neil. Turnhout; Leuven, 1999. (CCSG; 39); Maximus the Confessor and his Companions / Ed. and transl. by P. Allen et B. Neil. Oxf., 2002. Existing Russian translation (Creations of our holy father Maximus the Confessor. Part one: The Life of St. Maximus and Service to Him / Trans., ed. and approx. M. D. Muretov. Sergiev Posad, 1916. P. 1–223; reproduced with minor amendments in: St. Maximus the Confessor and his companions: documents from references / Compiled by G. I. Benevich, editor D. A. Pospelov, Holy Mountain Athos, 2012, pp. 59–198; Maxim Confessor: polemics with Origenism and monoenergism, 2007, pp. 157–230. L. Materials for the study of the life and works of St. Maxim the Confessor, 1917. P. V–XXV). Κάστρον Σχήμαριν πλήσιον τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν λεγομένων Ἀλανῶν. Κάστρον λεγόμενον Σκοτόριν τῆς Ἀψιλίας πλησίον τῆς Ἀβασγίας; ἕτερον κάστρον, οὗ ὄνομα Βουκόλους τῆς λεγομένης Μισι ανῆς χώρας ἐν τοῖς μεθορίοις τῶν λεγομένων Ἀλανῶν, ὅπερ κάστρον (PAF 5). Κάστρον τῆς λεγομένης Σουανίας; κάστρον τῆς λεγομένης Θακυρίας πλήσιον Ἰβερίας. quasi quinque signis longius a diuinitus custodienda domo sua, in loco monachos ueraciter condecente. ἡμῶν δὲ μὴ δυνηθέντων ἐκεῖσε παραγενέσθαι διά τε τὴν τοῦ ὄρους ἐκείνου ἤτοι τῆς κορυφῆς τῶν Καυ σίων, οὗ ὑψηλότερον ὄρος ἐπὶ γῆς οὐκ ἔστιν, δυσχέρειαν καὶ τὴν ὥραν τοῦ ἔτι μὴν καὶ τὴν γενομένην σύγχυσιν τότε τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐν τοῖς μέρεσιν ἐκείνοις (VFS 9). In the Latin translation, Anastasius the Librarian erroneously says “Alan.” ἐν κάστρῳ ἐπιλεγομένῳ Θουσούμης κειμένῳ ἀπάνω χωρίου Μοχόης, κλίματος Ἀψιλίας τέλους, κατ᾿ ἀνατολὰς τῆς Ποντικῆς θαλάσσης, παρ᾿ αὐτὸν τὸν πόδα τῶν Καυκασίων ὁρέων, πλησίον τῆς ὡς ἀπὸ σημείων πέντε τοῦ χωρίου Ζιχαχώρεως, ἤγουν τοῦ πρώτου πατρικίου καὶ μαγίστρου τῆς αὐτῆς τῶν Λαζών χώρας (VFS 5). quasi quinque signis longius a diuinitus custodienda domo sua. See: Bracke R. B. Ad Sancti Maximi Vitam: Studie van de biografische documenten en de levensbeschrijvingen betreffende Maximus Confessor (ca. 580–662). Proevschrift. Lowen, 1980; Roosen B. Maximi Confessoris vitae et passions graecae: the development of a hagiographic dossier // Byzantion. 2010. T. 80. P. 408–460. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae / Ed. H. Delehaye. Bruxelles, 1902. Col. 409, 887, 910, 924. (Acta sanctorum, Nov., Propyl.) “The Monastery of St. Arsakios” in the SEC article dated January 21 is an obvious typo, which, moreover, is absent in the manuscript Sa. See also: Khoperia L. Maximus the Confessor: Life and Works in the Georgian Tradition // Maximus the Confessor and Georgia. Louisville, KY, 2010, pp. 45–46. (Iberica Caucasica; 3); Larchet J.-C. Le martyre, l'exil et la mort de saint Maxime le Confesseur et de ses deux disciples, Anastase le Moine et Anastase l'Apocrisiaire. Quelques précisions en rapport avec des découvertes archéologiques recentes // RHE. 2013. Vol. 108. No. 1. P. 65–97 The text of BHG 1236d remains unpublished and we refer here to: Bracke R. B. Op. cit. P. 416–418. About him see: Khoperia L. Op. cit. P. 42–43. Roosen B. Op. cit. P. 451–456. Neale and Allen (Scripta... P. 171) vaguely write that “for the contents at the beginning of the lacuna, one may refer to a passage in Greek in the... BHG 1233m.” Apparently, this is why the publishers did not dare to use this text to reconstruct the Greek original of the PAF. ὁτοῦ αὐτοῦ κάστρου Σχημάρεως κώμης Μιστριάνος, ὁ καὶ βιγλεύων μετὰ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ στρατιωτῶν…οὐχ᾽ ἅπαξ, οὐ δίς. Almost all high-mountain fortresses of the Western Caucasus, such as Shimar, are located on steep cliffs, next to which there are no other buildings. See: Janin R. La géographie écclesiastique de l’Empire byzantine. Vol. III. P., 1969. P. 121. About this see: Vinogradov A. Yu., Gugushvili Sh. Abkhazian Catholicosate. Its origin and early history (8th–10th centuries). M., 2013 [in press]. About him, see: Kekelidze K. Decree. op.; Khoperia L. Op. cit. P. 39–43 Kekelidze K. Decree. Op. P. 35. It cannot be ruled out that the poorly readable Greek insert actually mentioned the fortress of Schimarus - then the mysterious insertion of the Greek text into the Georgian gloss becomes understandable as a quotation from some Greek text. Greek legends about St. Apostle Andrew. Volume 1. Lives / Edition prep. A. Yu. Vinogradov. St. Petersburg, 2005. pp. 144–145, 312. (Library of the Christian East. Vol. 3) The journey of Epiphanius himself to Alania is doubtful, since he would hardly have sought refuge in a non-Christian country, and could not carry out a diplomatic mission, since he was in opposition to Leo III. On the other hand, Epiphanius, who was looking for the relics everywhere, would hardly have failed to venerate the tomb of St. Maxima. Dzhanashvili M. G. News of Georgian chronicles and historians about Chersonesos, Gothia, Khazaria, Didoetia and Russia // SMOMPC. 1892. Issue. 12. P. 11. Note. 20. Gan K. First experience in explaining Caucasian geographical names // SMOMPC. 1909. Issue. 30. P. 148. For all articles, indicate the full range of pages Alekseeva E. P. Ancient and medieval history of Karachay-Cherkessia. M., 1971. P. 132. For criticism, see: Brilliantov A. Decree. Op. P. 39. The uchimerium of Procopius is most likely identified with the fortress at Motsameta near Kutaisi; see: Lanchava O., Kartsidze N. Ukhimerioni - the fortress city of Tskaltsiteli // Proceedings of the Kutaisi State Historical Museum. 2009. T. 19. P. 9–16 (in Georgian: http://saunje.ge/index.php?id=1060&lang=ka). Brilliantov A. Decree. Op. pp. 40–62. However, there are stretches and substitutions of concepts in the first part of the article: cf., for example, on p. 37–38: “The Alans could have been (my italics - A.V.) at that time near the present Muri on both the eastern and western sides. Without being at the “top” of the Caucasus... Muri, in any case, occupies an exalted position (my italics - A.V.)" Kuznetsov V. A. Christianity in Alanya before the 10th century. // News of the YuONII. Vol. 23. Tbilisi, 1978. P. 34. See: Khoperia L. Op. cit. P. 39. N. 52. Chikovani M. Ya. The image of Maximus the Confessor (Confessor) in Georgian legends of the 7th–8th centuries // All-Union scientific session dedicated to the results of field archaeological and ethnographic research in 1970. Abstracts of reports. Tbilisi, 1971. pp. 134–135. A modern view on the question of the place of relocation (sic!), death and burial of St. Maximus the Confessor in Georgia // XV Annual Theological Conference of PSTGU. 2005, pp. 232–245. J.-C. Larchet in his article (Larchet J.–C. Op. cit. P. 80–84), uncritically citing the identification data of toponyms from the “dossier” by his predecessors, also accepts the Lechkhumi localization of Skhimara. Brilliantov A. Decree. Op. pp. 38–39. Essays on the history of Georgia. T. II. Tbilisi, 1988. P. 387. Kuznetsov V. A. Christianity in the North Caucasus until the 15th century. Vladikavkaz, 2002. pp. 30–32. Voronov Yu. N. Antiquities of the Military-Sukhumi Road. Sukhumi, 1977 (cited from reprint: Voronov Yu. N. Scientific works. T. II. Sukhum, 2009. P. 333). Separately, it should be noted the position of L. G. Khrushkova (Early Christian monuments of the Eastern Black Sea region (IV-VII centuries). M., 2002. P. 59), which places Skhimaru somewhere “in the region of Apsilia, Misimiana and Svaneti.” However, she cites sources with a large number of errors. So, in one short phrase: “The ruler of Abazgia, Patrician Gregory, took him under his protection and placed him near his residence in Fusum (Θουσούμης), in the area of ​​Zichakhoreos (Ζιχαχώρεως), at the foot of the Caucasus, on the border of Abazgia and Alania” (Ibid. P. 58), contains three (!) errors at once: Gregory was the ruler of Lazika (VFS 5; or Alania, according to the Latin translation), but not of Abasgia (meanwhile, far-reaching conclusions are then drawn from this erroneous thesis); Zichakhory (Ζιχαχώρεως is a genitive) is not a locality, but precisely the residence of Gregory; finally, Fusumiya, according to VFS 5, was “near the country of the Christ-loving Abasgians and the Alan people,” and not on the border of Abazgia and Alania (for the erroneous rapprochement of Fusumiya with the Alans, see above). Meanwhile, the fantastic “Prince of Abazgia Gregory” has already migrated to other works (Maxim the Confessor: polemics... P. 151–152). In general, due to historical reasons, practically no fortresses were built in Upper Svaneti (see: Cultural monuments of the Georgian SSR, taken under state protection. Tbilisi, 1959, pp. 232–234), so the remains of the Byzantine fortress would have long been identified. In addition, back in the end. VI century the Byzantines did not control Upper Svaneti, as follows from the message of Menander the Protector (De legationibus gentium ad Romanos. 22). See: Titus. Svan-Georgian Dictionary, s. სგიმ (http://titus.uni-frankfurt.de/texte/etce/cauc/svan/sv_dict/sv_di.htm?sv_12323.htm; both circumstances were kindly indicated by D. Alekseev). Belinsky A. B., Dzhopua A. I., Korobov D. S., Skakov A. Yu. Report on the reconnaissance inspection of archaeological monuments in the upper part of the Kodori Gorge of the Republic of Abkhazia in 2010. Moscow, Stavropol, Sukhum, 2011. pp. 5–6. Another medieval fortification, discovered by the authors of this report (P. 6) to the northeast of the village of Saken and consisting, in their opinion, of a lonely watchtower, is in fact the remains of a small church described by Yu. N. Voronov (Voronov Yu. N. Op. op. P. 333). This, perhaps, is the Darin road to Alanya, described by Menander the Protector (De legationibus gentium ad Romanos, 22). Voronov Yu. N. Decree. Op. P. 332; aka. Ancient Apsilia... P. 424. L.G. Khrushkova (Op. cit. p. 57) without references or argumentation identifies Faqiriya with Tsahar-Sidir, which is completely contradicted by the text of PAF 4. Ingorokva P. Georgiy Merchule. Tbilisi, 1954. P. 132 (in Georgian). The form Xychachory, often used by researchers, dates back to an error in the Latin translation of Anastasius the Librarian. See: Voronov Yu. N. Ancient Apsilia... P. 415–421 See: Amichba G. A., Papuashvili T. G. From the history of the joint struggle of Georgians and Abkhazians against foreign conquerors (VI-VIII centuries). Tbilisi, 1985. P. 58. See: Voronov Yu. N. Ancient Apsilia... P. 412–415. See: Kartlis Tskhovreba. History of Georgia / Chapter. ed. R. Metreveli. Tbilisi, 2008. pp. 108–112. See: Khrushkova. Decree. Op. pp. 322–327. L.G. Khrushkova (Op. cit. p. 57), without references or argumentation, asserts the identity of Scotoria and the Tsebelda fortress. Yu. N. Voronov (Ancient Apsilia... P. 424) mistakenly considered it Tsahar, for some reason considering this name to be different from the Iron Fortress (which Voronov identified with Tsebeldinskaya), contrary to Agafia (Historiae. 3, 16, 5). In fact, neither the Pskal nor the Tsebelda fortress corresponds to the description of Theophanes the Confessor (Chronographia. 393–394), who indicates that the Iron Fortress cannot be passed on the way from Alanya to the sea along the Kodori gorge. About them see: Voronov Yu. N. Ancient Apsilia... P. 421–422 Greek legends... P. 117, 287. Similar to “sus”, derived from the erroneous spelling of Suaniy – Susaniya (see above). Voronov Yu. N. Antiquities... P. 326–330. About her, see: Voronov Yu. N. Ancient Apsilia... P. 423. About her, see: Ibid. P. 423. True, S. Kaukhchishvili (Georgica. T. II (1). Tbilisi, 1941. P. 54) cites the legend of the residents of the village of Aleksandrovskoye near Sukhumi that Fusta was with them. However, no fortress is known there, and this territory should have been defined as close to Abasgia (like Scotorius or Fusumium), and not to Misimiana. About her, see: Voronov Yu. N. Antiquities... P. 328. About her, see: Voronov Yu. N. Ancient Apsilia... P. 423–424. About her, see: Voronov Yu. N. Antiquities... P. 331–332; on the map (Fig. 1) it is mistakenly placed at the confluence of the river. Gwandra and Saken. Bondarev N.D. In the mountains of Abkhazia. M., 1981 (chapter “The Valleys of Saken and Gwandra”; see on the website: http://www.novabhazia.ru).